A Time to Break Silence-打破沉寂
A Time to Break Silence
打破沉寂
Martin Luther King，4 April 1967
马丁·路德·金，1967年4月4日
Four years after American involvement in Vietnam began, King boldly issued his first statement against the war by calling for a negotiated peace settlement. His condemnation of the War garnered criticism from the government and some SCLC colleagues. Following advice to focus on civil rights instead, King decided to approach the issue of Vietnam with some reticence. Yet, when President Johnson announced his plan to divert funds from the War on Poverty to Vietnam in December of 1966, King could no longer suppress his opposition. In January of 1967, due in part to the encouragement of his wife and closest advisors, King made his most public and thorough statement against the War to a crowd of 3,000 people at the Riverside Church in New York City.
美国人卷入越南战争4年之后，金首次大胆地表露了他反对战争，呼吁和平谈判。他对战争的谴责得罪了政府和南方基督教领袖协会的一些同事。面对关注民权的建议，他决定对越南问题保持一定程度的沉默。然而，当1966年约翰逊总统宣布他计划转移支持越南向贫困宣战的资金时，金无法按捺他的反对意见。1967年1月（4月？），在部分源于他的妻子和最亲近伙伴的支持下，金在纽约市河畔教堂向3000人表述了他最公开、最彻底的反战态度。
I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal." And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.
我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——―忧世教士和俗人协会‖关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：―?沉默即是背叛‘的时刻已经来临。‖这也是我们和越南紧密相关的时刻。
The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great
difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
这些话的真实性勿庸置疑，但它们呼唤我们却是最难的任务。即使迫于内心真理的要求，人们也不容易承担反对政府政策的使命，特别是战争时期。要让人们转变态度，反对政策遵奉者对于他人内心和周围世界的冷漠，无不困难重重。而且，当手上的议题看似不知所措，限入它们经常所出现的糟糕的冲突状态，我们常被其不确定性所迷惑，但我们必须行动起来。
And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
我们当中已经打破夜的沉默的人发现，号召说话是一项痛苦的工作，但是我们必须说话。我们必须谦卑的说话，因为我们有限的视野，但是我们必须说话。并且我们也乐于如此，因为有这么多宗教领袖基于良心的指令和历史的阅读，选择超越滥殇的爱国主义，而站在坚定反对的对立面。也许一个新的精神正在我们当中升起。如果是这样，让我们跟随它的指引，并且祈祷我们的内心对其引导保持敏感，因为我们需要一条新路，以突破这如此紧紧包围我们的黑暗。
Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
在过去的两年里，对于我转向于打破自己的沉默，说出自己的心声，对于我被称为激烈的反对摧毁越南，许多人问我的心路历程。他们关心这个问题的心理时常显得突出和响亮：“为什么你谈论这场战争，金博士？”“为什么你加入异议的行列？”“和平和民权不要混淆，”他们说。“难道你没有伤害到你的人民？”他们问。当我听到这些，虽然我时常明白他们关注的来源，我从来没有感到深深
的伤悲，因为这些问题意味着询问者并没有真正的认识我，我的承诺或我的号召，他们的问题显示他们并不了解他们所处的世界。
In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
出于这样不幸的误会，我认为并坚信，最重要的是要清晰地表述，为什么我信任那条从德克斯特大街浸信会教堂——一所位于阿拉巴马蒙哥马利的教堂，我从那里开始我的牧师职务——清晰地指引到今晚殿堂的路。
I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
今晚我来到这个讲台，是要向我挚爱的国家作一个热烈的演讲。这个演讲不是面向河内或是民族解放战线，也不是面向中国或是俄罗斯。它不是试图对越南悲剧模糊不清的整体局势和整体解决方案的需要加以忽略。它不是试图美化北越和民族解放阵线的榜样，也不忽略他们在成功解决这个问题中必须扮演的角色。当他们有正当的理由被怀疑对合众国的忠诚，生命和历史将雄辩的证明一个事实，冲突从来不会在双方没有诚信的情况下解决。
Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
然而今晚，我不会谈论河内和民族解放阵线，而是我的美国。请你，和我一起对结束一个使两块土地都付出了巨大代价的冲突承担最大的责任。
Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on
war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
从我就职业而言成为一名牧师以来，我想我有7个主要的理由将越南列入我的道德观视野，并不令人惊讶。首先，在越南的战争和在美国我和别人的斗争之间有一个非常显而易见的联系。几年前，在那场斗争中有一个闪光的时刻，对于穷人——包括黑人和白人——通过贫困项目，看起来似乎有一个真实承诺的希望。那儿有试验，希望和新的开始。继而它在越南得到了发展，我看到这个项目被打破、除去内脏，它好象是一个社会通过战争走向疯狂的无聊政治的玩具。我知道，只要象越南这样继续把人、技术和资金拖入无底洞中，美国就从来不会把资金和精力投入到它从贫穷中的恢复重建。因此，我就愈加认为这场战争是穷人的敌人，并且谴责它。
Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
或许当战争远比摧毁穷人的希望更严重这一事实清晰地呈现在面前时，我才悲哀地认识到这一事实。相对与其它群体而言，战争把非常高比例的穷人的儿子、兄弟和丈夫送去打仗、战死。我们把那些被我们的社会弄残废的年轻黑人送到八千英里外的南亚，去保卫他们在佐治亚州西南部和东哈林区都没有发现的自由。于是我们在电视屏幕上反复地看到这一残酷的讽刺，黑人和白人为一个不会让他们在同一个学校里坐在一起的国家一同战死。于是我们看到他们残酷并一致地焚烧一个贫穷村庄的小屋，但我们却认识到他们不可能生活在芝加哥同一个街区。面对如此残酷地对待穷人，我无法保持沉默。
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask -- and rightly so -- what
about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.
我的第三个理由深入到一个更深的意识层次，在北方贫民区过去三年特别是过去三个夏天的经历超出了我的经验。当我走在那些绝望的，反抗的，愤怒的年轻人当中，我告诉他们燃烧弹和步枪不能解决他们的问题。我向他们表示最深切的同情，但我坚信，最有意义的社会变革是通过非暴力的形式进行的。但他们问——并且恰到好处地——那么越南呢？他们问我们的国家是否没有采用暴力去解决问题，带来想要的变化。他们的问题直击要害，我知道只要我不首先说清楚我自己的政府——当今世界最大的暴力提供商，我就无法提高声音，来反对压迫贫民区的暴力。为了那些男孩，为了这个政府，为了那些在我们的暴力下千百万颤栗的人，我不能沉默。
For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:
O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath –
America will be!
对于那些人问我“难道你不是民权运动的领导者吗”，和因此把我排除在为和平而努力的时刻外的，我有进一步的回答。1957年我们中的一些人组成了南方基督教领袖会议，我们选择了我们的口号：“挽救美国的灵魂”。我们确信，我们不能把我们的目光局限在黑人一定的权利上，而是坚信除非奴隶的后代彻底从他们仍然戴着的镣铐中解放出来，美国就不会自由和得救。从某种意义上说，我们同意哈林的黑人诗人兰斯顿·休斯以前所写的诗：
哦，是的，
我平静地说道，
美国从来不是我的美国，
然而我发誓，
它终将会是！
Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
现在，一个无比清晰的事实是，今天没有任何关心正直和生命的美国人能够忽视目前的战争。如果美国的灵魂完全中毒了，尸体解剖的报告一定会写着：越南。只要美国摧毁了全世界人最深的希望，它就不会得救。因此，这就是我们所决定的，为了我们国家的健康，抗议和反对将引导美国走出战争。
As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?
如果这样一个对生命和美国健康的承诺分量还不够的话，另一份责任的负担在1954年（原文如此，应是1964年）就加到了我的身上；我不能忘记诺贝尔和平奖也是一份委任状——一份要求比我以前为“手足情谊般的人”工作更加努力的委任状。它召唤我超过对于国家的忠诚，即使它现在并不在手边，我也仍然要恪守对事奉耶稣基督的承诺。对于我来说，神职工作和致力和平的关系是如此明显，以至我有时对那些问我为什么说话反对战争的人感到惊讶。会不会是他们不知道这是对所有人而言都是一个好消息——包括共产主义者和资本家，包括他们的孩子和我们的，包括黑人和白人，包括改革派和保守派？难道他们忘记了，我的职责就是顺从那个爱他的敌人以至为之赴死的人？作为一个忠诚的神职人员，我能对越共或是卡斯特罗或是毛泽东说什么呢？我能以死威胁他们或是我不和他们分享我的生命？
And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is
deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.
最后，如果我简单地说我必须忠于我的信，和所有人分享那永生的上帝之子的召唤，正如我试图向你们和我自己所阐述的那条从蒙哥马利到此地的路，是我会提供的最有效的路。超越种族、民族乃至教义的召唤，是为人之子和兄弟情谊的职责，并且我相信，主特别深切的关心他受苦的、无助的、流浪的孩子，我今晚来到这里，为他们说话。
This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
我相信这是我们的权利和责任，那些人认为我们被比民族主义更广更深和超越我们国家自我届定的目标和位置所约束。我们被称作为他们说话：为弱势的人，为沉默者，为我们国家的受害者，为那些被称为“敌人”的人，为那些没有人类证明比我们的兄弟少些什么的人。
And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
当我沉思越南的疯狂行为，并用怜悯的心为自己去试图理解和作出规定反应，我的心就持续联结在那个半岛上的人们。我此刻的讲话不是为了任何一方的战士，不是为了解放战线的意识形态，不是为了西贡的团体，而只是为了现在几乎遭受了连续三十年战火的人们。我想着他们，因为对我来说很明显，如果不试图理解他们，倾听他们心碎的哭喊，那儿就不会存在有意义的解决办法。
They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China --
for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
他们一定认为美国人是奇怪的解放者。他们在1954年——甚至是在1945年——在法国和日本的联合殖民后，并在中国共产主义革命前。他们由胡志明领导。虽然他们在他们自己的自由[宣言]文件中引用了美国独立宣言，我们还是拒绝承认他们。相反的，我们决定支持法国夺回它的前殖民地。我们的政府感觉越南人民还没有做好独立的准备，我们又一次成为该死的西方式傲慢的受害者，使国际环境长久以来受毒害。随着这个悲剧性的决定，我们拒绝了一个革命的政府寻求民族自决，和一个没有借助中国——越南人并不太喜欢他们——而无疑是依靠本土的包含一些共产主义的力量建立的政府。对农民而言，这个新政府意味着真正的土地改革，这是他们生活中最重要的需要之一。
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
1945年之后的九年里，我们拒绝了越南人民独立的权利。九年里，我们不遗余力地支持法国再度殖民越南的努力。在那场战争结束前，我们承担了法国战争80%的费用。甚至在法国被击溃于奠边府只前，他们已经开始对这场鲁莽的行动失去信心，但是我们没有。甚至在他们失去意愿之后，我们仍在用我们巨大的经济和军事支持鼓励他们继续这场战争。很快我们就为这场悲剧性的再殖民企图支付几乎全部的费用。
After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
当法国被打败后，似乎独立和土地改革将会借助日内瓦合约重新到来。但取而代之的是联合国来了，决定胡志明不能统一暂时分裂的国家，农民们看到我们选择扶植了现代最恶毒的独裁者，吴庭艳总统。农民们看到并畏惧于吴庭艳粗暴
地铲除反对者，支持地主勒索者，甚至于拒绝和北方讨论重新统一。农民看到这些都是由联合国的力量所主导，并且联合国的军队不断增加，以镇压由吴庭艳的方法所激起的暴乱。当吴庭艳被推翻时，他们可能是高兴的，但是一长串的军事独裁者并没有带来真正的变化，特别是他们需要的土地与和平。
The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
唯一的改变来自美国，我们增加了军队以支持那个非常腐败、无能和缺乏人民拥护的政府。一直以来，人们阅读我们的传单，接受经常性的关于和平、民主和土地改革的承诺。现在他们在我们的炸弹下枯萎，认定我们和他们越南人不是同伴，而是真正的敌人。当我们把他们从父辈的土地上驱赶到最低社会需要都无法满足的集中营时，他们悲伤地离开，无动于衷。他们知道他们必须行动，否则就会被我们的炸弹摧毁。
So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
于是他们行动了，主要是妇女，孩子和老人。他们看到我们在他们的水中下毒，消灭他们百万英亩的庄稼。当他们看到推土机咆哮着越过田野准备摧毁宝贵的树木时，他们一定哭泣了。他们徘徊在至少有二十个被美军炮火炸伤伤员的医院里，而这只是为一个被越共打伤的伤员进行报复。到目前为止，我们可能杀了他们一百万人，主要是孩子。他们徘徊在集镇上，看到成百上千的孩子们无家可归，没有衣服，象野兽一样奔跑在街上。他们看到孩子们因为向我们的战士乞讨食物而丢脸，他们看到孩子们向我们的战士出卖他们的姐妹，为他们的母亲招揽生意。
What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be
building? Is it among these voiceless ones?
当我们和地主结盟并拒绝在我们夸夸其谈的土地改革上付出任何行动时，那些农民会想什么？当我们在他们身上检验我们最新的武器时，正如德国人在欧洲集中营检验他们最新的药物和最新的酷刑，他们会想什么？我们要求建立的独立的越南之根在哪里？是在这些沉默的人当中吗？
We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
我们摧毁了他们两样最珍贵的东西：家庭和村庄。我们摧毁了他们的土地和庄稼。我们推倒了这个国家唯一非共产主义革命政治力量，统一佛教教会。我们支持了西贡农民的敌人。我们使他们的妇女和孩子们堕落，杀死了他们的男人。
Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.
现在那儿几乎没有建设，除了苦难，很快唯一的固定建筑物只会在我们的军事基地和我们称为“坚固的小村庄”实际上是集中营里才能发现。农民们怀疑我们是否会按照这样的方式建设我们的新越南。我们能责怪他们的这些想法吗？我们必须为他们说话，提出他们无法提出的问题。他们，也是我们的兄弟。
Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
也许一个更困难但仍然是必须做的任务是，为那些被称为是我们的敌人的人说话。民族解放阵线，我们称为“越共”或是“共产党”的那个奇怪的匿名群体是什么？当他们认识到我们允许来自吴庭艳的压迫和残暴迫使他们成为南方的
抵抗者时，他们会怎么看美利坚合众国？他们对我们容忍那些导致他们自己拥有武器的暴力有什么看法？当我们说“来自北方的侵略”，好像那儿除此之外就不会有战争时，他们会相信我们的正义吗？当吴庭艳残酷的统治后，我们却指责他们的暴力，当我们在他们的土地上倾泻我们新的死亡利器时，我们却指责他们的暴力，他们怎么能信任我们？无疑我们必须理解他们的感受，即使我们不能宽恕他们的行为。无疑我们必须看到我们所支持的人在向他们施加暴力。无疑我们必须看到我们电子化的毁灭计划只是简单地矮化了他们最伟大的行动。
How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
当我们的官员知道他们的成员中共产党员不到25%，却仍然坚持给予他们这样的总称，他们会如何判断？当他们知道我们明知他们控制了越南的主要部门，然而我们却显得准备同意在如此高度组织政治化但没有一个政党的平行政府中举行国家选举，他们会想什么？他们问当西贡的新闻被军政府审查和压制时，我们还谈论什么自由选举。他们知道我们计划支持成立的新政府无疑不会有他们，唯一真正接触农民的政党。他们质疑我们的政治目标,他们拒绝将他们排除在外的和平解决方案。他们的问题令人恐惧地切中要害。是不是我们的国家计划再次构建政治神话，然后用新暴力的力量来支持它？
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
同情和非暴力的真正意义与价值，是有助于我们去看待敌人的观点，去倾听他的声音，去理解他对我们的评价。从他的观点中，我们可以真正看到自身的基本弱点，并且如果我们成熟的话，我们可以学习、成长，并从那些我们称之为反对者的兄弟们的智慧中获益。
So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese
and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
因此，对于河内，在北方，在那些现在我们的炸弹摧残的土地上，在我们的地雷威胁的河道中，我们遇到了深切的但是可以理解的不信任。为他们说话，是为了解释这种对西方话语的信任缺乏，特别是现在他们对于美国目标的不信任。在河内，他们领导国家反抗日本和法国争取独立，他们在法兰西共和国寻求资格承认，但被巴黎的软弱和殖民军队的任性所背叛。他们领导一场以高昂的代价第二次反对法国控制的战争，然后在日内瓦又被劝说放弃他们控制的（北纬）13—17度线的区域作为临时措施。1954年以后，他们看到我们和吴庭艳政府共谋阻止一定能使胡志明一统越南的选举，他们认识到又一次被出卖了。当我们问他们为什么不愿意立即进行谈判时，这些事必须被记住。
Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
此外，河内领导人认为美国军队出现并支持吴庭艳政权拥有最初的军队，违反日内瓦协议关于外国军队的内容，已经十分明确了。他们提醒我们，知道美国军队成千上万地开进南方，他们并没有开始将大量的军队和补给运往南方。
Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.
河内记得我们的领导人是如何拒绝告诉我们关于早前北越人提议和平的真相，总统是如何宣称当他们干净利落地行动时没有一个人可以幸存。胡志明看到美国宣扬和平，然后建立军队，现在他一定听到了国际日益增加的关于美国入侵北方的传言。他知道我们所实施的轰炸、射击和采矿是我们传统的入侵前战略。
当他听到世界上最强大的国家从八百，更精确地说，是八千英里外的本土海岸线把成千上万的炸弹扔到一个贫穷，羸弱的国家时还在谈论侵略，也许只有他的幽默感和讽刺才能让他释怀。
At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
在这个时刻，我十分清楚在这最后的几分钟，我要努力为在越南的沉默者说句话，理解那些被称之为“敌人”的人的意见。我也非常关心我们驻扎在那里的军队。这使我想起，我们说服他们到越南，并不是简单地残酷过程，像其它任何战争中的军队面对面的厮杀那样。我们在死亡的过程中加入了玩世不恭，因为他们一定会知道我们所宣称的为之而战斗的东西很快就将不复存在。不久他们就会知道，他们的政府把他们送到和越南人的战斗，更多成熟的人会真正认识到，我们是在富裕、安全的一方，而我们却在给穷人制造地狱。
Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
无论如何，这样的疯狂必须停止。我们现在必须停止。我作为上帝的孩子和受苦的越南穷人的兄弟说话。我为那些土地被荒废，家园被摧毁，文化被破坏的人说话。我为那些在家乡为希望破灭而付出双重代价，和在越南死亡、堕落的美国穷人说话。我作为世界的一个公民，为这个被我们的所作所为吓得目瞪口呆的世界说话。我作为一个热爱美国的人，对我们自己国家领导人说：这场战争最大主动权是我们的，主动停止战争也是我们的（责任）。
This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:
这是伟大的越南佛教领导者们的呼唤，最近他们中的一个人写了这些话，我引用如下：
Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).
战争每一天都在继续增加越南人和人道主义者心灵上的憎恨。美国人甚至迫使他们的朋友变成敌人。美国人是奇怪的，他们在小心地计算军事胜利的可能性，却没有认识到在这一过程他们在心理和政治上深深的失败。美国的形象在也不是革命、自由和民主的形象，而是暴力和好战主义的形象（引文结束）。
If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
如果我们继续，毫无疑问在我的心里和全世界人的心里，我们在越南没有光荣的目标。如果我们不立即停止反对越南人民的战争，世界除了认为这是一场我们决定进行的可怕的、愚蠢的、致命的游戏外，将不会有其它选择。现在世界需要一个我们可能还没有达到的成熟的美国。它要求我们承认我们开始在越南的冒险犯了错，我们伤害了越南人的生命。这种情况要求我们必须准备从我们目前的道路上紧急转向。为了赎回我们在越南的罪和错误，我们应当主动停止这场不幸的战争。
*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
我愿意提出五条具体的建议，我们政府应当立即开始把我们自己从这可怕的冲突中解救出来的漫长而艰难的过程：
Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.
第一：停止在北越和南越的一切轰炸。
Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
第二：宣布单方面停火，希望这样的行动能创造谈判的氛围。
Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.
三：立即采取措施，以避免在东南亚的其它战场，包括缩减我们在泰国的军队和在老挝的干涉。
Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.
四：实际接受民族解放阵线在南越拥有广泛支持并在任何意义上的谈判和在任何未来越南政府中扮演重要角色的现实。
Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.
五：根据1954年日内瓦协议，设定一个我们从越南撤出全部军队的日期。
Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
我们持续的一部分…我们持续承诺的一部分，表明将向任何一个恐惧其置身于包含解放阵线在内的新政府通知下的越南人提供庇护。我们必须向我们造成的损害提供赔偿。我们必须提供急需的医疗救助，使之在这个国家如果需要，就可获得。同时…同时，当我们强烈要求我们的政府从可耻的承诺中解脱出来时，我们在教堂和教会中还有一个持续的任务。如果我们的政府坚持在越南的错误道路，我们必须持续提高我们的声音和行动。我们必须准备好，寻找任何创造性的抗议方法，以进行语言上的斗争。
*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits
his convictions, but we must all protest.
当我们向年轻人就服兵役提出建议时，我们必须向他们澄清我们国家在越南所扮演的角色，并且提供他们拒服兵役的选择。我很高兴这是一条道路，在我的母校莫尔豪斯学院已经有超过70个学生选择了它，我向所有发现美国在越南所进行的不光彩、不公正行为的人推荐它。然而，我愿意鼓励所有应征年龄的牧师放弃他们的牧师免役权，而去寻找出于良心而拒服兵役者的心态。现在是作出正确而非错误选择的时刻。我们现在正处在那样的时刻——如果我们的国家继续它的愚蠢行为，我们的生命将置于危险之上。所有仁慈的人都将因他的抗议而被定罪，但是我们必须抗议。
Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
现在，出现一些停止战争的诱惑性试探，并把我们卷入一场变成反对越南战争的流行运动中去。我说，我们必须投入到斗争中去，但是我希望现在说一些更令人不安的问题。
The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.
越南战争仅仅是美国精神深层次败坏的一个象征，如果我们忽视这个严重的事实…如果我们忽视这个严重的事实，我们将发现我们自己的组织“忧世教士和俗人协会”委员会为下一代（做了什么）。他们将担心危地马拉和秘鲁。他们将担心泰国和柬埔寨。他们将担心莫桑比克和南非。我们将遇到这些以及一打其他名字和无穷无尽加入的名单，除非美国人的生命和政策发生显著的、意义重大的改变。
And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.
因此，这些思考把我们带离了越南，但并没有远离我们被称为永生的上帝的孩子。
In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being
used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.
1957年，一个敏感的海外美国官员说，在他看来，我们的国家站在世界革命的错误一边。在过去的十年里，我们看到所呈现的镇压景象就像是今天在委内瑞拉出现的美国军事顾问团。美国军队在危地马拉出资支持反政府力量，需要维护社会稳定。它告诉我们为什么美国的直升机被使用在柬埔寨对付游击队，以及为什么美国的燃烧弹和绿色贝雷帽部队已经在秘鲁行动起来对付反叛者。
It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.
已故的约翰 F. 肯尼迪所说的话时常萦绕在我们心头，使我们困惑。他在五年前说：“那些是和平改革成为泡影的人，将不可避免地使用暴力”。越来越多地出于选择或是偶然，这就是我们国家所扮演的角色，就是拒绝放弃特权和从海外投资获取巨额利润所带来快乐，使和平改革成为泡影的人所扮演的角色。我相信，如果我们站在世界革命正确的一边，作为一个国家，我们将必须经历价值观的激烈革命。我们必须迅速开始…我们必须迅速开始从以物质为本向以人为本社会的转变。当机器和计算机，利润动机和财产权，被认为比人还要重要时，种族主义、极端物质主义和军国主义这个巨型三胞胎将无法战胜。
A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
一次真正的价值观革命将很快激起我们对许多我们过去和现在政策的公平和正义提出质疑。一方面，我们被召唤来在生命的道路旁扮演心地慈善的人，但那只是一个最初的行动。有一天我们必将看到整个耶利哥的大路将发生变化，当男人和女人们行进在生命的大路上时间。将不再会被不断地打倒和掠夺。真正的同情胜过把一枚硬币扔给一个乞丐。（我们）将会看到制造乞丐的大厦被推倒重建。
A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
一次真正的价值观革命将会使（人们）不安地看待贫穷和富裕的强烈反差。本着正义的愤怒，它会远隔重洋，看到西方私人资本家在亚洲、非洲和南美的巨额投资，只获取利润却对那些国家的社会改善毫不关心，并且说“这是不公正的”。它将会看到我们同南美当地的权贵结盟，说“这是不公正的”。西方人傲慢的感觉认为教化别人是最重要的，与研究他们如何不公正无关。
A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
一个真正的价值观革命将会设计世界秩序和对战争的看法，“这样的方式来解决异己不公平”。人体被燃烧弹燃烧，我们国家的家庭充满了孤儿和寡妇，仇恨的毒药注射进正常人们的静脉，把带着身体残疾和疯狂心理的人们从黑暗血腥的战争送回家，这些都不是用智慧、正义和爱可以化解的。一个国家年复一年地把比社会改善项目更多的钱花在军事防御上，就接近了精神死亡。
America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
美国，世界上最富有、最强大的国家，完全能够带好这场价值革命的头。除了不幸的死亡，没有什么能够阻止我们重新排序，让追求和平优先于追求战争。没有什么能够阻止我们用青肿的手塑造强有力的关系，让我们成为兄弟。
*This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations.* These are days which demand wise
restraint and calm reasonableness. *We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*
这种积极的价值观革命是我们对共产主义的最好防御。战争不是答案。共产主义从来没有被原子弹或核武器打败。我们不要受他们被误导的狂热所影响，加入对战争的叫嚣，迫使美国放弃在联合国的参与行动。现在是需要聪明的克制和平静的理性的时候。我们不能开展消极的反共产主义行动，而是要积极地推进民主，实现我们最好地防御共产主义，就是在代表正义上采取进攻性的行动。我们必须采取积极的行动，努力消除那些贫穷、不安全、不公正的情况，这是都是共产主义成长发展的肥沃土壤。
These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support these revolutions.
现在是革命的时刻。世界上所有的人都厌倦了压榨和剥削的旧体系，由于脆弱世界的伤口，公正和平等的新体系正在诞生。赤膊光脚的的人们前所未有地群起反抗。坐在黑暗中的人看到了巨大的亮光。我们西方人必须支持革命。
It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."
这是一个令人悲哀的事实，舒适，满足，对共产主义的病态恐惧，以及我们调整非正义的倾向，西方国家所发起的现代世界革命精神，现在已经成为主要的反革命力量。这驱使许多人感到只有马克思主义才是革命精神。因此，共产主义是判定我们在实施真正的民主和把我们所创始的革命坚持到底上失败了。今天我们唯一的希望在于我们夺回革命精神的能力，和进入到一个有时怀有敌意的世界里宣布向贫穷、种族主义和军国主义永久宣战。随着这个有力的承诺，我们将大胆地挑战现状和不公正的习俗，加速那一天的到来——“一切山洼都要填满，大
小山冈都要削平，高高低低的要改为平坦，崎坎坷岖的必成为平原”。
A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
一个真正的价值观革命归根到底意味着我们的忠诚必须是普世的而不是局部的。总的来说，每个国家现在必须发展对全人类的高于一切的忠诚，以保持他们每个个体社会的最佳状态。
This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu- Muslim- Christian- Jewish- Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: "Let us love one another, for love is God. And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love." "If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.
这种提升睦邻关系，超越部落、种族、阶级和国家的全世界范围的友谊的需要，实际上是一种对全人类的包括一切的、无条件的爱的需要。这种经常性的误会，这种经常性的观念曲解，容易被世界上的尼采们认为是虚弱和胆小的力量而被摒弃，如今成为幸存人们的绝对需要。当我在说爱的时候，我不是在谈感伤或是虚弱的反应，我不是在谈因情绪波动而胡言乱语。我是在谈作为生命最高统一原理的伟大宗教的力量。爱是开启那扇引向终级实在之门的钥匙。印度教教徒、穆斯林教徒、基督教徒、犹太教徒和佛教徒关于终级实在的信仰都被圣约翰的第一封信完美地总结：“我们应当彼此相爱，因为爱是从神来的。凡有爱心的，都是由神而生，并且认识神。”“我们若彼此相爱，神就住在我们里面，爱他的心在我们里面得以完全了。”让我们期待这种精神尽快来到。
We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: "Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).
我们不能再崇拜那仇恨之神，或是向复仇的祭坛跪拜。历史的海洋是由高涨