CSLI Publications

Object Asymmetries in Korean 1

Hyun-Ju Park

National University of Singapore

artp9338@https://www.360docs.net/doc/417741268.html,.sg

Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference

National Technical University of Athens, Athens

Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors)

2002

CSLI Publications

https://www.360docs.net/doc/417741268.html,/publications/

The aim of this paper is to suggest that Korean exhibits object asymmetry by showing that there is only one argument that demonstrates the “primary object” syntactic properties of case marking, reciprocalisation and the passive, despite clauses with more than one argument bearing accusative marking, such as in the morphological causative construction.

1. Introduction

The aim of this paper2 is to look into double accusative-marked objects in a single clause, and to argue that they are asymmetrical with respect to case marking, reciprocalisation and the passive in Korean. Let us begin with example (1) 3:

(1) a. * nay-ka ku yeca-lul simpwulum-ul sikhi-ess-ta.

I-N the woman-A errand-A make-PA-DEC

‘I made the woman do some errand.’ (Yang 1998: 247)

1 This paper has also appeared in the proceedings of the LSK International Conference held in Seoul, Korea, in August 2002, and has been revised. I thank the audience at the LSK conference for their feedback on the earlier version.

2 I would like to thank Arto Anttila, Vivienne Fong, K.P. Mohanan, and my supervisor Tara Mohanan for their valuable comments and suggestions on an earlier version of this paper. All the shortcomings or mistakes are of course my own.

3 Abbreviation: N: Nominative D: Dative A: Accusative I: Instrument PA: Past

DEC: Declarative CAUS: Causative morpheme KEY: -key complementizer

E: suffix –e NI: Nominalizer

b. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-ess-ta.

apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

Mary-N daughter-A

‘Mary fed (her) daughter an apple.’

Given (1), in which the objects of the simple triadic predicate sikhi- ‘make some do’, the causative verb formed with mek- ‘eat’, and the causative morpheme -I- bear double accusative marking, the following questions are raised: (i) What contexts does double accusative marking allow? (ii) Is double accusative marking in Korean morphological causatives analogous to the o-marked morphological causatives in Japanese (Mohanan 1988, Matsumoto 1992, and Manning, Sag and Iida 1996) involving clause-embeddedness? and (iii) Does the double accusative marking in (1) suggest that Korean, in which a (direct) object is marked with the accusative marker –lul/ul, is typologically a symmetrical object language like Kichaga, discussed in Bresnan and Moshi (1990) and Alsina (1996)? Based on these questions, let us consider object asymmetries in Korean in a clause with a non-derived predicate.

2. Object Asymmetries in Korean

2.1. Case Marking

The accusative marker in Korean marks not only a direct object but also a non-direct object. This is shown by example (2):

a. nae-ka path-ey4 mwul-ul cwu-ess-ta.

(2)

I-N field-D water-A give-PA-DEC

the

field.’

watered

‘I

b. nae-ka path-ul mwul-ul cwu-ess-ta.

I-N field-A water-A give-PA-DEC

1998:

245)

field.’ (Yang

‘I

watered

the

As suggested by Yang (1998: 238), examples (2a) and (2b) differ in meaning. In (2a), the argument path ‘filed’ with the dative marker is read as either being totally or partially watered, while in (2b) the

4 The inanimate dative marker

accusative bearing argument path is watered as a whole. Such contrasting meaning may be illustrated by (3):

a. nae-ka path-ey mwul-ul ilpwu cwu-ess-ta.

(3)

part give-PA-DEC

I-N field-D water-A in

‘I partially watered the field.’

b. * nae-ka path-ul mwul-ul ilpwu cwu-ess-ta.

part give-PA-DEC

I-N field-A water-A in

INT: I partially watered the field.

(ibid.)

That the accusative-marked argument in (3b) is semantically incompatible with the adverb that denotes partiality, as argued in Yang, indicates that the accusative marker involves a semantic notion of ‘total affectedness’. Given (2) and (3), we can say that the accusative maker in Korean does not necessarily associate with the grammatical function of direct object. However, a direct object in Korean is by default marked with the accusative marker –ul/lul. Examples are given in (4) and (5):

John-ul ttayli-ess-ta.

a. Bill-i

(4)

hit-PA-DEC

John-A

Bill-N

John.’

hit

‘Bill

John-eykey ttayli-ess-ta.

Bill-i

John-D hit-PA-DEC

Bill-N

John.’

‘Bill

hit

mwul-ey/lo cwu-ess-ta.

nae-ka path-ey

(5)

I-N field-D water-D/I give-PA-DEC

b. * nae-ka path-ul mwul-ey/lo cwu-ess-ta.

I-N field-A water-D/A give-PA-DEC

In (4a), the object of the simple dyadic predicate ttayli- ‘hit’ John bears accusative marking. (4b) shows us that the object argument cannot be marked with any case marker other than the accusative. Given (4), we can account for the ungrammaticality of example (5) because the primary object bears non-accusative marking. This means that a primary object cannot be marked with any case marker other than the accusative. With respect to case marking, the double accusative-bearing objects in (5) are asymmetrical in that the primary object necessarily bears accusative marking.

2.2. Reciprocalisation

In Korean, when the phrase kak ‘each’ occurs with the phrase selo ‘each other’, the former c-commands the latter, as in English. An example of Korean reciprocalisation is given below:

kak namca-eykey selo-uy kanpang-ul cwu-ess-ta.

nay-ka

(6)

bag-A give-PA-DEC

other-G

man-D each

I-N each

‘I gave each man each other’s bag.’

selo-uy namca-eykey kak kanpang-ul cwu-ess-ta.

nay-ka

b.*

I-N each other-G man-D each bag-A give-PA-DEC

‘I gave each other’s man each bag.’

As demonstrated by (6), the indirect object is asymmetrical to the direct object in that it cannot be reciprocalised. The asymmetry between the indirect and direct object is invariant even if the indirect object is in the accusative case, as shown in (7):

nay-ka

kak namca-lul selo-uy kanpang-ul cwu-ess-ta.

(7)

other-G

bag-A give-PA-DEC

man-A each

I-N each

‘I gave each man each other’s bag.’

selo-uy namca-lul kak kanpang-ul cwu-ess-ta.

b.*

nay-ka

I-N each other-G man-A each bag-A give-PA-DEC

INT: I gave each man each other’s bag.

Reciprocalisation therefore suggests that there is one direct object among the accusative-marked arguments in Korean.

2.3. The Passive

The asymmetry between the objects is also shown by passivisation. Example of this are given in

(8):

(8) a. nae-ka path-ul mwul-ul cwu-ess-ta.

I-N field-A water-A give-PA-DEC ‘I watered the field.’

b. mwul-i

(na-eyuhaye) path-ey cwu-e ci-ess-ta.

water-N I-by field-D give-E become-PA-DEC

LIT: Water was given to the field (by me).

c. * mwul-i (na-eyuhaye) path-ul cwu-e ci-ess-ta.

water-N I-by field-A give-E become-PA-DEC

INT: Water was given to the field (by me).

d. * path-i (na-eyuhaye) mwul-ul/i cwu-e ci-ess-ta.

field-N I-by water-A/N give-E become-PA-DEC

INT: The field was given water (by me).

In a double accusative-marked object construction, the second argument bearing accusative marking, as in (8a), becomes the passive subject, as shown in (8b), while the first argument bearing the accusative marker cannot be the passive subject, as in (8d). The double accusative marked objects are asymmetrical with respect to the passive such that only a primary object can be the passive subject. Note that, as in (8c), no accusative marking is allowed in the passive in Korean, which indicates that there is no primary object.

To summarise, case marking, reciprocalisation and the passive show us that double accusative-marked objects are asymmetrical.

3. Morphological Causatives in Korean

3.1. Morphological Causatives

Now let us consider double accusative marking in Korean morphological causatives, which I refer to as MC from now on. A verb of which the logical subject is affected can be morphologically causativised in Korean, such as mek- ‘eat’, ip- ‘wear’, ilk- ‘read’, nok- ‘melt’, and so on. An example of MC is given in (9):5

(9) a. ttal-i sakwa-lul mek-ess-ta.

apple-A eat-PA-DEC

Daughter-N

‘The daughter ate an apple.’

b. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-ess-ta.

Mary-N daughter-A apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary fed (her) daughter an apple.’

A simple dyadic predicate as in (9a) is causativised, as shown in (9b). Since the causative morpheme introduces an additional argument, the causer Mary, the causative verb in (9b) has three arguments. The causee can bear accusative marking. Firstly, I show that double accusative marking in MC does not involve clause-embeddedness, unlike the Japanese –(s)as(e) causatives (Mohanan 1988, Matsumoto 1992, and Manning, Sag and Iida 1996), providing evidence from subject honorification, the distribution of negative polarity items, the clause-bound reflexive, and control in a participle clause.

3.2. Monoclausality of MC

3.2.1. Subject Honorification

5 In previous studies, it has been claimed that the morphological causative in Korean is idiosyncratic, given that it is irregular and unproductive (O’Grady 1991, and Y-M Park 1991, among many others), however I argue in my Ph.D. thesis (to be completed in 2003) that the base verbs of which the logical argument is affected allow the causative morpheme.

To show the monoclausality of MC, I place MC as an object complement of the dyadic predicate cwuliki- ‘enjoy’, and the clause boundary is indicated by square brackets, as in (10):

mek-I-si-ki]-lul (10) a. Halapeci-kkeyse [sonca-lul sakwa-lul

eat-CAUS-SH-NI]-A

grandfather-H [grandson-A apple-A

cwulki-si-ess-ta.

enjoy-SH-PA-DEC

‘Grandfather enjoyed feeding (his) grandson an apple.’

mek-I-ki]-lul

b. * Halapeci-kkeyse [sonca-lul sakwa-lul

]-A

grandfather-H [grandson-A apple-A eat-CAUS-NI

cwulki-si-ess-ta.

enjoy-SH-PA-DEC

In (10a), the causative verb as a whole has the subject honorific marker –si-. In (10b), the causative verb does not bear subject honorification morphology, and it is ungrammatical. The contrast between (10a) and (10b) in subject honorific marking can be accounted for if we assume that the grammatical subject of the causative verb is the halapeci ‘grandfather’ in the embedded clause, indicated by the square brackets. The fact that there is only one subject in MC suggests that it consists of a single clause, given that subject honorification is a clause-bound agreement between a subject and its verb in Korean.

3.2.2. Distribution of Negative Polarity Item

The distribution of negative polarity items also suggests MC has a single syntactic clause, as shown in (11):

(11) a. Mary-pakkey ttal-lul sakwa-ul an mek-i-ess-ta.

NOT

eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

apple-A

daughter-A

Mary-except

‘Only Mary fed (her) daughter an apple.’

b. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an mek-i-ess-ta.

Mary-N daughter-except apple-A NOT eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary did not feed anyone an apple except for (her) daughter.’

c. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-pakkey an mek-i-ess-ta.

apple-except NOT eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

Mary-N daughter-A

‘Mary did not feed (her) daughter anything but an apple.’

In (11), the negated causative verb using the negative element an ‘not’ licenses the negative polarity item –pakkey ‘except for’ on any argument. This suggests that the grammatical functions and the verb are in the same clause, provided the locality condition of the negative polarity item and the negative element are in the same clause.

3.2.3. Reflexive

The clause-bound reflexive casin ‘self’ takes the causer as antecedent, as shown in (12). This indicates that MC has one subject, and thus a single clause.

(12) Mary i-ka ttal j-lul casin i*j-uy sakwa-ul mek-i-ess-ta

Mary i-N daughter j-A self i*j-G apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary i fed the daughter j self i*j’s apple.’

3.2.

4. Control

That the PRO in the participle clause –myense ‘while’ can be controlled by either a matrix subject or object if the matrix clause is biclausal, as shown in (13), while only the subject can be the controller in MC, as shown in (14), suggests that MC is monoclausal:

(13) a. [PROij thelepi-lul po-myense]

PRO ij TV-A see-while

Maryi-ka ttal j-lul sakwa-ul

ha-ess-ta

mek-key

Mary i-N daughter j-A apple-A e at-KEY do-PA-DEC

‘Mary i fed the daughter j an apple while PRO ij watching TV.’

b. Maryi-ka ttal j-lul [PRO ij thelepi-lul po-myense]

Mary i-N daughter j- A PRO ij TV-A see-while

sakwa-ul mek-key ha-ess-ta

apple-A eat-KEY do-PA-DEC

(14) a. [PROi*j thelepi-lul po-myense]

PRO i*j TV-A see-while

mek-I-ess-ta

Maryi-ka ttal j-lul sakwa-ul

Mary i-N daughter j-A apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary i fed (her) daughter j an apple while PRO i*j watching TV.’

b. Maryi-ka ttal j-lul [PRO i*j thelepi-lul po-myense]

Mary i-N daughter j- A PRO i*j TV-A see-while

sakwa-ul mek-I-ess-ta

apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

Having shown that double accusative marking in MC involves no clause-embeddedness, I argue that MC is another source of object asymmetry in exactly the same way as non-causative double accusative-marked clauses.

4. MC and Object Asymmetries

4.1. MC and Case Marking

Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetrical with respect to case marking. As shown in (9b), sakwa ‘apple’ only bears accusative marking, while the causee can be marked with either the dative or the accusative marker. This implies that sakwa is the primary object in MC, due to the fact that the direct object gets the accusative marker by default in Korean:

a. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-ul mek-I-ess-ta.

(9)

Mary-N daughter-A apple-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary fed (her) daughter an apple.’

b. * Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-eykey mek-I-ess-ta.

Mary-N daughter-A apple-D eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

‘Mary fed (her) daughter an apple.’

4.2. MC and Reciprocalisation

That only the object of the base verb can be reciprocalised suggests that the accusative-marked causee is not the direct object, as shown in (15) and (16):

kak ai-eykey selo-uy ppang-ul mek-I-ess-ta.

nay-ka

(15)

each

bag-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

other-G

child-D

I-N each

‘I fed each child each other’s bread.’

selo-uy ai-eykey kak ppang-ul mek-I-ess-ta.

b.*

nay-ka

each

child-D

bread-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

other-G

I-N

each

‘I fed each other’ child each bread.’

kak ai-lul selo-uy ppang-ul mek-I-ess-ta.

nay-ka

(16)

other-G

bag-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC

child-A

each

I-N each

‘I fed each child each other’s bread.’

b.* nay-ka selo-uy ai-lul kak ppang-ul mek-I-ess-ta.

each

child-A

bread-A eat-CAUS-PA-DEC I-N

each

other-G

‘I fed each other’ child each bread.’

The causee in dative case as shown in (15b) and in accusative case as shown in (16b) cannot be reciprocalised. This indicates that the accusative causee is not a direct object.

4.3. MC and The Passive

The passive also shows us that the double accusative-bearing objects in MC are asymmetrical such that the object of the base verb becomes the passive subject, as demonstrated by (15a), but not the causee, as shown in (17b):

(17) a. sakwa-ka(Mary-eyuhay) ttal-eykey mek-I-e ci-ess-ta.

Apple-N Mary-by daughter-D e at-CAUS-E become-PA-DEC

LIT: An apple was eaten by the daughter (by Mary).

b. * sakwa-ka (Mary-eyuhay) ttal-lul mek-I-e ci-ess-ta.

Apple-N Mary-by daughter-A eat-CAUS-E become-PA-DEC

c. * ttal-ka (Mary-eyuhay) sakwa-ka mek-I-e ci-ess-ta.

daughter-N Mary-by apple-N eat-CAUS-E become-PA-DEC

5. Concluding Remarks

The object asymmetries exhibited by a simple triadic predicate are consistently observed in MC because while the accusative-marked causee does not have the properties of a primary object, the accusative-marked argument of the base verb has because it obligatorily bears accusative marking, can be reciprocalised, and can be the passive subject; that is, there is only one primary object in MC.

The fact that Korean has only one primary object can be captured in the theory of AOP (Asymmetrical Object Parameter) in Bresnan and Moshi (1996) and Alsina (1996), because there is only one internal argument that is semantically unrestricted, having [-r] which maps onto a primary object.

The asymmetries of double accusative-marked objects can be accounted for if we assume that the semantically restricted argument associated with the semantic notion of [+affectedness] yields double accusative marking at the level of constituent structure, but its grammatical function remains invariant at the level of functional structure. That is, the accusative marker on the causee associates with the semantic notion, but does not associate with the grammatical function of direct object; case marking may vary in the given context, while case feature remains still.

References

Alsina, A. and S. Joshi. 1991. Parameters in Causative Construction. Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistic Society 27: 1-15.

Alsina, A. 1996. Passive Types and the Theory of Object Asymmetries. NLLT 14: 673-723.

Baker, M.C. 1988. Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bresnan, J. and L. Moshi. 1990. Object Asymmetries in Comparative Bantu Syntax. LI 21: 145-185.

Hong, Ki-Sun. 1991. Argument Selection and Case Marking in Korean. Doctoral Dissertation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University.

Manning, D. Christopher, Ivan A. Sag and Masayo Iida. 1996. The Lexical Integrity of Japanese Causatives. Manuscript. (To appear in G. Green and R. Levin (eds), Readings in HPSG, Cambridge University Press). Matsumoto, Yo. 1996. Complex Predicates in Japanese: A Syntactic and Semantic Study of the Notion ‘Word’. CSLI and Kurosio Publishers.

Mohanan, T. 1988. Causatives in Malayalam. Stanford, CA: Stanford University. Department of Linguistics. MS. Mohanan, T. 1990. Argument Structure in Hindi. Doctoral Dissertation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University. Zaenen. A., J. Maling, and H. Thrainsson. 1990. Case and Grammatical Functions. Syntax and Semantics 24: Modern Icelandic Syntax: 95-134.

Yang, Insun. 1998. Object Marker in Korean. The Twenty-Fourth LACUS Forum: 238-250.

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Spandidos Publications

https://www.360docs.net/doc/417741268.html, Home|About|Contact Advanced Search Login|Register Journals International Journal of Molecular Medicine International Journal of Oncology Molecular Medicine Reports Oncology Reports Experimental and Therapeutic Medicine Oncology Letters Biomedical Reports Molecular and Clinical Oncology G eneral Information Manuscript Submission Subscriptions Information for Advertisers Most Read Articles Conferences Job Opportunities Use of Cookies Help Privacy Policy Terms and Conditions Site Map Information for Authors Instructions to Authors for: International Journal of Molecular Medicine International Journal of Oncology Molecular Medicine Reports Oncology Reports Experimental and Therapeutic Medicine Oncology Letters Biomedical Reports Molecular and Clinical Oncology The principal aim of the above journals is to provide for the prompt publication of original works of high quality. Manuscripts will be accepted on the understanding that they report original unpublished works and are not under consideration for publication by another journal. All material submitted will be subject to review by appropriate referees selected by the Editorial Office. The Editors reserve the right to improve manuscripts on grammar and style. The corresponding author is responsible on behalf of all authors for the submission. !!! Read This First Before Submitting Your Manuscript: Clarity is the key to success Submission of manuscripts: Prior to submitting your manuscript, please ensure that it has been prepared according to the guidelines below, with special emphasis on the style of presentation of the Author affiliations and the reference list. For detailed instructions regarding the preparation of figures, please click on the following link: Electronic Figure Submission Manuscripts may be submitted using one of the three methods listed below. !!!NOTE:Please do NOT submit the same manuscript several times via different methods. Submission methods: Online Submission: Submissions may be uploaded via our online submission system. Click here to access the system, log in or create an account, and follow the onscreen directions. E-mail submission: Submissions should be sent to. Attachments should include: A completed submission form (interactive PDF; type to fill in). Click here to download the submission form. Text and tables in one Microsoft Word (.doc) file. Illustrations as separate .tiff files. Any additional files, such as a cover letter or conflict of interest statement. Submission guidelines: Cover letter: Summarize briefly the main importance of the submitted work. Format: Original work and review articles concerning fields of recognizable progress are accepted for evaluation. Manuscripts should be written in clear, concise English and should contain all essential data in order to make the presentation clear. General style: Title of the work, sub-titles and general headlines should be presented in lower case letters (not capitals). Indicate affiliations of the Authors by number (not symbols). Abstract should be continuous (without reference numbers, or headlines). Manuscripts: Submitted manuscripts should include abstract, text, figures and references. Manuscripts reporting experimental results should be divided into the following sections: (a) First page should include the title of the presented work, full names and full postal addresses of all Authors, name and the e-mail address of the Author to whom correspondence is to be sent, key words and an abbreviated running title (Maximum 100 characters), including first author's name; (b) Abstract of approximately 150-300 words; (c) Introduction; (d) Materials and methods; (e) Results; (f) Discussion; (g) Acknowledgements and (h) References. The pages should be numbered consecutively. Footnotes should not be used. Reviews: Review articles may have different sections and headlines according to the subject matter and the Author"s opinion; however, an Abstract is mandatory. The main headlines of the review should be summarized as a contents section immediately following the Abstract. Figures: Color figures are welcome; however, they should be submitted only if reproduction in color is intended (a charge will apply). Electronically submitted figures should be saved as .tiff files at a resolution of 300 dpi/in. Color figures should be set to CMYK mode. Figures should be clear, high contrast, and of the size they are to appear in the journal: 8.00 cm (3.15 in) wide for a single column; 17.00 cm (6.70 in) for a double column; maximum height 20.00 cm (7.87 in). Graphs should not require any artwork or typesetting, and symbols, numbering and lettering should be clearly legible and of the appropriate size. The number and top of figures in print should be indicated. Tables: Each table should be submitted on a separate page, and typed using double-spacing. Tables should be numbered with Roman numerals and should include a short title.

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