国概下册课文翻译Unit 4

国概下册课文翻译Unit 4
国概下册课文翻译Unit 4

Unit 4 The Social System in the United States

第四单元美国的社会制度

1783年签署的《巴黎和约》承认美国的独立,大西洋东海岸的13个前英国殖民地成为了这个新国家的13个州。这13个州分别是:在东北部新英格兰的马萨诸塞州、康涅狄格州、罗得岛州和新罕布什尔州;在中部的马里兰州、宾夕法尼亚州、特拉华州、纽约州和新泽西州;和在南部的弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗来纳州、南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州。虽然《独立宣言》宣称这13个殖民地是“联合一致的殖民地,从此成为且名正言顺地应成为自由和独立的国家”,但他们并不十分确定美国未来的政治制度,以及各州和政府之间的关系。所以,迫切需要制定一部宪法。

联邦条例

独立战争结束后,美国并不是一个像今天一样统一的国家。每个州都有自己的政府,很像是一个个独立的国家在各自为政。每个州依照自己制定的法律,来处理其内部事务。战争期间,各州都同意派代表参加全国大会,共同合作。全国大会是参照领导对英作战的“代表大会”形式进行的。战争获胜后,国会只处理那些各州不能单独处理的问题和需求。如:筹集资金偿还战争债务,建立货币制度,签订合约时处理与外国的事物等。确立合作计划的协议书被称为“邦联条例”。

邦联条例无法发挥其应有的效力,因为各州不与国会合作,也不与其他州合作。国会需要钱支付国家军队或支付所欠法国和其他国家的债务时,一些州拒绝出钱。因为未授予国会最高权力迫使任何州做任何事情。也不能收取任何公民的税。只有公民所生活的州可以这样做。

许多美国人为国家的未来忧心忡忡。如果各州不支付所欠债务,美国如何能赢得其他国家的尊重?如果各州不相互合作,他们怎么能够修筑道路或运河以改善自己的国家?他们认为,国会需要更多的权力。

国会要求每个州都派代表参加费城会议,讨论修改一些必要的条例,以增强联邦条例的效力。

最小的州罗得岛拒绝参加会议,但来自其他12个州的代表参加了会议。这次会议就是后来为大家所熟知的制宪会议,始于1787年5月。独立战争的军事英雄乔治·华盛顿主持了会议。与会的还有其他54人。有些人主张建立一个强有力的新政府。而有些人不同意。

宪法

在制宪会议期间,代表们为美国设计了一种新形式的政府。成立政府的计划用简单的文字写在一个文件里,称为《美国宪法》。根据《宪法》,设立一个有着强大中央政府的联邦制度。联邦制度是指中央政府及其组成机构共享权力,而各自又保留一定的权利。《宪法》还要求通过选举的方式选出一位国家领导人(总统)。《宪法》规定:联邦法律将只能由人民选出的代表组成的国会来制定。它还规定了国家法院由最高法院领导的制度。

起草宪法时,代表们不得不考虑大多数美国人两方面的担忧。

一个担忧是,一个人或一个团体,即使是占多数的情况下,也会由于过于强大而攫取国家的控制权,变成专制。为了防止这种可能性的发生,代表们设立了一个有三个部分或说三个分支机构的政府,即行政、立法和司法三权分立。每个分支机构都有其他分支机构没有的权力,每个分支机构都有抵制和限制另一个分支机构错误行径的权力。

另一个担忧是,新的中央政府很可能会削弱或剥夺州政府管理自己事务的权力。为解决这一问题,《宪法》明确规定了中央政府和各州的职权范围。只要州政府都是共和政体的,都允许他们用自己的方式进行管理。

《宪法》的开篇有一段话,明确了政府是由“我们/人民”建立的,其目的是“增进全民福利和确保我们自己及我们后代能安享自由带来的幸福”。

要争取到13个州中9个州的大多数民众的支持批准,新政府才有可能建立起来。那些赞同批准《宪法》的人通过演讲和写文章进行了长期的努力,最终,他们占了上风,但各州明确表示,新政府一旦成立后,《宪法》还必须要再增加一个方面的规定。

各州代表指出,《宪法》中没有任何文字规定保障公民的自由或基本权利和特权。虽然大会代表认为没有必要列入明确的保障条例,但很多人都认为他们需要书面形式的保护,以反对专制。因此,“人权法案”在1791年被增加到了宪法中。

立法机构

立法机构是由各州民选代表所组成的,且是唯一的制定联邦法律,征收联邦税,宣布战争或使外国条约生效的机构。它包括国会,下设两院:众议院和参议院。

众议院由任期2年的立法者组成。每个众议员代表了他或她所在州的一个选区。各州选区的数目依据每隔10年一次的人口普查而定。人口最多的州选区最多,因此,小州的代表就少,有的只有一个。在20世纪80年代,众议院有435个代表。

参议院共由任期6年的立法者组成。每个州,不论人口多少,都有2名参议员。这可以确保小州在美国国会参众两院之一有平等的发言权。在参议员的任期是错开的,只有三分之一的参议员是每隔两年选举一次。这可确保每次选举后,美国国会还有一些经验丰富的参议员。

国会的主要职责是制定法律,包括征收那些用于支付联邦政府工作的税款。一项法律在通过生效之前是从提案开始的,被称作“法案”。经委员们审阅、研究后,交由参议院或众议院进行评议和修正。然后再进行表决。如果通过了,就送交另外一个院,再以相同的程序进行评议表决。如果议员们通过的是同一法案的不同版本,则两院议员就要在“会议委员会”上共同审议。试图说服议员投票支持或反对某一法案的群体被称为“院外游说集团”。当国会两院通过了一项法案时,需送交总统签字。只有总统签署了该法案,它才成为有效力的法律。

行政机构

在美国,最高行政长官是总统和副总统,他们通过选举任期4年。根据1951年通过的宪法修正案,总统只能连任两届。除了总统继任权外,副总统唯一的职责是担任参议院院长一职和在参议院表决出现平局(如50票支持,50票反对)时,投下关键一票。

总统的权力是巨大的,但并非没有限制。作为公共政策的制定者,总统往往向国会提出立法建议。总统也可以否决国会通过的任何法案。但如果有参议院和众议院三分之二的议员表决同意的话,则总统的否决可以被推翻。作为他所在政党的领袖,总统可以随时通过新闻媒体,轻而易举地在他认为至关重要的问题和立法上影响公众的舆论。

当联邦法官席位出现空缺时,总统有权任命新的法官,包括最高法院的联邦法官。所有这些委任须经参议院确认。

在行政机构,总统有广泛的权力,可以签发联邦政府许多部门和专门机构的工作规章和指令。他又是武装部队的总指挥。

总统可以任命各行政部门的行政长官和高级官员,但联邦政府的大部分工作人员是通过非政治性的公务员制度挑选出来的。政府各主要部门的负责人是总统委任的部长,他们共同组成了总统的内阁。每项任命须经参议院表决通过。现在,美国政府由15个部门组成,它

们分别是:国务院、财政部、国防部、司法部、内政部、农业部、商务部、劳工部、卫生部与公共服务事业部、住房部、交通部、能源部、教育部、国土安全部以及其他部委。国土安全部常缩略为DHS。它成立于2003年3月1日,是美国联邦政府的内阁部门,主要负责保护美国国土不受恐怖分子的袭击和应对自然灾害。DHS有200,000多工作人员,是继国防部和退伍军人事务部之后的第三大内阁部门。其他对国土安全负责的部门还包括卫生部与公共服务事业部、司法部和能源部。

根据《宪法》,总统主要负责与其他国家的外交关系。由总统任命外交大使及其他官员,需得到参议院的批准,并与国务卿一起制定和管理国家的外交政策。总统经常代表美国与外国一些国家的元首协商,并通过他的官员,与其他国家缔结条约。这类条约必须得到三分之二的参议院表决通过。总统也会与其他国家签订一些不太正式的“行政协定”,无需参议院的批准。

司法机构

司法部是由最高法院领导的。最高法院是唯一一个根据《宪法》专门设立的法院。此外,国会设立了11个联邦上诉法院,和91个联邦地区法院。联邦法官终身任职,也可选择自愿退休,只有通过国会弹劾及审判程序才能被免职。

美国联邦法院对涉及联邦《宪法》的案件拥有审判权,如涉及美国法律和条约的案件,海商案件,涉及外国公民或政府的案件,以及联邦政府本身就是一个当事人的案件。一般情况下,联邦法院不审理涉及各个州法律的案件。

现在,最高法院由1名首席大法官和8名陪审大法官组成。除了少数情况之外,所有最高法院审理的案件都是下级联邦法院或州法院的上诉案件。大多是对法律和立法解释存有争议的案件。在司法复审方面,最高法院最重要的职能包括决定国会通过的法案或行政法令是否违反了宪法。这种司法审查权虽然在《宪法》里没有作明确规定,但1803年具有里程碑意义的马伯里诉麦迪逊案确立了最高法院解释《宪法》及裁决被通过的法案法令是否违宪的复查权力。

制约与平衡

当美国人谈及他们的三权分立式政府时,他们往往称其为“制约与平衡制度”(制衡制度)。这项制度在许多方面可以有效防止一个机构或者另一个机构犯严重的错误。但有时它也不能发挥它应有的作用。这里举几个行政、立法和司法各部门之间制衡权力的例子:如果国会通过了一项法律,总统不同意,他可以否决掉。这意味着该法案并没有成为法律。但国会可以不考虑总统的意见,而是只要在两院获得三分之二的表决支持,就可以让法律生效。

如果国会通过的一项法律,在法庭上被质疑违宪,最高法院有权宣布该法律违宪,它就不再有法律效力。

总统有权与其他国家签订条约,可以委任所有联邦职位,包括最高法院的大法官之职。但所有条约须经参议院批准,所有的委任须经参议院确认后才能成为正式公开的。通过这种方式,国会可以阻止总统不明智的做法。

人权法案

对于所有美国人来说,《宪法》的另外一个基本根基是1791年通过的《人权法案》。它包括10个很短的段落,保障自由和个人权利,禁止政府干涉个人生活。这十个段落成为美国《宪法》中第一至第十条修正案。

在《人权法案》中,规定了美国人享有宗教、言论和新闻出版自由的权力。他们有权在

公共场所和平集会,向政府请愿伸冤。他们有权持有和携带武器。无论是警察还是士兵都不能无理搜身。在没有得到法律法规许可的情况下,他们也不能搜查私人住宅。

《人权法案》规定了美国人在被指控犯罪时,有权获得陪审团及时、公正的审判。被告有接受辩护律师帮助的权利,有权获得对自己有利的证人证词。不得施加残酷的和非寻常的惩罚。

1991年,《宪法》又增加了另外16个修正案。这些新增的修正案与1787年起草的《宪法》关联性不是很大。这里只提几个。一个是禁止奴隶制的,另外有三个是保证所有人公民权及享有公民权的充分权利的。还有一个是给予妇女投票权,并把大选投票年龄降低至18岁。

政党

美国政治舞台上还有一个非常重要的,但在任何正式文件不曾书写的部分:政党制度。

美国政党是一群有组织的人,他们对于如何治理美国有着共同的想法,为了能够参与对美国的治理,他们致力于竞选活动,好让自己的党员当选。当一个政党的成员在国会中占多数时,对于什么样的法律可以通过,他们有很大的决定权。除了极少数的情况外,总统往往可以任命自己政党的成员或者政党的支持者们承担行政机构职位的工作,包括那些(联邦行政机构的)官员。

有很大的权力来决定种什么样的法律将被传递。有例外,总统往往总统内任命内阁的政党或政党的意见,他们的支持者,行政部门的职位,包括秘书这些成员的(头)。

制宪者们担心,代表少数人利益而不是代表全体人民利益的党派会控制政府,因此他们反对成立党派。他们希望,政府由忠诚于一个政党的有资格的人来管理。他们认为没有党派,政府也一样可以做得很好。尽管如此,《宪法》生效后不久,党派还是开始建立起来。

现在,美国有两个主要政党。一个是民主党,从托马斯·杰斐逊在1800年创建的政党中逐渐演变而来。该党的标志是驴。另一个是共和党,成立于19世纪50年代,由诸如亚伯拉罕·林肯等的北部和西部各州的政客们组成的政党,他们要求政府制止南方的奴隶制向正在加入联邦的州内扩张。共和党的标志是大象。

今天,大多数美国人认为民主党更像是自由党。他们之所以这样认为是因为民主党主张联邦政府和各州政府应积极地为那些需要社会和经济援助的人着想,如穷人、失业人员和需要钱上大学的学生。在20世纪30年代全球经济危机时,民主党人的确因此而赢得了好声誉。根据总统富兰克林·罗斯福的“新政”计划,民主党人采取了各种措施,一方面,通过修建水库、道路和公共设施,为百姓提供带薪的就业机会;另一方面,通过制定法规,如《社会保障法》来确保那些已退休人员或残疾人能按月拿到政府的养老金或救济金。

共和党并不一定要走向民主党的反面,去反对他们所采取的措施。只是他们认为,许多社会计划对于纳税人来说耗费太高,如果通过收税来完成这些计划的话,每个人都会受到伤害。他们(共和党人)更注重个人的创造精神,常常指责民主党人耗费巨资把政府搞得过于庞大,指责他们制定了许多伤害个人积极性的法律法规。出于这个原因,美国人倾向于认为共和党思想过于保守。

美国人如果仅为投票或想成为公职候选人,完全不必加入一个党派。然而,如果一个政党没资金,也没有竞选活动工作人员的支持,竞选公职是很困难的。许多选民想加入一个政党,是因为他们强烈认同党的目标或希望在选择其候选人时表达自己的意愿。不管他们属不属于一个政党,选民都会把票投给他们想要投的任何候选人。选举是以无记名方式进行的,没有人能够知道其他人投了谁的票,或者强迫他人投票赞同一计划或候选人。

许多美国人关注的问题是竞选公职的花费太高。近年来,这些费用急剧上升,部分原因是多数候选人为了取得更多的选票而购买电视广告时间。1990年,成功当选为众议院议员

的候选人平均花费为406000美元,是1976年平均花费的4倍多。人们担心,过高的竞选费用会迫使候选人花更多的时间去筹集资金,而不是解决重要问题,同时,也会妨碍许多优秀人才竞选公职。他们还担心,因为大部分资助政治竞选活动的资金都是来自有组织的利益集团,而不是个人,所以,许多美国人质疑,选举结束后,那些当选的官员可能代表赞助他们的利益集团,而不是为他们所代表的人民谋利益。

公众以及当选官员们自己的担心促使人们要改变竞选的资助方式。一些人主张自设花费限额,另一些人想要政府加以限制。尽管,目前还不清楚究竟会有什么样的变化,但公众舆论是强大的,政治竞选经费变革的那一天,必将很快到来。

高中英语必修五课文及翻译

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Unit4 无子女家庭:违背十万年来的繁衍规律 课文翻译: 二十好几的凯茜、韦恩夫妇结婚已有五年之久,没有孩子。上次凯茜娘家有人问:“你们打算什么时候要孩子,组成一个家庭呢?”她答道:“我们已经是个家庭啦!” 凯茜与韦恩属于决定不要孩子的年轻已婚夫妇群体,其人数正在日益增长。最近一项调查显示在过去的五年中,年龄在25至29岁之间妇女不愿生养的百分比几乎翻了一番,在18至24岁的已婚妇女中几乎增至三倍。在这个似乎大胆反抗生物性和社会性的决定后面隐藏着什么原因呢? 或许最能公开坦陈心曲的无子女夫妇是《婴儿陷阱》一书的作者:埃伦,派克,其夫威廉,一位广告总经理兼全国不生养夫妇协会主席。派克夫妇认为他们和协会均无意反对生儿育女,不过是反对不管人们是否愿意和需要孩子就迫使人们传宗接代的社会压力。 “这是一种生活方式的选择,”埃伦说,“我们选择自由和自愿,清净和闲暇。这也是一个朝哪个方向付出努力的问题——在你自己的小家庭之内或在一个大的社团之中。这一代人面临有关地球生命延续的严重问题以及生命质量的问题。我们的孙辈也许将购票去观赏最后一批红杉或排队去获取氧气配给。有人抱怨在回到有五个孩子的家途中被交通堵塞困住好几个小时,但是他们不能将孩子与交通堵塞联系起来。在一个受到人口过剩一系列后果威胁的世界上,我们正在参与一项事业使膝下无子的生活模式为社会所接受并受世人尊重。太多的孩子作为一种文化强制的后果而呱呱坠地,离婚和虐待儿童的相关统计充分揭露了这一结果。” 埃伦的丈夫补充说:“每位朋友、亲戚、同事不停地给你施加压力,劝你要孩子,说什么‘发现你生活中失去的东西’。好多好多人很晚才发现,所谓他们失去的东西其实是他们完全不适合做的事情。” 埃伦还说:“从抱第一个洋娃娃开始,大到欣赏电视肥皂剧,成年后参加鸡尾酒会,无形之中,总有一种压力要你为人父母。但是让我们来看看养育失败的比率吧,或许天下父母应该视为像当医生一样的专门职业。有些人擅长此道,他们应当生养孩子;有些人一窍不通,他们应该认为他们还有其他的选择。” 专业观察家同意这一看法:很多人生养孩子没有正当的理由,有时候则完全没有理由。男人常常稀里糊涂就当上了父亲,根本就没有作出审慎的选择;对许多妇女来说,怀孕能够成为一种方式来逃避不可解决的冲突,譬如,迅速获得名分,或改进自己的不良形象,以及满足童年时代未曾得到的关注和关爱的需要。 我与许多人类行为领域的专家交谈,探讨为什么那么多年轻夫妇决定不要孩子,他们的看法也是众说纷纭。一位家庭治疗专家把不要孩子的决定描写为“对当今世界形势基本的本能反应”,暗示像动物群居本能那样的东西正在起作用,来应对人口过剩、城市拥挤、环境污染与核战争危险。群居本能促使妇女感到繁殖人口有违心愿,并指引她们去寻找在家庭生活之外实现自我价值的新方式。 不止一位精神病医生暗示,凡是不愿生育的人有都自恋癖——觉得自己心甘情愿迫不得已,为照顾别人与受人照顾这个互相对立的内心冲突自圆其说。有位精神病医生说:“这些人不能容忍照顾孩子的想法,他们没有多余的爱分享给孩子,”并补充道,“你们这是对亘古以来人类繁衍生生不息的离经叛道。”他的另一位同事插话说:“情有可原嘛,我们谁不想为我们的欠缺找理由? 且不论他

高中英语人教版必修一课文内容电子版Unit4

Unit 4 A NIGHT THE EARTH DIDN’T SLEEP Strange things were happening in the countryside of northeast Hebei. For three days the water in the village wells rose and fell. Farmers noticed that the well walls had deep cracks in them. A smelly gas came out of the fields looking for places to hide. Fish jumped out of their bowls and ponds. At about 3:00 am on July 28, 1976, some people saw bright lights in the sky. The sound of planes could be heard outside the city of Tangshan even when no planes were in the sky. In the city, the water pipes in some buildings cracked and burst. But the one million people of the city, who thought little of these events, were asleep as usual that night. At 3:42 am everything began to shake. It seemed as if the world was at an end! Eleven kilometres directly below the city one of the greatest earthquakes of the 20th century had begun. It was felt in Beijing, which is more than two hundred kilometres away. One-third of the nation felt it. A huge crack that was eight kilometres long and thirty metres wide cut across houses, roads and canals. Steam burst from holes in the ground. Hard hills of rock became rivers of dirt. In fifteen terrible seconds a large city lay in ruins. The sufferings of the people was extreme. Two-thirds of them died or were injured during the earthquake. The number of people who were killed or seriously injured reached more than 400,000. But how could the survivors believe it was natural? Everywhere they looked nearly everything was destroyed. All of the city’s hospital, 75%of its factories and buildings and 90%of its homes were gone. Bricks covered the ground like red autumn leaves. No wind, however, could blow them away. Two dams fell and most of the bridges also fell or were not safe for travelling. The railway tracks were now useless pieces of steel. Tens of thousands of cows would never give milk again. Half a million pigs and millions of chickens were dead. Sand now filled the wells instead of water. People were shocked. Then, later that afternoon, another big quake which was almost as strong as the first one shook Tangshan. Water, food, and electricity were hard to get. People began to wonder how long the disaster would last. All hope was not lost. Soon after the quakes, the army sent 150,000 soldiers to Tangshan to help the rescue workers. Hundreds of thousands of people were helped. The army organized teams to dig out those who were trapped and to bury the dead. To the north of the city, most of the 10,000 miners were rescued from the coal mines there. Workers built shelters for survivors whose homes had been destroyed. Fresh water was taken to the city by train, truck and plane. Slowly, the city began to breathe again.

博士英语课文翻译Unit4

Unit4 1.The crisis of global poverty has, at long last, been accorded a high priority on the international agenda. This propitious development has sparked a flurry of discussion and research concerning the means for eradicating this debilitating condition from human life. Yet as renewed pledges for action pour in from governments, as long-held theories and conventional approaches fail to quell long-held prejudices, conflicts, and exploitation, a feeling of rudderlessness looms over the global enterprise of poverty eradication. At the same time, a palpable optimism emerges from the attention and momentum generated by the search for solutions to this worldwide challenge. 2.The mechanisms of poverty eradication have long been defined in primarily material terms. Indeed, the central pillar of the international community’s poverty alleviation efforts has been the transfer of financial resources. Approximately $2.3 trillion have been spent on foreign aid over the last five decades.[1] Tragically, the aid, far from ushering in greater self-sufficiency, has often had a detrimental effect on recipient communities: increased dependency on foreign assistance, subservience to externally dictated priorities, misappropriation of funds and decreased pressure for governance reform. In a resolute push for change, the United Nations has sought to expand the mechanisms for assistance and to galvanize support for poverty alleviation through its Millennium Development Goals.[2] 消除贫困的机制,很久以来主要是用物质的术语界定的。事实上,国际社会努力缓解贫困的主要手段是调配资金。在刚刚过去的五十年里,大约2.3万亿美元花在了外援上1。可悲的是,这些援助不但未能帮助受援群体增强自立的能力,反而常常带给受援群体负面影响——增加了他们对外援的依赖、总是屈从于来自外部的指示、挪用资金、减低了政府自身改革的动力。为了坚决推进变革,联合国通过其制定的《千年发展目标》寻求扩展援助的机制,加大对扶贫的支持力度。 3.It is now increasingly acknowledged that such conditions as the marginalization of girls and women,[3] poor governance,[4] ethnic and religious antipathy,[5] environmental degradation[6] and unemployment[7] constitute formidable obstacles to the progress and development of communities. These evidence a deeper crisis—one rooted in the values and attitudes that shape relationships at all levels of society. Viewed from this perspective, poverty can be described as the absence of those ethical, social and material resources needed to develop the moral, intellectual and social capacities of individuals, communities and institutions. Moral reasoning, group decision-making and freedom from racism, for example, are all essential tools for poverty alleviation. Such capacities must shape individual thinking as well as institutional arrangements and policy-making. To be clear, the goal at hand is not only to remove the ills of poverty but to engage the masses of humanity in the construction of a just global order. 4.Individuals and institutions must work in tandem to take up this task. One of the goals of poverty alleviation, then, centers on the individual: he must be helped to reclaim his dignity and sense of self-worth, must be encouraged to gain confidence to improve his condition and strive to realize his potential. Beyond the achievement of personal well-being, he must be nurtured to become a source of social good—of peace, happiness and advantage to those around him. It is at the level of service to others that our humanity achieves its highest expression. The second goal centers on institutions: at every level of society, they must serve as channels through which the talents and energies of individuals can be harnessed in service to humanity. Resources that help to develop this individual and institutional capacity represent a true source of wealth to the community. 5.Much like the physical principles that govern the material world, the social world, too, is governed by moral principles, which underlie the functioning of an ordered society. Principles such as gender equality,[8] trustworthiness,[9] access to education, human rights and freedom of religion,[10] for example, tend to correlate positively with measures of socioeconomic well-being and stability. The interrelatedness of challenges stemming from poverty calls for the articulation of principles capable of guiding analysis, decision-making and the

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