就职演讲稿-小布什就职演说中英文

就职演讲稿-小布什就职演说中英文
就职演讲稿-小布什就职演说中英文

小布什就职演说中英文

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特总统,布什总统,克林顿总统,

尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们,

这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的,但在美国是平常的。

我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统,同时开始了新的历程。

首先,我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献,也感谢副总统

戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里,我很荣幸,也有点受宠若惊。在我之前,许多美国

领导人从这里起步;在我之后,也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中,我们每个人都有自己的位置;我们还在

继续推动着历史前进,但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史,是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史,是捍卫而不是征服世界的

历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史,但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺,这就是:每个人都有自身的价值,每个人都有成功的机会,每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命,那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退,但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里,美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子,把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家,民主不仅仅是一种信念,而是全人类的希望。民主,我们不会独占,而会竭力让大家分享。民主,我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。220xx年过去了,我们仍有很长

的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功,但也有人开始怀疑,怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言,甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育,潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时,我们的分歧是如此之深,似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆,但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧,也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一,是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此,我郑重宣誓:我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标,因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们,上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。

对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则,我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想,

2017小布什就职演讲稿中英版

2017小布什就职演讲稿【中英版】 presidentclinton,distinguishedguestsandmyfellowcitize ns: thepeacefultransferofauthorityisrareinhistory,yetcomm oninourcountry.withasimpleoath,weaffirmoldtraditionsa ndmakenewbeginnings. asibegin,ithankpresidentclintonforhisservicetoournati on;andithankvicepresidentgoreforacontestconductedwith spiritandendedwithgrace. iamhonoredandhumbledtostandhere,wheresomanyofamerica ’sleadershavecomebeforeme,andsomanywillfollow. wehaveaplace,allofus,inalongstory.astorywecontinue,bu twhoseendwewillnotsee.itisthestoryofanewworldthatbeca meafriendandliberatoroftheold,astoryofaslave-holdingsocietythatbecameaservantoffreedom,thestoryofa powerthatwentintotheworldtoprotectbutnotpossess,todef endbutnottoconquer.itistheamericanstory.astoryofflawe dandfalliblepeople,unitedacrossthegenerationsbygranda ndenduringideals.thegrandestoftheseidealsisanunfoldin gamericanpromisethateveryonebelongs,thateveryonedeser vesachance,thatnoinsignificantpersonwaseverborn.ameri cansarecalledupontoenactthispromiseinourlivesandinour laws;andthoughournationhassometimeshalted,andsometime sdelayed,wemustfollownoothercourse.

林肯就职演讲

林肯的第二任总统就职演说 这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词,永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里,英文原文 是: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office,there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement, somewhat in detail,of a course to be pursued,seemed fitting and proper. now,at the expiration of four years,during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention,and engrosses the energies of the nation,little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms,upon which all else chiefly depends,is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is,i trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago,all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place,devoted altogether to saving the union without war,insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union,and divide effects,by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves,not distributed generally over the union,but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was,somehow,the cause of the war. to strengthen,perpetuate,and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union,even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war,the magnitude,or the duration,which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with,or even before, the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph,and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible,and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right,as god gives us to see the right,let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle,and for his widow,and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace,among ourselves,and with all nations. 最后两段译文: (交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经,向同一位 上帝祷告,求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪:一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到 面包;但是,不要让我们论断,如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答, 任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界!因着必来之罪;祸哉

布什连任就职演讲全文

布什连任就职演讲全文 2005年1月20日 今天,按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法常青的智慧,追寻我们团结全国的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀,意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言,请你们做证。 这是我们第二次聚会,我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定,它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来,美国在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由。共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月,而后是火光四射的那一天。 我们已明了自身的弱点,我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君,就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态,就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量,它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严,那就是人类的自由。 我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲,得出如下结论:自由是否能在我们的土地上存在,正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利。对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。 关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始,我们就宣示:生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权力、尊严和无可比拟的价值,因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形象。每一世代,我们重申着民有政权的重要性,没有什么人应该是主人而另一些人应该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本。我们的先父荣耀地完成了这一使命。进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求,是我们的当务之急。 有鉴于此,美国的政策是寻求并支持世界各国和各种文化背景下成长的民主运动,寻求并支持民主的制度化。最终的目标是终结世间的任何极权制度。 这个目标最终不应由暴力达成,尽管在必要时,我们将以武力自卫,并保卫我们的朋友。自由的性质要求公民去自觉地选择它,捍卫它,并通过立法加以维护,同时保障劣势者。当一个国家的魂魄最终选择自由时,它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制。我们的目的,是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音,获得自身的自由,发现自己的自由之路。 终结专制统治的巨大使命是几代人努力的目标。其难度不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限,但值得庆幸的是,美国的影响也是有力的,我们将充满信

布什总统第一任就职演说 中美双语版

Bush's Inaugural Address I thank you all. Chief Justicer Renquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story--a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story--a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course. Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it

林肯第一次就职演讲稿

林肯第一次就职演讲稿 林肯第一次就职演讲稿 的安全,我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令,而不 要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法,便可以逃脱罪责,而对它们公然违反。自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来,七十二年已经过去了。在这期间,十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。 他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而,尽管有这么多可供参考的先例,我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期 中来担任这同一任务,却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前,分裂联邦只是受到了威胁,而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑,我坚信,我们各州组成的 联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点,虽不 一定写明,却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说,没有一个名副其 实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条,规定自己完结的期限。继续 执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文,联邦便将永远存在下去——除 了采取并未见之于宪法的行动,谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。还有,就算 合众国并不是个名副其实的政府,而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的 联合体,那既有契约的约束,若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意,我 们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约,或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约,岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?从这些总原则出发,我们发现,从法学观点来看,联邦具有永久性质的提法,是 为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上, 它是由1774年,签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣

言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后,通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟,当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后,到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一,便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。但是,如果任何一个州,或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉,加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了,因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。从这些观点我们可以认定,任何一个州,都不可能仅凭自己动议,便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当局的暴力行为,都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看,联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力,按照宪法明确赋于我的责任,坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做,我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的,我就一定要履行它,除非我的合法的主人美国人民,收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具,或行使他们的权威,命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓,而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的,它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力,除非有人把它强。加于国家当局,否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外,决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民,或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地,即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍,以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候,政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定,政府

特朗普就职演讲稿中文

特朗普就职演讲稿中文 导语:XX年11月9日,美国大选终于尘埃落定,一开始一直不被看好的唐纳德?特朗普击败民主党候选人希拉里?克林顿,当选美国第45任总统。他获选后的这篇演讲,不管是从内容还是风格形式上都非常有特色。以下是品才网小编整理的特朗普就职演讲稿中文,欢迎阅读参考。 特朗普就职演讲稿中文首席大法官罗伯茨先生,卡特前总统,克林顿前总统,布什前总统,奥巴马前总统,各位美国同胞,世界人民,感谢你们。 各位美国公民们,我们正参与到一项伟大的全国性事业当中:重建我们的国家,重塑对全体人民的承诺。我们将一起决定未来很多年内美国乃至全世界的道路。 我们将遭遇挑战。我们会遇到困难。但是我们能将这项事业完成。每过四年,我们都相聚在这里进行有序和平的权力交接。 我们应该感谢总统奥巴马和第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马,他们在权力交接中,慷慨地给予我以帮助。他们真的很棒。谢谢你们。 今天的就职典礼有着特殊的意义。因为,今天我们不只是将权力由一任总统交接到下一任总统,由一个政党交接给另一政党。

今天,我们是将权力由华盛顿交接到了人民的手中,即你们的手中。 长久以来,华盛顿的一小群人攫取了利益果实,代价却要由人民来承受。华盛顿欣欣向荣,人民却没有分享到财富。政客们塞满了腰包,工作机会却越来越少,无数工厂关门。 建制派保护的是他们自己,而不是我们国家的公民。他们的成功和胜利不属于你们。当他们在我们的首都欢呼庆祝时,这片土地上无数在挣扎奋斗的家庭却没有什么可以庆祝的。但这些都会改变,在此地改变,在此时改变。因为你们的时刻来临了,这一刻属于你们。 这次胜利,属于今天聚集在这里的所有人,以及全国正在观看这次典礼的所有美国人。这是属于你们的一天。这是你们的庆祝日。我们所在的美利坚合众国,是你们的国家。 真正重要的,并不是政府由哪个政党来掌控,而是政府能不能被人民掌控。XX年1月20日,这一天将会被铭记,美国人民重新成为了国家的主宰者。 曾经被忽视的美国人不会继续被忽视。 现在,所有人都在倾听你们。你们数以千万计地投入到这场历史运动中,这样的事情世界上从来没有过。 这一就职典礼的核心是一种信念——我们坚信国家是为服务人民而存在的。我们国家想要为孩子们提供优良的学校教育,为家庭提供安全的生活环境,为每个人提供好的就

林肯第二次就职演讲(英文)

At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass

(整理)奥巴马就职演讲全文.

美国东部时间1月20日中午12时左右,美国第44任总统贝拉克-奥巴马发表就职演说,全文如下:各位同胞: 今天我站在这里,为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑,对各位的信任心怀感激,对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务,也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言,这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表,或是在乌云密布,时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候,美国能箕裘相继,不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景,也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心,也忠於创建我国的法统。 因此,美国才能承继下来。因此,这一代美国人也必须承继下去。 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心,我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果,也是大众未能做出艰难的选择,对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子,丢了工作,生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵,学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示,我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌,威胁我们的星球。 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的,是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 今天我要告诉各位,我们面临的挑战是真的,挑战非常严重,且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易,或在短时间内解决。但是,美国要了解,这些挑战会被解决。 在这一天,我们聚在一起,因为我们选择希望而非恐惧,有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。

在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。 我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。 再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反,走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄,在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们,迈向繁荣与自由。 为了我们,他们携带很少的家当,远渡重洋,追寻新生活。 为了我们,他们胼手胝足,在西部安顿下来;忍受风吹雨打,筚路蓝缕。 为了我们,他们奋斗不懈,在康科特和盖茨堡,诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。 前人不断的奋斗与牺牲,直到双手皮开肉绽,我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体,超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。 这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时,我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新,我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比,一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定,这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起,我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。

最新-林肯演讲稿中文 林肯第二次就职演讲(中文) 精品

林肯演讲稿中文林肯第二次就职演讲(中文) 可是现在,四年任期刚刚结束,在这期间,关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意,消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节,随时都有公告发奉,现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了.关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——,公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚;而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的. 既然对未来充满了希望,那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了.也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合,所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安. 所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生.而当我在这里发表就职演说,决定不惜采用一切力量,但不用战争,拯救联邦的时候,叛乱分子的人却在全城到处活动,力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦,分裂国家. ——双方都声称反对战争;但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去;另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡.于是战争便打起来了. 在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并非遍布在全国各地,而是大部分集中在我国南方.这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益. 大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因.为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的,叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦;而政府方面,只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域. 双方谁也没有料想到,战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模,或持续这么久.双方谁也不曾料到,冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束,或甚至在冲突本身结束之前,便已终止;每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利,战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人. 双方都读着同一部《圣经》,祈祷于同一个上帝;每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方,而反对另一方.这看来也许有些不可思议,怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包;不过,我们且不要论断别人,以免自己遭到论断吧. 双方的祈祷都不可能得到回应;任何一方的祈祷也没有得到充分的回应.全能的上帝另有他自己的目标.

小布什就职演说中英文.doc

小布什就职演说中英文 乔治·沃克·布什,是美国第43任总统(第54-55届)。那么你想知道美国总统小布什在就职时是怎么发言的?以下是我给大家分享了美国总统小布什就职演说中英文,希望大家有帮助。 美国总统小布什就职演说中文 尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特总统,布什总统,克林顿总统, 尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们, 这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的,但在美国是平常的。 我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统,同时开始了新的历程。 首先,我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献,也感谢副总统 戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。 站在这里,我很荣幸,也有点受宠若惊。在我之前,许多美国 领导人从这里起步;在我之后,也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。 在美国悠久的历史中,我们每个人都有自己的位置;我们

还在 继续推动着历史前进,但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史,是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史,是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史,但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。 这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺,这就是:每个人都有自身的价值,每个人都有成功的机会,每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命,那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退,但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。 在上个世纪的大部分时间里,美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子,把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家,民主不仅仅是一种信念,而是全人类的希望。民主,我们不会独占,而会竭力让大家分享。民主,我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。220xx年过去了,我们仍有很长的路要走。 有很多公民取得了成功,但也有人开始怀疑,怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言,甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育,潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时,我们的分歧是如此之深,似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆,但不属于同一个国

布什就职演讲全文

布什就职演讲全文 Jan.20,20XXVicePresidentCheney,Mr.ChiefJustice,Presi dentCarter,PresidentBush,PresidentClinton,reverendclerg y,distinguishedguests,fellowcitize: Onthisday,prescribedbylawandmarkedbyceremony,wecel ebratethedurablewisdomofourCotitution,andrecallthedee pcommitmentsthatuniteourcountry.Iamgratefulforthehono rofthishour,mindfulofthecoequentialtimesinwhichwelive, anddeterminedtofulfilltheoaththatIhaveswornandyouhave witneed. Atthissecondgathering,ourdutiesaredefinednotbytheword sIuse,butbythehistorywehaveseentogether.Forahalfcentur y,Americadefendedourownfreedombystandingwatchondi

stantborders.Aftertheshipwreckofcommunismcameyears ofrelativequiet,yearsofrepose,yearsofsaatical-andthenther ecameadayoffire. Wehaveseenourvulnerability-andwehaveseenitsdeepestso urce.Foraslongaswholeregiooftheworldsimmerinresentm entandtyray-pronetoideologiesthatfeedhatredandexcusem urder-violencewillgather,andmultiplyindestructivepower, andcrothemostdefendedborders,andraiseamortalthreat.Th ereisonlyoneforceofhistorythatcanbreakthereignofhatreda ndresentment,andexposethepreteiooftyrants,andrewardth ehopesofthedecentandtolerant,andthatistheforceofhumanf reedom. Weareled,byeventsandcommonsee,tooneconclusion:Thes urvivaloflibertyinourlandincreasinglydependsonthesucce oflibertyinotherlands.Thebesthopeforpeaceinourworldist heexpaionoffreedominalltheworld. America

林肯就职演讲英文

林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版 there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that-- i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so. those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution. during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the government. they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual. perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in

相关文档
最新文档