DEVELOPING A MODEL FOR THE MEASUREMENT

DEVELOPING A MODEL FOR THE MEASUREMENT
DEVELOPING A MODEL FOR THE MEASUREMENT

Social Indicators Research(2006)75:335–360óSpringer2006 DOI10.1007/s11205-004-2527-6

LOU WILSON

DEVELOPING A MODEL FOR THE MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL IN

REGIONAL AUSTRALIA

(Accepted25August2004)

ABSTRACT.This paper reviews the literature on social inclusion and social capital to develop a framework to guide the selection of items and measures for the forth-coming SA Department of Human Services Survey of Social Inclusion to be held in the region of Northern Adelaide in South Australia.Northern Adelaide is a region with areas of high socio-economic disadvantage,characterized by high unemploy-ment and poverty.Survey respondents’perceptions of social inclusion and social capital in Northern Adelaide will be examined by developing indices,which address the theoretical schema discussed in this paper.Epistemological di?erences between seminal theorists on social inclusion and social capital suggest the development of a broad suite of indices is required to enable the collection of data of interest to researchers from di?ering theoretical perspectives.Data collected in the survey will be mapped using Geographic Information System(GIS)technologies against loca-tions within Northern Adelaide and in relation to existing Australian Bureau of Statistics,Commonwealth and State Government databases on age,gender,relative socio-economic disadvantage and other variables.

KEY WORDS:Australia,GIS,indices,poverty,region,social capital,social exclusion,social inclusion,survey,theoretical framework

INTRODUCTION

This paper discusses the development of indices for the measurement of perceptions of social inclusion and social capital for the Australian project‘‘A model for the measurement of social inclusion and social exclusion in Northern Adelaide’’,which is funded by a South Aus-tralian Department of Human Services Large Grant.

As part of our project we are developing a framework within which to situate indicators of social inclusion,social exclusion and social capital.This framework is intended to inform the development

of a cohort survey of social inclusion to be held in the Northern Adelaide region of South Australia in 2005.The survey instrument will include indicators of social inclusion and social capital,which will be cross-referenced to key socio-economic indicators in Northern Adelaide using Geographic Information System (GIS)technologies.

Northern Adelaide incorporates the cities of Gawler,Playford and Salisbury and surrounding districts.The region has a mixed economy of semi-rural industries,such as market gardening and wine making in the Gawler area and automobile manufacturing and heavy industry in the Playford and Salisbury areas.Northern Adelaide is a region with areas of high socio-economic disadvantage,characterised by high unemployment and poverty.A signi?cant proportion of the region’s population is reliant on welfare transfers from the Australian Commonwealth Government and State Government agencies.

Northern Adelaide will be the target for a signi?cant in?ow of funds from the Australian Commonwealth Government and the South Australian Government over the next ?ve years as part of regional development initiatives.The forthcoming Survey of Social Inclusion in Northern Adelaide is intended to be a pilot project to establish an instrument and a database to collect and manage time series data from future surveys to be held at regular intervals,which will enable policy planners to track the impact of State and Com-monwealth social inclusion and social capital initiatives on the region over the next ?ve years and in the long term.The model is intended to be robust enough to be used,with modi?cation,for research in other regions.

The current debates on social inclusion and social capital in Aus-tralia take place in the context of the social and economic uncertainty arising from the opening of the Australia economy to the global economy in the 1980s and 1990s.The Australian economy was deregulated in the 1980s and 1990s by former Labour Governments and by the current Liberal /National Government.Tari?s on imports of imported goods,including automobiles,were cut,government owned industries privatized,?nancial services deregulated and the labour market partially deregulated.The Australian Commonwealth Government is continuing to pursue an agenda of economic deregu-lation and at the time of writing is in the process of ratifying a Free Trade Agreement with the USA similar to the North American Free

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL337 Trade Agreement(NAFTA).The economy of regions reliant on manufacturing goods for local markets like Northern Adelaide have been negatively a?ected by these changes,triggering concern among policy planners about rising social distress.

The debates on social exclusion and social capital in Australia have common roots in the work of the classic sociologists and political economists Durkheim,Marx and Weber who were them-selves attempting to explain the anomie and alienation arising from the transformation of largely rural communities in Europe and the America’s into urbanized,modern industrial societies.

Latter scholars like Bourdieu,Levitas,Reich,Coleman,Putnam, Young and Portes have expanded and critiqued Marxian,Weberian and Durkheimian conceptions of social inclusion and social capital to add rich,new understandings.

Our project will extend scholarly understanding of these concepts by developing indices to measure respondents perceptions of social inclusion,social exclusion and social capital in relation to other spatial,socio-economic and behavioural variables for the forthcom-ing Social Inclusion Survey in Northern Adelaide.

The use of perceptual measures will enable us to:

?Provide direct measures of an individual’s assessment of a given phenomena;

?Provide data along a single dimension like‘‘trust in others’’that objective measures like the number of community clubs per 100,000cannot;

?Facilitate the identi?cation of problems that merit special attention and social action in regard to both particular aspects of life and particular sub-groups of the population(Davis and Fine-Davis,1991).

The indices our project will produce will provide the basis for an instrument to measure survey respondents’perceptions of social inclusion,exclusion and social capital in Northern Adelaide.The data obtained from these indices will be mapped against struc-tural indicators of socio-economic disadvantage provided by other data sources(e.g.,Australian Bureau of Statistics,Australian Commonwealth,State and Local Government data sets)using GIS technologies.The data obtained will also be triangulated with data

collected for our project through focus groups with survey respon-dents,interviews with key informants and participant observation.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Social Inclusion and Social Exclusion

The concept of social inclusion emerged in the context of the Euro-pean social policy debates of the late 1980s in reference to over-coming the issue of social exclusion.The European Commission ?rst made reference to the term ‘‘social exclusion’’in its third pan–European poverty programme issued in 1988.In this discourse pov-erty was no longer to be seen just as economic deprivation but part of a pattern of social disadvantage,which was termed ‘‘social exclu-sion’’.The latter term had its origins in Durkheimian notions of social solidarity (Levitas,1996).

In France in particular,the social exclusion debate was based on a perceived social need for ‘‘cohesion’’and the duty of ‘‘solidarity’’in a Durkheimian sense (Levitas,1996,1998).The emerging social exclusion paradigm required the reassimilation of those who had deviated from the social norm in some way.

The concept of social exclusion entered British public policy de-bates somewhat later under Tony Blair’s post-1997New Labour governments,which sought to substitute Labour’s traditional con-cern with addressing poverty and inequality with policies to tackle social exclusion.Previous Labour Governments in Britain had pur-sued policies based on an understanding of poverty as multi-faceted,involving income,housing and health and driven by the processes of an economy based on capital accumulation.This understanding re-quired the redistribution of resources from the well o?to the poor to address poverty.But Levitas (1998)suggests ‘‘New Labour’’under Blair understands social disadvantage as a process of moral hazard,which removes the necessity for a commitment to redistributive jus-tice.As Levitas puts it,under New Labour:

Exclusion is understood as the breakdown of the structural,cultural and moral ties which bind the individual to society,and family instability is a key concern’(Levitas,1998,p.21).

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL339 The European social exclusion discourse had parallels in the USA in the latter part of the twentieth century.Part of the project of the so called‘‘New Right’’of the1980s was propagating the thesis of a moral underclass to explain the persistence of poverty despite the ‘‘unleashing of market forces’’under the stewardship of President Reagan.Reagan discontinued many of the relatively modest US welfare programs instituted in the1960s by the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.The New Right represented welfare recipients as su?ering from a‘‘culture of dependency’’that they needed to be weaned o?.For example,Murray(1984,p.23)refers to a malaise among the poor‘‘whose values are contaminating the life of entire neighbourhoods’’expressed through their rejection of work and family ethics.In this sense the New Right reframed the issue of poverty as a cultural phenomenon rather than one of structural inequality.

The New Right fell from power in the US with the arrival of the Clintonian Democrats in the White House in1994.Clinton’s?rst Labour Secretary was his friend from his student days at Oxford,the sociologist Robert Reich.Reich’s(1992)best known book The work of nations,is a social integrationist tome,which expressed concern at the development of exclusive closed neighbourhoods in wealthy American suburbs on one hand and the disintegration of poverty blighted inner cities on the other.While ostensibly rejecting the moral underclass thesis,the Clintonian Democrats retained the cultural focus on welfare dependency articulated by the New Right.Clinton famously vowed to‘‘end welfare as we know it’’by aggressively winding back welfare rolls and encouraging people on welfare to take any work that was available.

Thinkers like Reich(1992),Kumar(1995),Laclau and Mou?e (1985)and Bell(1973)argued the period after1970was signi?ed by the arrival of a post-structural,post-industrial informational society, which made the class divisions of the industrial era(which needed to be addressed by redistributive policies)obsolete.This position is perhaps best captured by the German sociologist Ulrich Beck(1992) who argues a new‘‘risk society’’has emerged from a‘‘surge of individualization’’in which‘‘people will be set free from the social forms of industrial society’’.

The work of Beck(1992),Reich(1992)and similar conceptual frameworks are associated with the so-called‘‘Third way’’between

Left and Right discussed by Giddens (1999).Giddens (1999)in particular critiqued the Right’s concept of an underclass but accepted the notion that people in social distress faced the moral hazard of welfare dependency.The work of Levitas (1998)and Silver (1994)suggest these changing discourses on social justice and social exclu-sion can be conceived of as three distinct typologies.

The ?rst typology is a redistributive,egalitarian discourse based on social rights and citizenship and ?rmly associated with the social policies pursued by most Western countries prior to the 1980s.It positions social exclusion as the result of the domination of power by certain privileged groups in society who because of their power enjoy a disproportionate share of the national wealth.For social exclusion to be reduced it is necessary for the state to intervene to redistribute wealth from the privileged groups to the less privileged,usually through the formal institutions of a welfare state.

The second typology of social exclusion is based on the New Right’s moralistic view of an underclass that is culturally distinct from the societal mainstream and heavily dependant on welfare.In this typology the underclass have embraced values of ‘‘shirking’’and ‘‘bludging’’as a natural consequence of their own rationality.That is,if people are o?ered welfare bene?ts for not having work they will make a rational choice to not take work.In this dis-course,their predicament is essentially seen as caused by their own actions.State intervention might be directed to preventing other groups from joining the ‘‘underclass’’but since it is assumed that the condition of the underclass is largely their own fault there is little imperative to direct resources to alleviate their distress.

The third typology is the social integrationist perspective,which currently dominates European Union debates on social exclusion,including those emanating from Britain under the stewardship of Tony Blair,and is increasingly evident in policy debates in Canada and in the Australian Government’s embrace of ‘‘mutual obligation’’social policies.The social integrationist perspective is informed by the concept of social solidarity that can be traced back to the work of Emile Durkheim.

Durkheim’s interest in social solidarity like that of Marx and Weber’s was a response to the alienating or anomic e?ects of the transformation of the small agrarian communities of post-industrial European countries into urban,industrialized societies.According to

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL341 Durkheim,the disintegration of society into atomized units is pre-vented only by social solidarity arising from shared beliefs,that is,a core belief in certain‘‘truths’’.Society is conceptualized as an organism whose systems represent functions necessary for social equilibrium,or the stable reproduction of the organism.Social reproduction takes place because people consent to follow social rules anchored in perceived truths.These truths are revitalized and sanc-ti?ed in industrial societies through rituals associated with religion, membership of associations,clubs and unions,the formalities of paid work and the education and quali?cations necessary to enter pro-fessions and https://www.360docs.net/doc/1017180835.html,anic solidarity is held to arise from democratic and rational participation in social groups.Without the bonds of solidarity and the meaningfulness provided by ritual,indi-viduals lapse into‘‘anomie’’a condition characterized by the rejec-tion of society and aggressive anti-social behaviour(Durkheim in Giddens,1971).

The work of Max Weber o?ers similar insights to those of Durk-heim on social solidarity.Weber argues that particular forms of social interaction designed to arouse emotions operate to create strongly held beliefs and a sense of solidarity within the community constituted by participation in regular events(Weber in Collins,1974).Weber focuses on the emotional e?ect that results from interacting with others,the focusing of attention on a common object,and the coor-dination of common actions or gestures.According to Weber,the creation of emotional solidarity does not lessen con?ict as Durkheim believed,but is one of the main weapons used in con?ict.Emotional rituals can be used for domination within a group or organization. These rituals can be a means by which alliances are formed in struggles against other groups.Moreover they can be used to impose a hier-archy of status prestige in which some groups dominate others by providing an ideal to emulate under inferior conditions,which the ‘‘others’’?nd impossible to achieve.

Patterns of domination arising from the manipulation of emo-tional solidarity can be mapped as various forms of community strati?cation.Caste,ethnic group,educational–cultural group,or class‘‘respectability’’lines and even football hooligans are all forms of strati?ed solidarities,depending on varying distributions of the resources for emotional production,according to Weber(in Collins 1974,pp.56–61).Weber’s thinking on emotional solidarity is

re?ected in Jock Young’s recent work on social exclusion and its relationship to ‘‘Third Way’’political discourses of the kind pursued by Tony Blair and Bill Clinton.

Jock Young (1999a)suggests Durkheimian thinking heavily in?uences ‘‘Third Way’’,‘‘civil society’’debates,which Levitas (1998)characterises as social integrationist discourses.Young (1999a)con-tends that in late-modern multicultural societies governed by political parties committed to the ‘‘Third Way’’and ‘‘mutual obligation’’principles,multiple points of identity are of necessity celebrated,consumed and valued,but societal relationships and especially inter-community relationships,are not.Social integrationists display an intolerance of ‘‘di?cult people and dangerous classes’’(Young 1999b,p.390).Prior to the emergence of the social integrationist discourse in public policy the focus was on what to do about re-calcitrant groups (i.e.,the working class,the poor and minorities),which were not seen as dangerous per se,but in need of redistributive assistance to overcome socio-economic disadvantage,or simply to be ignored by those who subscribed to the moral underclass thesis.The social integrationist debate,Young (1999b)suggests,is about de?n-ing di?cult individuals and dangerous classes,(e.g.,young homeless people,the unemployed,militant workers,sole parents and criminals)who are to be treated as exceptional social problems,which must be addressed.Little or no attention is paid to the root causes of social problems because this might require questioning the functioning of capitalism.Instead the new,insecure economy provides a source of anxiety,which leads to patterns of blame as scapegoats are sought for the new social uncertainties.Deviance occurs not because of material inequalities but because of a lack of culture.For social integration-ists,the capitalist system itself is basically just;and problem indi-viduals and classes are cultural mis?ts rather than products of the system.In the social integrationist project,deviant individuals and dangerous classes should be reformed by instilling social responsi-bility into them to minimize their potential to become disa?ected.

Young (1999b)argues that the social integrationist project fails to address the roots of social exclusion.Young (1999b)points to Merton’s thesis that social problems occur where there is both cultural exclusion and structural exclusion .That is,in contexts such as Western societies (e.g.,Australia)in which people living in poverty without the material resources to escape from their situation are bombarded with

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messages through the media and the education system,which tell them that they live in a meritocracy where anyone can achieve what they want simply by trying.This is a process of relative deprivation whereby the poor come to see themselves as materially deprived in relation to the society of which they are a part.Such relative depri-vation causes social exclusion through a subjective experience of inequality and unfairness as materially deprived people seek to obtain the unobtainable.Young(1999b,p.401)argues

The rise of an exclusive society involves the unraveling of labor markets and the rise of widespread individualism concerned with identity and self-actualisation.Role making rather than role taking becomes top of the agenda…the culture of[social exclusion]is closely linked with that of the outside world,is dynamic,is propelled by the con-tradictions of opportunities and ideals,of economic citizenship denied and social acceptance blocked.

In Young’s(1999b)thesis,social exclusion cannot be understood by any of the three discourses on social exclusion that have dominated public policy in recent years.Rather social exclusion is a cultural phenomenon arising from dialectic relationships between identity and social acceptance and the contradiction of a supposed meritocracy in which the poor lack the material means to meet the aspirations they are encouraged to embrace.

Young(1999b)illustrates his argument with reference to Night-ingale’s(1993)study of the alienation of youth in the black ghetto of Philadelphia.Nightingale’s work was paradoxically a study of the degree of inclusion of the same black youth in American culture. Poor,urban American children in Philadelphia watch television and attend cinemas for many more hours than a?uent kids,according to Nightingale(1993).They are fully aware of the symbols of American a?uence but cannot attain them except through anti-social behav-iour.In consequence,black youth select and exaggerated aspects of American culture to suit their circumstances,and in Young’s(1999b) interpretation establish a linked but di?erent subculture from this process.That is,in response to their alienation the black youth of the Philadelphia ghetto form themselves into a dangerous class in relation to the mainstream,the signi?ers of which are a threatening and aggressive identity.

But while the currently dominant social integration discourse might have a focus on reforming di?cult individuals and dangerous

classes this was not the project of Durkheim.The latter saw social strati?cation and inequality as natural results of society,which he conceived of as organic,or akin to a human body.Durkheim argued that some parts of the body took priority over others but were nonetheless inter-related and dependent on each other.

Even where society relies most completely upon the division of labor,it does not become a jumble of juxtaposed atoms,between which it can establish only external,transient contacts.Rather the members are united by ties which extend deeper and far beyond the short moments during which the exchange is made.Each of the functions that they exercise is,in a ?xed way,dependent upon others,and with them forms a solidary system (Durkheim,1933,p.226)

Durkheim argued that solidarity came in two forms,which he called mechanical and organic solidarity.

He understood mechanical solidarity to be a source of social cohesion based upon the likeness and similarities among individuals in a society,and largely dependent on common rituals and routines (Durkheim,1933).

Durkheim understood organic solidarity to be a form of social inclusion,or the dependence individuals in more advanced societies have on each other.According to Durkheim,in advanced societies individuals may perform di?erent tasks and often have di?erent values and interests,but the order and survival of society depends on their reliance on each other to perform their speci?c task (Durkheim,1933).

Durkheim associated mechanical solidarity with small,autono-mous ‘‘primitive communities’’of the pre-industrial era where everybody new everyone else and shared common rituals and rou-tines.He associated organic solidarity with advanced,modern industrial societies.In this sense,Durkheim considered social soli-darity to be associated with social progress.

As an empirical social scientist Durkheim believed the develop-ment of reliable indicators of mechanical and organic solidarity could be used to suggest how inclusive a given society was and hence its relative well-being (Durkheim,1933).

Social Capital

The concept of social capital has a utility that ?ts well with debates on social cohesion,social exclusion and social inclusion.Social

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL345 capital has been described as‘‘the glue than binds society together’’(Serageldin,1996,p.196).Similarly,the functionalist sociologist James Coleman(1988,p.387)argues that the social capital of the community

resides in the functional community,the actual social relationships that exist among parents,in the closure exhibited by the structure of relations,and in the parent’s relations with the institutions of the community.

Harvard political scientists Robert Putnam et al.(1993,p.35)de?ne social capital as‘‘a set of horizontal associations among those who have an a?ect on a community,and these can take the form of net-works of civic engagement’’and‘‘features of social organizations such as networks,norms and truths that facilitate coordination and coop-eration for mutual bene?t’’.According to Putnam these networks lay the groundwork for reciprocity,solidarity and participation,which in turn reinforce sentiments of trust in communities and the e?ectiveness of communications between individuals and organizations.

Putnam’s de?nition of social capital is based on a model of society built on participation and trust in a wide range of civic institutions and associations,which he argues are the building blocks of social capital.Kawachi and Berkmann(2000),argue that high stocks of social capital also lead to socially inclusive and cohesive societies. Moreover,socially cohesive societies high in social capital are more likely to achieve the twin virtues of sustainable economies and human development,according to Stanley(1997).

However,studies that con?ate the outcomes acquired with social capital itself tend to lapse into tautology,according to Portes(1998). Portes points to Bourdieu’s work on social capital as an example of a study that clearly separates the resources acquired from social capital from the concept itself.

In the late1960s and1970s,Pierre Bourdieu,a French sociologist produced a series of studies that argued social capital was not only dynamic and creative but a structured phenomenon.Publishing in French his work was not accessible to English speaking audiences until translations appeared in the1980s(Schuller et al.,2000).

Bourdieu draws on Marx’s discussions of aggregate social capital in Capital(Volume2)to loosely de?ne social capital as the aggregate of the resources of institutionalized relationships between groups and classes:

The aggregate of the actual or potential resources that are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquain-tance or recognition (Bourdieu,1985,p.248)

Bourdieu understands social capital to be a process of deliberately constructing sociability in order to acquire the bene?ts of being part of a group.That is,social networks are not a natural given and must be constructed through investment strategies,which are grounded in the institutionalization of group relations.The latter are useable as a source of other bene?ts.Bourdieu (1985)suggests social capital is comprised of two elements:

1.The social relationship that enables individuals to gain access to

resources possessed by their associates.

2.The amount and quality of those resources.

It is the association between these two elements and accumulated human capital that gives access to economic resources.Through so-cial capital actors can gain access to loans,investment tips,protected markets etc.and can increase their cultural capital through contacts with experts,or can join institutions that can bestow valuable cre-dentials (e.g.,business clubs,associations,unions,etc.).However,Bourdieu (1985)is clear that acquiring social capital requires a deliberate investment in both economic and cultural resources.Individuals without the initial resources to make this investment might have di?culty building social capital.

In a similar sense,Grootaert and van Bastelaer (2002,p.10–11)suggest there are two types of social capital,structural and cognitive.Structural social capital facilitates information sharing,and collective action and decision making through established roles,social networks and other social structures supplemented by rules,procedures,and precedents .As such,it is a relatively objective and externally observable construct.Cognitive social capital refers to shared norms,values,trust,attitudes,and beliefs .It is therefore a more subjective and intangible concept.

Grootaert and van Bastelaer’s (2002)two forms of social capital can be,but are not always,complementary.For example,cooperation between neighbours can be based on a personal cognitive bond that may not be re?ected in a formal structural arrangement.Similarly,the existence of a community association does not necessarily signify strong personal connections among its members,either because

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL347 participation in its activities is not voluntary or because its existence has outlasted the external factor that led to its creation.Social interaction can thereby become social capital through the persistence of its e?ects at both the cognitive and structural level.

Portes(1998)also points to the importance of distinguishing be-tween the recipients of social capital and the donors.That is,what are the motivations of those donors that are willing to bring the recipi-ents into their circle and confer their social capital upon them? Drawing on Coleman(1988)and Bourdieu(1985),Portes(1998,p.7) suggests these motivations may be conceptualized as a‘‘consumma-tory vs.instrumental’’dichotomy.

Consummatory motivations for extending social capital to others may include a desire to follow internalized norms such as paying?nes on time or obeying tra?c rules.These norms are appropriable by others and allow holders of such social capital to undertake activities such as extending loans without fear of default and letting their kids to play in the street without concern.

Social capital donors’instrumental motivations might include an expectation that they will be repaid in full in future for o?ering privileged access to resources,that is to say,the recipients of the donor’s largesse will be obliged to repay the debt(Portes,1998).

Portes also points to the motivations implicit in Marx’s analysis of the formation of class consciousness,that is the process by which individual workers with common interests come to consider themselves as a class that can act together in their common interests.

Indeed Marx devotes part three of Capital(Volume2)to his conception of aggregate social capital.For Marx aggregate social capital is the whole process of socialization of capitalist production,it is capital itself that becomes uncovered,at a certain level of its development,as social power and involves the pro-duction and reproduction of classes:

If we study the annual function of social capital…it must become apparent how the process of reproduction of the social capital takes place,what characteristics dis-tinguish this process of reproduction from the process of reproduction of an indi-vidual capital,and what characteristics are common to both.The annual product includes those portions of the social product which replace capital,namely social reproduction,as well as those which go to the consumption-fund,those which are consumed by labourers and capitalists,hence both productive and individual con-sumption.It comprises also the reproduction(i.e.,maintenance)of the capitalist

class and the working-class,and thus the reproduction of the capitalist character of the entire process of production (Marx/Engels Capital Vol II,Chpt 20,M/E Archive,2004).

Marx sees capital as a social relation,which leads to the formation of social classes and social power.He explains the emergence of a class of capitalists in relation to social capital as the process by which individual capitalists come to realize that they have collective social wealth with other capitalists in the form of social capital,which gives them power.

capital becomes conscious of itself as a social power in which every capitalist par-ticipates proportionally to his share in the total social capital (Marx,1957,p.191)A similar process applies to the formation of ‘‘social labour’’,according to Marx.In Marx’s view,by being thrown together in a common situation,workers learn to identify with each other and support each other’s initiatives.These can mean taking collective action at a social rather than at a communal level out of a sense of solidarity with social labour,for example,when workers are willing to strike or withdraw their labour in solidarity with workers in di?erent industries,communities or even countries out of a shared sense of solidarity with their struggle.By this process,Marx argues,the working class evolves from ‘‘a class in itself’’to a ‘‘class for itself’’by becoming conscious of the social power of collective action.Nevertheless the source of the social capital of a class might be bounded by the limits of their community and is referred to as ‘‘bounded solidarity’’.For example,solidarity might be bounded by having a common trade,an industrial location or living in a working community.

Identi?cation with one’s own group or community can be a powerful motivational force.While communities can use bounded solidarity as a weapon to wield against social injustice as discussed by Marx,it can also be used to exclude others or establish dominance over other groups as Weber suggested.For example,Waldinger (1995)discusses the control Italian,Irish and Polish migrant groups have gained over the construction trades in New York and the con-trol exercised over key sectors of the economy of Miami by the Cu-ban community.These forms of control might be considered the ‘‘dark side’’of bounded solidarity.

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL349 Like Marxian bounded solidarity,Durkheim’s conception of so-cial solidarity discussed earlier as a source of social inclusion,can also be considered to be a source of social capital.The motivation of the donors are instrumental in this conception but the expectation of repayment is not based on knowledge of the recipient but on the basis that both the donor and recipient of social capital are located within a common social structure.The collective structure as such acts as a guarantor that a debt of social capital will be repaid.

Social capital as social solidarity underpins the practices of the Grameen Bank of India,which lends small amounts of money to female members of poor households.Rankin(2002)suggests that the Grameen Bank is e?ectively lending against the women’s social capital in the knowledge that community sanctions and ostracism would apply to women who did not repay the loan,a practice of enforceable trust.Social capital has its‘‘dark side’’as does bounded solidarity.

Epistemological Di?erences Between Social Capital Theory

and Social Inclusion

Concepts of social inclusion and social capital have emerged from di?ering epistemological positions,primarily from those associ-ated with functionalism and con?ict theory,but address similar phenomena.

For example,Putnam(2000)distinguishes between‘‘bonding’’and ‘‘bridging’’forms of social capital.Bonding social capital refers to the links between like-minded people and therefore reinforces homoge-neity.It has analogies with Marxian/Weberian notions of bounded solidarity and Durkheimian mechanical solidarity.Emotional soli-darity from processes of relative deprivation may also be a source of community solidarity and social capital,albeit as a source of social exclusion rather than inclusion and might be considered a source of ‘‘dark side’’social capital.For Putnam,bridging social capital refers to the building of connections between diverse,heterogeneous groups and has obvious similarities to the formation of organic solidarity and may be seen as a source of aggregate social capital.Furthermore Putnam(2000)argues that bridging social capital is often fragile but is likely to create social inclusion.In this sense,bridging social capital

might be seen as a source of social cohesion in the Durkheimian sense.

If Putnam’s notions of social capital are set beside other expla-nations of social inclusion,social exclusion and social capital then two relatively distinct categories of concepts can be discerned (Figure 1).

Category A concepts are concerned with understanding the rela-tionships which bring communities together.Category B concepts are about understanding inter-community relationships and how aggre-gate societies form.

These categories in e?ect can be positioned on inter-related hori-zontal and vertical axes as illustrated in Figure 2.

Mechanical solidarity,bonding social capital,bounded solidarity and emotional solidarity lie on the horizontal axis.These are notions which concern the formation of communities of interest,which while not narrowly exclusive have boundaries,within which the commu-Category A – community formation

Category B – social formation Mechanical solidarity

Social cohesion based upon the likeness

and similarities among individuals in a

society, and largely dependent on

common rituals and routines Organic solidarity Social cohesion based upon the dependence individuals in more advanced society have on each other. Though individuals perform different tasks and

often have different values and interests,

the order and survival of society depends

on their reliance on each other to perform

their specific task

Bounded solidarity Processes that facilitate the reciprocation of aid and produce norms that work towards the communal good. Aggregate social capital

The aggregate of the actual or potential

resources that are linked to possession of a

durable network of more or less

institutionalised relationships of mutual

acquaintance or recognition

Bonding social capital

Bonding networks that connect people

who are similar and sustain particularised (in-group) reciprocity.

Bridging social capital Bridging networks that connect individuals who are diverse and sustain generalized

reciprocity. Emotional solidarity

Can bind groups together through the

emotional bonds forged by collective

activities but can lead to social exclusion

through a subjective experience of

inequality and unfairness as materially

deprived people seek to obtain the

unobtainable.

Figure 1.Conceptual categories.

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nities seek solidarity in order to forward their common interests or pursue shared aspirations and lifestyles.For example,in the Marxian concept of bounded solidarity,working class communities are not gender speci?c and can incorporate diverse ethnic groups,Indigenous people,unemployed people and better paid workers who are brought together by a shared relationship to the owners of capital.

Putnam’s bridging social capital,Bourdieu/Marx’s concepts of aggregate social capital and Durkheim’s concept of organic soli-darity lie on the vertical axis.These abstractions relate to societal relationships and inter-community relationships,and the structure of complex societies.They are not bounded by communities of interest but may be con?ned to the borders of the nation state or increasingly by supranational forms of regulation such as the European Union.

The relationship between the horizontal and vertical axes of social inclusion and social capital and associated concepts are illustrated in Figure 2.

Whilst these concepts may be aligned together on vertical and horizontal axes there remain epistemological di?erences.

Putnam (2000)makes it clear that he does not consider bridging capital to require any common ideology but nevertheless locates

the Vertical-horizontal axis of social inclusion and social capital.

MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL 351

concept ?rmly within the bounds of Western and American society,the latter of which he clearly believes to be a meritocracy.Social capital is a bridge on the road to success,or ladders of opportunity that can enrich the poor.

In contrast,Durkheim’s notion of organic solidarity requires a belief in shared truths and social understandings.Durkheim under-stood society to function like the human body,whereby all parts are inter-related and work together but some parts have priority over others,in the sense that the brain is more important than a toe to the survival of the body.He accepted strati?cation and inequality as natural characteristics of a modern,industrial society.

Marxian concepts of aggregate social capital relate to the forma-tion of classes.These abstractions represent the aggregate sums of the social capital of separate classes,social capital and social labour,which retain contradictory interests,the con?ict between which shapes the nature of society,according to Marx and Bourdieu.Bourdieu takes this argument a step further by separating the forms of capital acquired by social relationships,which become aggregate capital,and focuses on the quality of the forms of capital as bearing on its use-value.

There are also epistemological di?erences between Putnam’s notion of bonding social capital and Marxian bounded solidarity.Bonding social capital as understood by Putnam,does not require a shared ideology among its donors and recipients.For example,bonding social capital can be formed by the trust that arises from a neighbour watching another neighbour’s house when that person is away from home to make sure it is not broken into,or minding a neighbour’s child.These actions can be driven by humanity,sym-pathy or altruism.Whereas Marxian notions of bounded solidarity concern a class of actors moving from being a ‘‘class in itself’’to a ‘‘class for itself’’and thereby require a consciousness of being part of a group with shared interests and wishing to forward those interests.

Durkheim’s notion of mechanical solidarity like Putnam’s concept of bonding social capital,and Weber’s notion of emotional solidarity concerns the social cohesion that arises between similar individuals from shared activities,although Durkheim associates mechanical solidarity with pre-industrial agrarian communities where centuries of traditions and rituals produce a mechanical solidarity.Whereas

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MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INCLUSION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL353 Putnam associates bonding social capital with activities that occur daily in modern American neighbourhoods,such as child minding, car-pooling or even email exchanges on a topic of interest.Whereas Durkheim and Putman see the emotional solidarity produced by these activities as mostly benign,Weber suggests the dark side of solidarity.Ethnic tensions,football hooliganism,political factional-ism and racism might also be the products of emotional solidarity born from taking part in collective activities.

So while these concepts are abstractions which forward our understanding of the processes of social inclusion and social capital by which communities and societies are formed,they retain episte-mological di?erences,which suggest a unitary understanding of social inclusion or social capital for the purposes of measurement is likely to be di?cult to achieve.

Nevertheless,following Neuman(2003,p.53)we might be able to extend our knowledge of these concepts by testing them empirically in relation to each other and to the research questions in the forth-coming survey of social inclusion in Northern Adelaide to suggest which concepts,or relational concepts,best explain the phenomena we are observing,at least in terms of perceptions of social capital and social inclusion.

The survey instrument will therefore include indices for each concept,which can be developed from responses to related sets of questions.Once the survey data is processed the indices can be examined in relation to the research questions.

The purpose of the indices will be to provide an instrument to measure survey respondents perceptions of social inclusion,exclusion and social capital in Northern Adelaide in the forms discussed above. Data from these indices can then be mapped using GIS technologies against structural indicators provided by other data sources(e.g., ABS,Commonwealth,State and Local Government data sets).The data obtained will also be considered in relation to other data col-lected for this study through focus groups with survey respondents, interviews with key informants and participant observation.

In reference to the discussion of theoretical conceptions of social inclusion,social exclusion and social capital,Bourdieu’s(1985) analysis of social capital suggests the nature of the social relationship in social capital mediates how access to resources occurs.The fre-quency of receipt or the amount of social capital that is received and

who the donor is,can be seen as a measure of mechanical solidarity if social capital building events (i.e.,child minding,emotional support,material support)are regularly performed among groups of people who share familial,ethnic,gender or class ties.

It is therefore important to have some measure of the identity of the donor of social capital and the amount of social capital received.

The quality of the social capital received relates it its use-value.That is,are the donors of social capital likely to give capital that might translate into bene?ts for the recipient from bonding social capital to bridging social capital and thereby facilitate upward social mobility and a sense of organic solidarity.By inquiring into the socio-economic status of the donor of social capital,their relationship to the recipient and the amount of social capital given we can gather data that can help us consider the quality of the social capital that is received.

Social Relationship Index (and the Amount and Quality of Social Capital Received)

1.Access to emotional support –through leisure activities and other forms of relaxation:

a)The emotional support received,

b)How often is the emotional support received,

c)Identity of the person donating support,

d)Relationship of donor to recipient of support,

e)Socio-economic status of the donor of emotional support.

2.Access to rational support –through advice,help with important life decisions,mentoring

a)The rational support received,

b)How often is the rational support received,

c)Identity of the person donating rational support,

d)Relationship to recipient of donor of rational support,

e)Socio-economic status of the donor of rational support.

3.Access to material support –through assistance with speci?c physical assistance,e.g.,child minding,home care,helping ?nd work,housing,transport etc.

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美国常青藤名校的由来

美国常青藤名校的由来 以哈佛、耶鲁为代表的“常青藤联盟”是美国大学中的佼佼者,在美国的3000多所大学中,“常青藤联盟”尽管只是其中的极少数,仍是许多美国学生梦想进入的高等学府。 常青藤盟校(lvy League)是由美国的8所大学和一所学院组成的一个大学联合会。它们是:马萨诸塞州的哈佛大学,康涅狄克州的耶鲁大学,纽约州的哥伦比亚大学,新泽西州的普林斯顿大学,罗德岛的布朗大学,纽约州的康奈尔大学,新罕布什尔州的达特茅斯学院和宾夕法尼亚州的宾夕法尼亚大学。这8所大学都是美国首屈一指的大学,历史悠久,治学严谨,许多著名的科学家、政界要人、商贾巨子都毕业于此。在美国,常青藤学院被作为顶尖名校的代名词。 常青藤盟校的说法来源于上世纪的50年代。上述学校早在19世纪末期就有社会及运动方面的竞赛,盟校的构想酝酿于1956年,各校订立运动竞赛规则时进而订立了常青藤盟校的规章,选出盟校校长、体育主任和一些行政主管,定期聚会讨论各校间共同的有关入学、财务、援助及行政方面的问题。早期的常青藤学院只有哈佛、耶鲁、哥伦比亚和普林斯顿4所大学。4的罗马数字为“IV”,加上一个词尾Y,就成了“IVY”,英文的意思就是常青藤,所以又称为常青藤盟校,后来这4所大学的联合会又扩展到8所,成为现在享有盛誉的常青藤盟校。 这些名校都有严格的入学标准,能够入校就读的学生,自然是品学兼优的好学生。学校很早就去各个高中挑选合适的人选,许多得到全国优秀学生奖并有各种特长的学生都是他们网罗的对象。不过学习成绩并不是学校录取的惟一因素,学生是否具有独立精神并且能否快速适应紧张而有压力的大一新生生活也是他们考虑的重要因素。学生的能力和特长是衡量学生综合素质的重要一关,高中老师的推荐信和评语对于学生的入学也起到重要的作用。学校财力雄厚,招生办公室可以完全根据考生本人的情况录取,而不必顾虑这个学生家庭支付学费的能力,许多家境贫困的优秀子弟因而受益。有钱人家的子女,即使家财万贯,也不能因此被录取。这也许就是常青藤学院历经数百年而保持“常青”的原因。 布朗大学(Brown University) 1754年由浸信会教友所创,现在是私立非教会大学,是全美第七个最古老大学。现有学生7000多人,其中研究生近1500人。 该校治学严谨、学风纯正,各科系的教学和科研素质都极好。学校有很多科研单位,如生物医学中心,计算机中心、地理科学中心、化学研究中心、材料研究实验室、Woods Hole 海洋地理研究所海洋生物实验室、Rhode 1s1and反应堆中心等等。设立研究生课程较多的系有应用数学系、生物和医学系、工程系等,其中数学系海外研究生占研究生名额一半以上。 布朗大学的古书及1800年之前的美国文物收藏十分有名。 哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University) 私立综合性大学,位于纽约市。该校前身是创于1754年的King’s College,独立战争期间一度关闭,1784年改名力哥伦比亚学院,1912年改用现名。

第四章 景观模型制作

第四章景观模型制作 第一节主要工具的使用方法 —、主要切割材料工具的使用方法 (—)美术刀 美术刀是常用的切割工具,一般的模型材料(纸板,航模板等易切割的材料)都可使用它来进行切割,它能胜任模型制作过程中,从粗糙的加工到惊喜的刻划等工作,是一种简便,结实,有多种用途的刀具。美术刀的道具可以伸缩自如,随时更换刀片;在细部制作时,在塑料板上进行划线,也可切割纸板,聚苯乙烯板等。具体使用时,因根据实际要剪裁的材料来选择刀具,例如,在切割木材时,木材越薄越软,刀具的刀刃也应该越薄。厚的刀刃会使木材变形。 使用方法:先在材料商画好线,用直尺护住要留下的部分,左手按住尺子,要适当用力(保证裁切时尺子不会歪斜),右手捂住美术刀的把柄,先沿划线处用刀尖从划线起点用力划向终点,反复几次,直到要切割的材料被切开。 (二)勾刀 勾刀是切割切割厚度小于10mm的有机玻璃板,ABS工程塑料版及其他塑料板材料的主要工具,也可以在塑料板上做出条纹状机理效果,也是一种美工工具。 使用方法:首先在要裁切的材料上划线,左手用按住尺子,护住要留下的部分,右手握住勾刀把柄,用刀尖沿线轻轻划一下,然后再用力度适中地沿着刚才的划痕反复划几下,直至切割到材料厚度的三分之二左右,再用手轻轻一掰,将其折断,每次勾的深度为0.3mm 左右。 (三)剪刀 模型制作中最常用的有两种刀:一种是直刃剪刀,适于剪裁大中型的纸材,在制作粗模型和剪裁大面积圆形时尤为有用;另外一种是弧形剪刀,适于剪裁薄片状物品和各种带圆形的细部。 (四)钢锯 主要用来切割金属、木质材料和塑料板材。 使用方法:锯材时要注意,起锯的好坏直接影响锯口的质量。为了锯口的凭证和整齐,握住锯柄的手指,应当挤住锯条的侧面,使锯条始终保持在正确的位置上,然后起锯。施力时要轻,往返的过程要短。起锯角度稍小于15°,然后逐渐将锯弓改至水平方向,快钜断时,用力要轻,以免伤到手臂。 (五)线锯 主要用来加工线性不规则的零部件。线锯有金属和竹工架两种,它可以在各种板材上任意锯割弧形。竹工架的制作是选用厚度适中的竹板,在竹板两端钉上小钉,然后将小钉弯折成小勾,再在另一端装上松紧旋钮,将锯丝两头的眼挂在竹板两端即可使用。 使用方法:使用时,先将要割锯的材料上所画的弧线内侧用钻头钻出洞,再将锯丝的一头穿过洞挂在另一段的小钉上,按照所画弧线内侧1左右进行锯割,锯割方向是斜向上下。 二、辅助工具及其使用方法 (一)钻床 是用来给模型打孔的设备。无论是在景观模型、景观模型还是在展示模型中,都会有很多的零部件需要镂空效果时,必须先要打孔。钻孔时,主要是依靠钻头与工件之间的相对运动来完成这个过程的。在具体的钻孔过程中,只有钻头在旋转,而被钻物体是静止不动的。 钻床分台式和立式两种。台式钻床是一种可以放在工台上操作的小型钻床,小巧、灵活,使

新整理描写常青藤优美句段 写常青藤作文散文句子

描写常青藤优美句段写常青藤作文散文句子 描写常青藤优美句段写常青藤作文散文句子第1段: 1.睁开朦胧的泪眼,我猛然发觉那株濒临枯萎的常春藤已然绿意青葱,虽然仍旧瘦小,却顽强挣扎,嫩绿的枝条攀附着窗格向着阳光奋力伸展。 2.常春藤是一种常见的植物,我家也种了两盆。可能它对于很多人来说都不足为奇,但是却给我留下了美好的印象。常春藤属于五加科常绿藤本灌木,翠绿的叶子就像火红的枫叶一样,是可爱的小金鱼的尾巴。常春藤的叶子的长约5厘米,小的则约有2厘米,但都是小巧玲珑的,十分可爱。叶子外圈是白色的,中间是翠绿的,好像有人在叶子上涂了一层白色的颜料。从叶子反面看,可以清清楚楚地看见那凸出来的,一根根淡绿色的茎。 3.渴望到森林里探险,清晨,薄薄的轻雾笼罩在树林里,抬头一看,依然是参天古木,绕着树干一直落到地上的常春藤,高高低低的灌木丛在小径旁张牙舞爪。 4.我们就像马蹄莲,永不分开,如青春的常春藤,紧紧缠绕。 5.我喜欢那里的情调,常春藤爬满了整个屋顶,门把手是旧的,但带着旧上海的味道,槐树花和梧桐树那样美到凋谢,这是我的上海,这是爱情的上海。 6.当我离别的时候,却没有你的身影;想轻轻地说声再见,已是人去楼空。顿时,失落和惆怅涌上心头,泪水也不觉悄悄滑落我伫立很久很久,凝望每一条小路,细数每一串脚印,寻找你

的微笑,倾听你的歌声――一阵风吹过,身旁的小树发出窸窸窣窣的声音,像在倾诉,似在安慰。小树长高了,还有它旁边的那棵常春藤,叶子依然翠绿翠绿,一如昨天。我心头不觉一动,哦,这棵常春藤陪伴我几个春秋,今天才惊讶于它的可爱,它的难舍,好似那便是我的生命。我蹲下身去。轻轻地挖起它的一个小芽,带着它回到了故乡,种在了我的窗前。 7.常春藤属于五加科常绿藤本灌木,翠绿的叶子就像火红的枫叶一样,是可爱的小金鱼的尾巴。常春藤的叶子的长约5厘米,小的则约有2厘米,但都是小巧玲珑的,十分可爱。叶子外圈是白色的,中间是翠绿的,好像有人在叶子上涂了一层白色的颜料。从叶子反面看,可以清清楚楚地看见那凸出来的,一根根淡绿色的茎。 8.常春藤是多么朴素,多么不引人注目,但是它的品质是多么的高尚,不畏寒冷。春天,它萌发出嫩绿的新叶;夏天,它郁郁葱葱;秋天,它在瑟瑟的秋风中跳起了欢快的舞蹈;冬天,它毫不畏惧呼呼作响的北风,和雪松做伴常春藤,我心中的绿色精灵。 9.可是对我而言,回头看到的只是雾茫茫的一片,就宛如窗前那株瘦弱的即将枯死的常春藤,毫无生机,早已失去希望。之所以叫常春藤,可能是因为它一年四季都像春天一样碧绿,充满了活力吧。也许,正是因为如此,我才喜欢上了这常春藤。而且,常春藤还有许多作用呢!知道吗?一盆常春藤能消灭8至10平

关于美国常青藤

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