The Spread of Behavior in an Online Social Network Experiment

The Spread of Behavior in an Online Social Network Experiment
The Spread of Behavior in an Online Social Network Experiment

https://www.360docs.net/doc/139116419.html,/cgi/content/full/329/5996/1194

The Spread of Behavior in an Online Social Network Experiment Damon Centola

How do social networks affect the spread of behavior? A popular hypothesis states that networks with many clustered ties and a high degree of separation will be less effective for behavioral diffusion than networks in which locally redundant ties are rewired to provide shortcuts across the social space. A competing hypothesis argues that when behaviors require social reinforcement,a network with more clustering may be more advantageous, even if the network as a whole has a larger diameter. I investigated the effects of network structure on diffusion by studying the spread of health behavior through artificially structured online communities. Individual adoption was much more likely when participants received social reinforcement from multiple neighbors in the social network. The behavior spread farther and faster across

clustered-lattice networks than across corresponding random networks. Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA. E-mail: dcentola@https://www.360docs.net/doc/139116419.html,

Many behaviors spread through social contact (1–3). As a result, the network structure of who is connected to whom can critically affect the extent to which a behavior diffuses across a population (2–8). There are two competing hypotheses about how network structure affects diffusion. The "strength of weak ties" hypothesis predicts that networks with many "long ties" (e.g., "small-world" topologies) will spread a social behavior farther and more quickly than a network in which ties are highly clustered (4–6). This hypothesis treats the spread of behavior as a simple contagion, such as disease or information: A single contact with an "infected" individual is usually sufficient to transmit the behavior (2). The power of long ties is that they reduce the redundancy of the diffusion process by connecting people whose friends do not know each other, thereby allowing a behavior to rapidly spread to other areas of the network (3–5). The ideal case for this lack of redundancy is a "random" network, in which, in expectation for a large population, each of an individual’s ties reaches out to different neighborhoods (4, 9). The other hypothesis states that, unlike disease, social behavior is a complex contagion:People usually require contact with multiple sources of "infection"before being convinced to adopt a behavior (2). This hypothesis predicts that because clustered networks have more redundant ties, which provide social reinforcement for adoption, they will better promote the diffusion of behaviors across large populations (2, 7). Despite the scientific (6, 7, 10) and practical(1, 2, 11) importance of understanding the spread of behavior through social networks, an empirical

test of these predictions has not been possible, because it requires the ability to independently vary the topological structure of a social network (12).

I tested the effects of network structure on diffusion using a controlled experimental approach. I studied the spread of a health behavior through a network-embedded population by creating an Internet-based health community, containing 1528 participants recruited from health-interest World Wide Web sites (13).

Each participant created an anonymous online profile, including an avatar, a user name, and a set of health interests. They were then matched with other participants in the study—referred to as "health buddies"—as members of an online health community. Participants could not contact their health buddies directly, but they could receive emails from the study informing them of their health buddies’ activities. To preserve anonymity and to prevent people from trying to identify friends who may have also signed up for the study (or from trying to contact health buddies outside the context of the experiment),I blinded the identifiers that people used. Participants made decisions about whether or not to adopt a health behavior based on the adoption patterns of their health buddies. The health behavior used for this study was the decision to register for an Internet-based health forum, which offered access and rating tools for online health resources (13).

The health forum was not known (or accessible) to anyone except participants in the experiment. This ensured that the only sources of encouragement that participants had to join the forum were the signals that they received from their health buddies. The forum was populated with initial ratings to provide content for the early adopters. However, all subsequent content was contributed by the participants who joined the forum.

Participants arriving to the study were randomly assigned to one of two experimental conditions—a clustered-lattice network and a random network—that were distinguished only by the topological structure of the social networks (Fig. 1).In the clustered-lattice–network condition, there was a high level of clustering (5, 6, 13) created by redundant ties that linked each node’s neighbors to one another. The random network condition was created by rewiring the clustered-lattice network via a permutation algorithm based on the small-world–network model (6, 13–15). This ensured that each node maintained the exact same number of neighbors as in the clustered network (that is, a homogeneous degree distribution), while simultaneously reducing clustering in the network and eliminating redundant ties within and between neighborhoods (4, 6, 14).

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[in a new window]Fig. 1. Randomization of participants to clustered-lattice and random-network conditions in a single trial of this study (N = 128, Z = 6). In each condition, the black node shows the focal node of a neighborhood to which an individual is being assigned, and the red nodes correspond to that individual’s neighbors in the network. In the clustered-lattice network, the red nodes share neighbors with each other, whereas in the random network they do not. White nodes indicate individuals who are not connected to the focal node.

The network topologies were created before the participants arrived, and the participants could not alter the topology in which they were embedded (e.g., by making new ties). In both conditions, each participant was randomly assigned to occupy a single node in one network. The occupants of the immediately adjacent nodes in the network (i.e., the network neighbors)constituted a participant’s health buddies (13). Each node in a social network had an identical number of neighbors as the other nodes in the network, and participants could only see the immediate neighbors to whom they were connected.

Consequently, the size of each participant’s social neighborhood was identical for all participants within a network and across conditions. More generally, every aspect of a participant’s experience before the initiation of the diffusion dynamics was equivalent across conditions, and the only difference between the conditions was the pattern of connectedness of the social networks in which the participants were embedded. Thus, any differences in the dynamics of diffusion between the two conditions can be attributed to the effects of network topology.

There are four advantages of this experimental design over observational data.

(i) The present study isolates the effects of network topology, independent of frequently co-occurring factors such as homophily (3,16), geographic proximity (17), and interpersonal affect (4, 18), which are easily conflated with the effects of topological structure in observational studies (2, 3, 11).(ii) I study the spread of a health-related behavior that is unknown to the participants before the study (13), thereby eliminating the effects of nonnetwork factors from the diffusion dynamics,such as advertising, availability, and pricing, which can confound the effects of topology on diffusion when, for example, the local structure of a social network correlates with greater resources for learning

about or adopting an innovation (11,19). (iii) This study eliminates the possibility for social ties to change and thereby identifies the effects of network structure on the dynamics of diffusion without the confounding effects of homophilous tie formation (1, 20). (iv) Finally,this design allows the same diffusion process to be observed multiple times, under identical structural conditions, thus allowing the often stochastic process of individual adoption(21) to be studied in a way that provides robust evidence for the effects of network topology on the dynamics of diffusion.

I report the results from six independent trials of this experimental design, each consisting of a matched pair of network conditions.In each pair, participants were randomized to either a clustered-lattice network or a corresponding random network (13). This yielded12 independent diffusion processes. Diffusion was initiated by selecting a random "seed node," which sent signals to its network neighbors encouraging them to adopt a health-related behavior—namely, registering for a health forum Web site(13). Every time a participant adopted the behavior (i.e., registered for the health forum), messages were sent to her health buddies inviting them to adopt. If a participant had multiple health buddies who adopted the behavior, then she would receive multiple signals, one from each neighbor. The more neighbors who adopted,the more reinforcing signals a participant received. The sequence of adoption decisions made by the members of each social network provides a precise time series of the spread of the behavior through the population. It also provides an exact record of the number of signals required for individuals to adopt the behavior. The starting time (time = 0) for each diffusion process corresponds to the instant when the seed node was activated and the initial signals were sent. For each trial, the diffusion process was allowed to run for 3 weeks (~1.8 million seconds).To test for the possible effects of population size (N) and degree (Z, the number of health buddies each person had) on the diffusion dynamics, I used three different versions of the experiment: (i) N = 98, Z = 6; (ii) N = 128, Z = 6; and (iii)N = 144, Z = 8 (13). The modest range of population sizes tested and the correspondingly narrow range of degrees were due to the challenges of recruiting large numbers of people simultaneously.Among the networks I used, there were no effects of population size (13).

The results show that network structure has a significant effect on the dynamics of behavioral diffusion. Surprisingly, the topologies with greater clustering and a larger diameter were much more effective for spreading behavior. Figure 2 shows the time series generated by the six independent trials of the experiment. Adoption typically spread to a greater fraction of the population in the clustered networks (solid black circles) than in the random networks (open triangles). On average, the behavior reached53.77% of the clustered networks, whereas only 38.26% of the population adopted in the random networks (13). I also found that the behavior diffused more quickly in

the clustered networks than in the random networks. The average rate of diffusion in the clustered networks (0.2820 x 10–3 nodes/s) was more than four times faster than that of the random condition (0.0643x 10–3 nodes/s). Differences in both the success and the rate of diffusion between network conditions are statistically significant (P < 0.01 using the Wilcoxon rank

sum–Mann-Whitney U test) (13).

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[in this window] [in a new window]Fig. 2. Time series showing the adoption of a health behavior spreading through

clustered-lattice (solid black circles) and random (open triangles) social networks. Six independent trials of the study are shown, including (A) N = 98, Z = 6, (B to D) N = 128, Z = 6, and (E and F) N = 144, Z = 8. The success of diffusion was measured by the fraction of the total network that adopted the behavior. The speed of the diffusion process was evaluated by comparing the time required for the behavior to spread to the greatest fraction reached by both conditions in each trial.

The experimental findings were qualitatively the same across different network and neighborhood sizes. However, networks with a greater degree (Z = 8) performed better than those with a lower degree (Z = 6). Although this finding is consistent with the hypothesis that more redundant ties between neighborhoods can improve the global spread of behavior, it may also indicate that other topological features, such as degree and density,are relevant factors affecting behavioral diffusion (2, 7).This suggests important avenues for future research.

At the individual level, the results (Fig. 3) show that redundant signals significantly increased the likelihood of adoption;social reinforcement from multiple health buddies made participants much more willing to adopt the behavior. Figure 3 compares the baseline likelihood of adoption after receiving one social signal to the increased likelihood of adoption for nodes receiving second, third, and fourth reinforcing signals. Participants were significantly more likely to adopt after receiving a second signal than after receiving only one signal (P < 0.001 using the Cox proportional hazards model). Receiving a

third signal also significantly increased the likelihood of adoption, but with a smaller marginal-effect size (P < 0.05, Cox proportional hazards model) (13). Additional signals had no significant effect.This can be attributed to the attenuation of the sample size as the number of signals increased.

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[in this window] [in a new window]Fig. 3. Hazard ratios for adoption for individuals receiving two, three, and four social signals. The hazard ratio g indicates that the likelihood of adoption increases by a factor of g for each additional signal k, compared to the likelihood of adoption from receiving k– 1 signals. The 95% confidence intervals from the Cox proportional hazards model are shown by error bars. The effect of an additional signal on the likelihood of adoption is significant if the 95% confidence interval does not contain g = 1 (13).

A secondary, but important, issue related to adoption is the level of commitment that individuals have to a behavior once they have adopted it. To investigate the effects of social reinforcement on individuals’ level of engagement with the health forum,I compared the number of return visits to the forum after registering,for adopters grouped by the number of social signals that they received (Fig. 4) (participants could not receive additional signals once they had registered). Figure 4 shows pairwise comparisons of the number of return visits for adopters receiving only one signal (solid lines) versus those receiving two to five signals(dashed lines in panels A to D, respectively). Though less than15% of adopters receiving one signal made a return visit to the forum, more than 30% of participants receiving two signals made return visits, and 40% of participants receiving three signals made at least one return visit. Pairwise statistical comparisons between group one and groups two through five are all significant (P < 0.01 for all four comparisons, using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test) (13), indicating that participants who received more than one social signal were significantly more likely to return to the health forum than those who only received a single signal. This suggests that there was a significant effect of social reinforcement on participants’ level of engagement with the adopted behavior.

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[in a new window]Fig. 4. Cumulative distribution functions of the number of return visits to the health forum (x) for populations of adopters grouped by the number of signals that they received. Comparisons are shown for adopters who received (A) one versus two signals, (B) one versus three signals, (C) one versus four signals, and (D) one versus five signals. All pairwise comparisons between groups two through five with each other showed no significant differences (P > 0.4 for all six comparisons, using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test) (13).

As with all experiments, design choices that aided my control of the study also put constraints on the behaviors that I could test. A key limitation of my design is that, unlike in my experiment,adopting a new health behavior is often extremely difficult in the real world. To adopt behaviors such as getting a vaccination,going on a diet, starting an exercise routine, or getting a screening, people may be required to pay the costs of time,deprivation, or even physical pain. Because of this, I expect that the need for social reinforcement would be greater for adopting these health behaviors than it was for the behavior in my study. Consequently, the diffusion of real-world health behaviors may depend even more on clustered-network structures than did the diffusion dynamics reported in my results.

An additional constraint of my study was that participants did not have any direct communication with their health buddies or information about their identities. This allowed me to isolate the effects of network topology on the dynamics of diffusion without the presence of confounding variables. However, it also raises the question of what the strength of the effects of network topology would be when allowed to interact with the effects of interpersonal relationships. An important assumption of this study is that the effects of network topology will not be overwhelmed by individuals’ exposure to other social factors. Previous studies have suggested that factors such as homophily and strong interpersonal affect in social ties can improve the diffusion of behaviors through social networks (3, 18). In the real world,these features of social relationships tend to be highly correlated with the formation of clustered social ties (3, 22, 23). Consequently,I expect that these reinforcing factors would amplify the observed effects of clustered social networks in promoting

the diffusion of health behaviors across a large population. However, new

experimental designs are required to test the interaction effects of these

variables (and other variables such as gender, memory,and frequency of

interaction) on the spread of social behaviors.

Evidence in support of the "strength of weak ties" hypothesis has suggested that networks with high levels of local clustering and tightly knit neighborhoods are inefficient for large-scale diffusion processes (4, 5, 9). My findings show that, not only is individual adoption improved by reinforcing signals that come from clustered social ties (Fig. 3), but this individual-level effect also translates into a system-level phenomenon whereby large-scale diffusion can reach more people and spread more quickly in clustered networks than in random

networks (Fig. 2). Whereas locally clustered ties may be redundant for simple contagions, like information or disease (4, 6, 24), they can be highly efficient for promoting behavioral diffusion. On the basis of these findings, I predict that public health interventions aimed at the spread of new health behaviors (for instance, improved diet, regular exercise, condom use, or needle exchange) may do better to target clustered residential networks rather than the casual contact networks across which disease may spread very quickly

(25)—particularly if the behaviors to be diffused are highly complex (for

instance, because they are costly, difficult, or contravene existing norms).

Supporting Online Material

https://www.360docs.net/doc/139116419.html,/cgi/content/full/329/5996/1194/DC1

Materials and Methods

SOM Text

Figs. S1 to S7

Tables S1 to S3

References

References and Notes

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? 4. M. Granovetter, The strength of weak ties. Am. J. Sociol.78, 1360 (1973).

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? 5. D. J. Watts, Small Worlds: The Dynamics of Networks Between Order and Randomness (Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton, NJ, 1999).

? 6. D. J. Watts, S. H. Strogatz, Collec tive dynamics of ‘small-world’ networks.

Nature393, 440 (1998). [CrossRef] [Medline]

?7. D. Centola, V. Eguiluz, M. Macy, Cascade dynamics of complex propagation. Phys. A374, 449 (2007). [CrossRef] [Web of Science]

?8. N. A. Christakis, J. H. Fowler, The collective dynamics of smoking in a large social network. N. Engl. J. Med.358, 2249 (2008). [CrossRef] [Medline]?9. M. E. J. Newman, Models of the small world. J. Stat. Phys.101, 819 (2000).

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?10. S. H. Strogatz, Exploring complex networks. Nature410, 268 (2001).

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?11. K. P. Smith, N. A. Christakis, Social networks and health. Annu. Rev.

Sociol.34, 405 (2008). [CrossRef] [Web of Science]

?12. M. Kearns, S. Suri, N. Montfort, An experimental study of the coloring problem on human subject networks. Science313, 824 (2006).

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?13. Materials and methods are available as supporting material on Science Online.

?14. S. Maslov, K. Sneppen, Specificity and stability in topology of protein networks. Science296, 910 (2002). [Abstract/Free Full Text]

?15. S. Maslov, K. Sneppen, U. Alon, in Handbook of Graphs and Networks, S.

Bornholdt, H. G. Schuster, Eds. (Wiley-VCH, Weinheim, Germany, 2003).

?16. J. M. McPherson, L. Smith-Lovin, J. M. Cook, Birds of a feather: Homophily in social networks. Annu. Rev. Sociol.27, 415 (2001). [CrossRef] [Web of Science]

?17. P. Hedstrom, Mesolevel networks and the diffusion of social movements: The case of the Swedish Social Democratic Party. Am. J. Sociol.99, 1157

(1994). [CrossRef]

?18. D. McAdam, R. Paulsen, Specifying the relationship between social ties and activism. Am. J. Sociol.99, 640 (1993). [CrossRef]

?19. L. F. Berkman, I. Kawachi, Social Epidemiology (Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 2000).

?20. D. Centola, J. C. Gonzalez-Avella, V. Eguiluz, M. San Miguel, Homophily, cultural drift, and the co-evolution of cultural groups. J. Conf. Resl.51, 905 (2007). [Abstract/Free Full Text]

?21. M. J. Salganik, P. S. Dodds, D. J. Watts, Experimental study of inequality and unpredictability in an artificial cultural market. Science311, 854 (2006).

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?22. G. Kossinets, D. J. Watts, Origins of homophily in an evolving social network. Am. J. Sociol.115, 405 (2009). [CrossRef]

?23. G. Kossinets, D. J. Watts, Empirical analysis of an evolving social network.

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?25. P. D. Calvert et al., Membrane protein diffusion sets the speed of rod phototransduction. Nature411, 90 (2001). [CrossRef] [Medline]

?26. I thank A. van de Rijt and V. Eguiluz for helpful comments, N. Christakis for useful discussion and guidance, G. Pickard for programming assistance, A.

Wagner for developing the Healthy Lifestyle Network Web site, T. Groves for all of the design work, and J. Kreckler and K. Campbell at

https://www.360docs.net/doc/139116419.html, and G. Colditz of https://www.360docs.net/doc/139116419.html, for their

assistance recruiting participants. This work was supported in part by the

James S. McDonnell Foundation and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

Received for publication 26 November 2009. Accepted for publication 19 July 2010.

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Summary ?Full Text ?Transcript ?

社交网络会如何影响某一特别行为的传播?比方说,当某个公共卫生的问题出现时,恰当的行为变化会如何在整个人群中得到传达?美国麻省理工学院的Damon Centola用一个社会实验对这些问题进行调查之后报告,人之间具有许多重复连结的集群网络可促使行为比在人际间具有较多独特连结的随机网络中传播得更快。这一发现支持这样一个假说:与疾病感染不同,社会行为的感染要更为复杂,人们常常需要与多个人接触之后才会坚定地采纳某种行为。该研究论文发表于《科学》杂志上。

为了得出这一结论,Centola创建了一个有1528人参与的基于互联网的健康社区;这些人是他从健康兴趣网站中招募的。他将这些人与其他的参与者(或称“健康伙伴”)在该新

建的社区中进行匹配。这些参与者与他们的伙伴或被安置在一个集群-栅格联系网络之中,或是被安置在一个随机的联系网络之中。在每一组中会随机挑选一个“种子”参与者,而该种子的健康伙伴会收到一则短讯,该短讯会鼓励他们在某个在线健康论坛上注册。每当一位参与者采纳了那种行为并在该健康论坛上注册之后,一则短讯就会被发到该参与者的伙伴那里,依次类推。在该试验结束的时候,Centola观察到,在集群网络的参与者中,大约有54%完成了在线健康论坛的注册,而在那些被分在随机网络的参与者中,这一数字只有约38%。参与者集群网络同时好像会比随机网络传播行为的速度快大约4倍。

Centola 根据其发现提出,对公共卫生干预措施(如饮食改善、避孕套使用或针头交换等)而言,如果其传播方式是通过这些集合性住宅网络而非偶尔的联系网络的话,它们将更可能被人们采纳。

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The way常见用法

The way 的用法 Ⅰ常见用法: 1)the way+ that 2)the way + in which(最为正式的用法) 3)the way + 省略(最为自然的用法) 举例:I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. Ⅱ习惯用法: 在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,“the way+ 从句”实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰整个句子。 1)The way =as I am talking to you just the way I’d talk to my own child. He did not do it the way his friends did. Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are—all we have to do is to clean and peel them. 2)The way= according to the way/ judging from the way The way you answer the question, you are an excellent student. The way most people look at you, you’d think trash man is a monster. 3)The way =how/ how much No one can imagine the way he missed her. 4)The way =because

悲惨的近义词反义词和造句

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争,往往是悲惨的、没有光华的、没有幸福的,在孤独与静寂中展开的斗争。……他们只能依靠自己,可是有时连最强的人都不免于在苦难中蹉跎。罗曼·罗兰 8.伟大的心胸,应该表现出这样的气概用笑脸来迎接悲惨的厄运,用百倍的勇气来应付开始的不幸。鲁迅人在逆境里比在在顺境里更能坚强不屈。遇厄运时比交好运时容易保全身心。 9.要抓紧时间赶快生活,因为一场莫名其妙的疾病,或者一个意外的悲惨事件,都会使生命中断。奥斯特洛夫斯基。 10.在我一生中最悲惨的一个时期,我曾经有过那类的想法:去年夏天在我回到这儿附近的地方时,这想法还缠着我;可是只有她自己的亲自说明才能使我再接受这可怕的想法。 11.他们说一个悲惨的故事是悲剧,但一千个这样的故事就只是一个统计了。 12.不要向诱惑屈服,而浪费时间去阅读别人悲惨的详细新闻。 13.那起悲惨的事件深深地铭刻在我的记忆中。 14.伟大的心胸,应该用笑脸来迎接悲惨的厄运,用百倍的勇气来应付一切的不幸。 15.一个人要发现卓有成效的真理,需要千百万个人在失败的探索和悲惨的错误中毁掉自己的生命。门捷列夫 16.生活需要爱,没有爱,那些受灾的人们生活将永远悲惨;生活需要爱,爱就像调味料,使生活这道菜充满滋味;生活需要爱,爱让生活永远充满光明。

The way的用法及其含义(二)

The way的用法及其含义(二) 二、the way在句中的语法作用 the way在句中可以作主语、宾语或表语: 1.作主语 The way you are doing it is completely crazy.你这个干法简直发疯。 The way she puts on that accent really irritates me. 她故意操那种口音的样子实在令我恼火。The way she behaved towards him was utterly ruthless. 她对待他真是无情至极。 Words are important, but the way a person stands, folds his or her arms or moves his or her hands can also give us information about his or her feelings. 言语固然重要,但人的站姿,抱臂的方式和手势也回告诉我们他(她)的情感。 2.作宾语 I hate the way she stared at me.我讨厌她盯我看的样子。 We like the way that her hair hangs down.我们喜欢她的头发笔直地垂下来。 You could tell she was foreign by the way she was dressed. 从她的穿著就可以看出她是外国人。 She could not hide her amusement at the way he was dancing. 她见他跳舞的姿势,忍俊不禁。 3.作表语 This is the way the accident happened.这就是事故如何发生的。 Believe it or not, that's the way it is. 信不信由你, 反正事情就是这样。 That's the way I look at it, too. 我也是这么想。 That was the way minority nationalities were treated in old China. 那就是少数民族在旧中

(完整版)the的用法

定冠词the的用法: 定冠词the与指示代词this ,that同源,有“那(这)个”的意思,但较弱,可以和一个名词连用,来表示某个或某些特定的人或东西. (1)特指双方都明白的人或物 Take the medicine.把药吃了. (2)上文提到过的人或事 He bought a house.他买了幢房子. I've been to the house.我去过那幢房子. (3)指世界上独一无二的事物 the sun ,the sky ,the moon, the earth (4)单数名词连用表示一类事物 the dollar 美元 the fox 狐狸 或与形容词或分词连用,表示一类人 the rich 富人 the living 生者 (5)用在序数词和形容词最高级,及形容词等前面 Where do you live?你住在哪? I live on the second floor.我住在二楼. That's the very thing I've been looking for.那正是我要找的东西. (6)与复数名词连用,指整个群体 They are the teachers of this school.(指全体教师) They are teachers of this school.(指部分教师) (7)表示所有,相当于物主代词,用在表示身体部位的名词前 She caught me by the arm.她抓住了我的手臂. (8)用在某些有普通名词构成的国家名称,机关团体,阶级等专有名词前 the People's Republic of China 中华人民共和国 the United States 美国 (9)用在表示乐器的名词前 She plays the piano.她会弹钢琴. (10)用在姓氏的复数名词之前,表示一家人 the Greens 格林一家人(或格林夫妇) (11)用在惯用语中 in the day, in the morning... the day before yesterday, the next morning... in the sky... in the dark... in the end... on the whole, by the way...

“the way+从句”结构的意义及用法

“theway+从句”结构的意义及用法 首先让我们来看下面这个句子: Read the followingpassageand talkabout it wi th your classmates.Try totell whatyou think of Tom and ofthe way the childrentreated him. 在这个句子中,the way是先行词,后面是省略了关系副词that或in which的定语从句。 下面我们将叙述“the way+从句”结构的用法。 1.the way之后,引导定语从句的关系词是that而不是how,因此,<<现代英语惯用法词典>>中所给出的下面两个句子是错误的:This is thewayhowithappened. This is the way how he always treats me. 2.在正式语体中,that可被in which所代替;在非正式语体中,that则往往省略。由此我们得到theway后接定语从句时的三种模式:1) the way+that-从句2)the way +in which-从句3) the way +从句 例如:The way(in which ,that) thesecomrade slookatproblems is wrong.这些同志看问题的方法

不对。 Theway(that ,in which)you’re doingit is comple tely crazy.你这么个干法,简直发疯。 Weadmired him for theway inwhich he facesdifficulties. Wallace and Darwingreed on the way inwhi ch different forms of life had begun.华莱士和达尔文对不同类型的生物是如何起源的持相同的观点。 This is the way(that) hedid it. I likedthe way(that) sheorganized the meeting. 3.theway(that)有时可以与how(作“如何”解)通用。例如: That’s the way(that) shespoke. = That’s how shespoke.

知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句

知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句 本文是关于知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句,感谢您的阅读! 知己的近义词反义词及知己的造句知己 基本解释:顾名思义是了解、理解、赏识自己的人,如"知己知彼,百战不殆";更常指懂你自己的挚友或密友,它是一生难求的朋友,友情的最高境界。正所谓:"士为知己者死"。 1.谓了解、理解、赏识、懂自己。 2.彼此相知而情谊深切的人。 【知己近义词】 亲信,好友,密友,心腹,挚友,深交,相知,知交,知友,知心,知音,石友,老友,至友 【知己反义词】 仇人敌人陌路 【知己造句】 1、我们想要被人爱、想拥有知己、想历经欢乐、想要安全感。 2、朋友本应是我们的亲密知己和支持者,但对于大多数人来说,有一些朋友比起帮助我们,更多的却是阻碍。 3、那么,为什么你就认为,随着年龄的增长,比起女人来男人们的知己和丰富的人际关系更少,因此一般容易更孤独呢? 4、他成了我的朋友、我的知己、我的顾问。 5、无论在我当州长还是总统的时候,布鲁斯都是我的密友、顾问和知己。他这样的朋友人人需要,也是所有总统必须拥有的。

6、波兰斯基有着一段声名卓著的电影生涯,也是几乎所有电影界重要人物们的挚友和同事,他们是知己,是亲密的伙伴。 7、搜索引擎变成了可以帮追我们的忏悔室,知己,信得过的朋友。 8、这样看来,奥巴马国家安全团队中最具影响力的当属盖茨了――但他却是共和党人,他不会就五角大楼以外问题发表看法或成为总统知己。 9、我们的关系在二十年前就已经和平的结束了,但在网上,我又一次成为了他精神层面上的评论家,拉拉队,以及红颜知己。 10、这位“知己”,作为拍摄者,站在距离电视屏幕几英尺的地方对比着自己年轻版的形象。 11、父亲与儿子相互被形容为对方的政治扩音筒、知己和后援。 12、这对夫妻几乎没有什么至交或知己依然在世,而他们在后纳粹时期的德国也不可能会说出实话的。 13、她把我当作知己,于是,我便将她和情人之间的争吵了解得一清二楚。 14、有一种友谊不低于爱情;关系不属于暖昧;倾诉一直推心置腹;结局总是难成眷属;这就是知己! 15、把你的治疗师当做是可以分享一切心事的知己。 16、莉莉安对我敞开心胸,我成了她的知己。 17、据盖洛普民意调查显示,在那些自我认同的保守党人中,尽管布什仍维持72%支持率,但他在共和党领导层中似乎很少有几位知

way 用法

表示“方式”、“方法”,注意以下用法: 1.表示用某种方法或按某种方式,通常用介词in(此介词有时可省略)。如: Do it (in) your own way. 按你自己的方法做吧。 Please do not talk (in) that way. 请不要那样说。 2.表示做某事的方式或方法,其后可接不定式或of doing sth。 如: It’s the best way of studying [to study] English. 这是学习英语的最好方法。 There are different ways to do [of doing] it. 做这事有不同的办法。 3.其后通常可直接跟一个定语从句(不用任何引导词),也可跟由that 或in which 引导的定语从句,但是其后的从句不能由how 来引导。如: 我不喜欢他说话的态度。 正:I don’t like the way he spoke. 正:I don’t like the way that he spoke. 正:I don’t like the way in which he spoke. 误:I don’t like the way how he spoke. 4.注意以下各句the way 的用法: That’s the way (=how) he spoke. 那就是他说话的方式。 Nobody else loves you the way(=as) I do. 没有人像我这样爱你。 The way (=According as) you are studying now, you won’tmake much progress. 根据你现在学习情况来看,你不会有多大的进步。 2007年陕西省高考英语中有这样一道单项填空题: ——I think he is taking an active part insocial work. ——I agree with you_____. A、in a way B、on the way C、by the way D、in the way 此题答案选A。要想弄清为什么选A,而不选其他几项,则要弄清选项中含way的四个短语的不同意义和用法,下面我们就对此作一归纳和小结。 一、in a way的用法 表示:在一定程度上,从某方面说。如: In a way he was right.在某种程度上他是对的。注:in a way也可说成in one way。 二、on the way的用法 1、表示:即将来(去),就要来(去)。如: Spring is on the way.春天快到了。 I'd better be on my way soon.我最好还是快点儿走。 Radio forecasts said a sixth-grade wind was on the way.无线电预报说将有六级大风。 2、表示:在路上,在行进中。如: He stopped for breakfast on the way.他中途停下吃早点。 We had some good laughs on the way.我们在路上好好笑了一阵子。 3、表示:(婴儿)尚未出生。如: She has two children with another one on the way.她有两个孩子,现在还怀着一个。 She's got five children,and another one is on the way.她已经有5个孩子了,另一个又快生了。 三、by the way的用法

小学语文反义词仿照的近义词反义词和造句

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十一、仿照例句,任选一种事物,写一个句子。 十二、仿照下面一句话的句式和修辞,以“时间”开头,接着写一个句子。 十三、仿照例句,以“热爱”开头,另写一句子。 十四、仿照下面的比喻形式,另写一组句子。要求选择新的本体和喻体,意思完整。 十五、根据语镜,仿照划线句子,接写两句,构成语意连贯的一段话。 十六、仿照下面句式,续写两个句式相同的比喻句。 十七、自选话题,仿照下面句子的形式和修辞,写一组排比句。 十八、仿照下面一句话的句式,仍以“人生”开头,接着写一句话。 十九、仿照例句的格式和修辞特点续写两个句子,使之与例句构成一组排比句。 二十、仿照例句,另写一个句子,要求能恰当地表达自己的愿望。 二十一、仿照下面一句话的句式,接着写一句话,使之与前面的内容、句式相对应,修辞方法相同。 二十二、仿照下面一句话的句式和修辞,以“思考”开头,接着写一个句子。 二十三、仿照下面例句,从ABCD四个英文字母中选取一个,以”青春”为话题,展开想象和联想,写一段运用了比喻修辞格、意蕴丰富的话,要求不少于30字。 二十四、仿照下面例句,另写一个句子。 二十五、仿照例句,另写一个句子。 二十六、下面是毕业前夕的班会上,数学老师为同学们写的一句赠言,请你仿照它的特点,以语文老师的身份为同学们也写一句。

The way的用法及其含义(一)

The way的用法及其含义(一) 有这样一个句子:In 1770 the room was completed the way she wanted. 1770年,这间琥珀屋按照她的要求完成了。 the way在句中的语法作用是什么?其意义如何?在阅读时,学生经常会碰到一些含有the way 的句子,如:No one knows the way he invented the machine. He did not do the experiment the way his teacher told him.等等。他们对the way 的用法和含义比较模糊。在这几个句子中,the way之后的部分都是定语从句。第一句的意思是,“没人知道他是怎样发明这台机器的。”the way的意思相当于how;第二句的意思是,“他没有按照老师说的那样做实验。”the way 的意思相当于as。在In 1770 the room was completed the way she wanted.这句话中,the way也是as的含义。随着现代英语的发展,the way的用法已越来越普遍了。下面,我们从the way的语法作用和意义等方面做一考查和分析: 一、the way作先行词,后接定语从句 以下3种表达都是正确的。例如:“我喜欢她笑的样子。” 1. the way+ in which +从句 I like the way in which she smiles. 2. the way+ that +从句 I like the way that she smiles. 3. the way + 从句(省略了in which或that) I like the way she smiles. 又如:“火灾如何发生的,有好几种说法。” 1. There were several theories about the way in which the fire started. 2. There were several theories about the way that the fire started.

暗示的近义词和反义词 [暗示的近义词反义词和造句]

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放弃的近义词反义词和造句

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(12) 他这种放弃原则、瓦鸡陶犬的行径已经被揭露出来了。 (13) 适当放弃,做出斩钉截铁的决定,才能成为人生的赢家。 (14) 他委曲求全地放弃自己的主张,采纳了对方的意见。 (17) 我们要有愚公移山一样的斗志,坚持不懈,永远不放弃,去登上梦想的彼岸!(18) 只要有希望,就不能放弃。 (19) 为了大局着想,你应该委曲求全地放弃自己的看法。 (20) 既然考试迫在眉睫,我不得不放弃做运动。 (21) 即使没有人相信你,也不要放弃希望。 (22) 无论通往成功的路途有多艰辛,我都不会放弃。 (23) 在困难面前,你是选择坚持,还是选择放弃?(24) 无论前路多么的漫长,过程多么的艰辛,我都不会放弃并坚定地走下去。 (25) 你不要因为这点小事就英雄气短,放弃出国深造的机会。 (26) 像他这样野心勃勃的政客,怎么可能放弃追求权力呢?(27) 鲁迅有感于中国人民愚昧和麻木,很需要做发聋振聩的启蒙工作,于是他放弃学医,改用笔来战斗。 (28) 我们对真理的追求应该坚持不懈,锲而不舍,绝不能随便放弃自己的理想。 (29) 感情之事不比其他,像你这样期盼东食西宿,几个男友都捨不得放弃,最后必定落得一场空。 (30) 爷爷临终前的话刻骨铭心,一直激励着我努力学习,无论是遇到多大的困难险阻,我都不曾放弃。

way 的用法

way 的用法 【语境展示】 1. Now I’ll show you how to do the experiment in a different way. 下面我来演示如何用一种不同的方法做这个实验。 2. The teacher had a strange way to make his classes lively and interesting. 这位老师有种奇怪的办法让他的课生动有趣。 3. Can you tell me the best way of working out this problem? 你能告诉我算出这道题的最好方法吗? 4. I don’t know the way (that / in which) he helped her out. 我不知道他用什么方法帮助她摆脱困境的。 5. The way (that / which) he talked about to solve the problem was difficult to understand. 他所谈到的解决这个问题的方法难以理解。 6. I don’t like the way that / which is being widely used for saving water. 我不喜欢这种正在被广泛使用的节水方法。 7. They did not do it the way we do now. 他们以前的做法和我们现在不一样。 【归纳总结】 ●way作“方法,方式”讲时,如表示“以……方式”,前面常加介词in。如例1; ●way作“方法,方式”讲时,其后可接不定式to do sth.,也可接of doing sth. 作定语,表示做某事的方法。如例2,例3;

体面的近义词-反义词及造句

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7、如果奥巴马能够成就此功,并且帮助一个体面的伊拉克落稳脚跟,奥巴马和民主党不仅是结束了伊拉克战争,而是积极从战争中挽救。 8、而且,等到年纪大了退休时,他们希望能得到尊重和体面的对待。 9、爸爸,您倒对这件事处理得很体面,而我想那可能是我一生中最糟糕的一个夜晚吧。 10、有一些积极的东西,低于预期的就业损失索赔和零售销售是体面的。 11、如果你努力工作,你就能有获得一份终生工作的机会,有着体面的薪水,良好的福利,偶尔还能得到晋升。 12、体面的和生产性的工作是消除贫困和建立自给自足最有效的方法之一。 13、同时,他是一个仁慈、温和、体面的人,一个充满爱的丈夫和父亲,一个忠实的朋友。 14、几周前我们刚讨论过平板电脑是如何作为一个体面且多产的电子设备,即使它没有完整的键盘,在进行输入时会稍慢些。 15、什么才是生活体面的标准? 16、我们还必须迅速采取行动,为实现社会包容和人人体面工作营造有利的环境。 17、她告诉我人们都担心是不是必须把孩子送到国外去学习,才能保证孩子们长大后至少能过上体面正派的生活。

the-way-的用法讲解学习

t h e-w a y-的用法

The way 的用法 "the way+从句"结构在英语教科书中出现的频率较高, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或 in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 一.在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮.

近义词反义词大全有关聆听的反义词近义词和造句

近义词反义词大全有关聆听的反义词近义词和造句 【聆听解释】:1.汉扬雄《法言.五百》:"聆听前世﹐清视在下﹐鉴莫近于斯矣。"后多用于书面语﹐常指仔细注意地听。下面就给大家聆听的反义词,近义词和造句,供大家学习参考。 嘱咐 [注释]1.叮嘱,吩咐 倾听 [注释]1.侧着头听。 2.细听;认真地听 凝听 [注释]1.聚精会神地听 谛听 [注释]注意地听;仔细听:侧耳谛听 细听 [注释]… 1. 学校应充分利用社会的各种,调动一切可以调动的力量,应尽一切可能请进名师专家,让教师和学生有较多的机会聆听大师的声音、与大师对话。这多少会机器他们向往大师、成为大师的冲动,多少会使他们觉得大师就在身边,大师并不遥远。 2. 今天妈妈带我来到了这个美丽的大安森林公园玩,这儿有漂亮的花儿和绿油油的树,草,看起来像一个我好想好想要的花园。树

上有小鸟儿在唱歌,有蝉声在帮忙和弦,树下有小朋友再安静仔细聆听著这最自然的交响曲。 3. 静静聆听那滴滴答答的声音,不知在为谁倾诉?她在偶尔低语,偶尔高唱,偶尔呻吟,偶尔叹息,生动灵活,充满了立体与层次之美,在心灵中轻轻一吻,便触发了思绪,这思绪时而短暂,时而绵长,时而深沉,时而悠远…… 4. 九月的手掌拂去小溪夏日的狂躁,用心聆听着秋日的私语,温顺地弹唱着九月醉人的秋歌,惹得天空湛蓝高远,碧空如洗。 5. 我光着脚丫,踩着海水,注视着波光粼粼的海面,听着哗哗的响声,那声音好像高超演奏家的激越的钢琴曲,又像歌唱家的雄浑的进行曲,那声音使胸膛激荡,热血奔涌,啊,我多么愿意聆听大海老人的谆谆教诲啊! 6. 雪花飘飘,寒风阵阵,我细细地聆听着寒风谱写成的有声有色的乐谱,为雪花的舞步增添一些光彩。寒风真像一位默默为雪花服务的人。过了一会儿,又为雪花写了一篇朗朗上口的诗歌,一会儿又为她热烈地鼓起了清脆的掌声。

way的用法总结大全

way的用法总结大全 way的用法你知道多少,今天给大家带来way的用法,希望能够帮助到大家,下面就和大家分享,来欣赏一下吧。 way的用法总结大全 way的意思 n. 道路,方法,方向,某方面 adv. 远远地,大大地 way用法 way可以用作名词 way的基本意思是“路,道,街,径”,一般用来指具体的“路,道路”,也可指通向某地的“方向”“路线”或做某事所采用的手段,即“方式,方法”。way还可指“习俗,作风”“距离”“附近,周围”“某方面”等。 way作“方法,方式,手段”解时,前面常加介词in。如果way前有this, that等限定词,介词可省略,但如果放在句首,介词则不可省略。

way作“方式,方法”解时,其后可接of v -ing或to- v 作定语,也可接定语从句,引导从句的关系代词或关系副词常可省略。 way用作名词的用法例句 I am on my way to the grocery store.我正在去杂货店的路上。 We lost the way in the dark.我们在黑夜中迷路了。 He asked me the way to London.他问我去伦敦的路。 way可以用作副词 way用作副词时意思是“远远地,大大地”,通常指在程度或距离上有一定的差距。 way back表示“很久以前”。 way用作副词的用法例句 It seems like Im always way too busy with work.我工作总是太忙了。 His ideas were way ahead of his time.他的思想远远超越了他那个时代。 She finished the race way ahead of the other runners.她第一个跑到终点,远远领先于其他选手。 way用法例句

终于的近义词,反义词及造句

终于的近义词,反义词及造句 …终究[注释]副词。 总:总归;毕竟;最终:我们只要把事情办好,人们终究会相信我们的|腐朽的东西终究要灭…到底[注释]1.直到尽头。 2.始终;从头到尾。 3.毕竟;究竟。 …结果[注释]结果1在一定阶段,事物发展所达到的最后状态:优良的成绩,是长期刻苦学习的~ㄧ经过一番争论…终归[注释]1.传说中神兽名。 2.终究;毕竟。 …究竟终于的反义词:起初、最初、原来、依旧、起先终于的造句:(1) 盼望了一个冬天的雪花,下午终于飘飘洒洒满天飞舞般降落。 同事们也如孩子般奔向办公室的走廊,欣喜地用手去接冰凉的小雪花再用盆子收拢些飘舞的小雪花。 隔窗望去,天地之间因突然多了这白色的小精灵而愈发显得美丽。 (2) 快乐的暑假终于到了,我可以开开心心痛痛快快地玩一顿了!当然,在这之前,我也会好好安排一下我的暑假生活,使我过个既快乐又充实的暑假,我快乐的暑假生活。 (3) 坚韧,让沙石煎熬住大海的蹂躏,终于化作璀璨的珍珠;坚韧,让天空忍受住雨水倾盆的阴霾,终于看见那一道彩虹;坚韧,让泉水忘记流进山谷崎岖的历程,终于汇入蔚蓝无垠的大海。

它的叶子正面是身绿色的,反面是浅绿的,经脉上还有一些毛绒绒的小细毛。 又过了几天,含羞草的花蕾也长出来了,圆溜溜的,紫红色,还有着一些像针一样的东西,非常美丽。 (5) 漫长而炎热的夏天终于过去了,凉爽怡人的秋天来到了。 (6) 随着天空被点燃,太阳也终于露出脸来,它没有害羞,而是大大方方地把它独特的热情展示给我们,毫不吝惜地奖光芒撒向大地。 (7) 大约过了二十分钟,太阳终于挣脱了大地妈妈的怀抱,在崇山俊岭之间冉冉升起,真像个大红球,又像气得涨红了脸。 (8) 半个月的低烧,终于有了好转,高烧了……(9) 夏天的雨后,太阳冲出乌云的包围,终于露出了整张脸,此时阳光直直的,却不呆板、单调,它们穿梭在树枝之间,织成一道道金色的丝,将鱼后的水珠串成一串金黄的珍珠。 夏天少有的凉意伴着美丽的阳光,令人沁透心脾。 (10) 终于到达了果园。 我们忽然发现,果园里还种了一些菊花。 这些菊花有红的蓝的黄的白的……它们颜色不同,姿态也不同:菊花们有的含苞欲放,有的开了一半,有的已经绽开了笑脸……千姿百态,十分美丽。 (11) 发改委终于超越了统计局,说北京人均绿地是巴黎两倍。 最牛回复:“是算上了开心农场吧?。

the_way的用法大全教案资料

t h e_w a y的用法大全

The way 在the way+从句中, the way 是先行词, 其后是定语从句.它有三种表达形式:1) the way+that 2)the way+ in which 3)the way + 从句(省略了that或in which),在通常情况下, 用in which 引导的定语从句最为正式,用that的次之,而省略了关系代词that 或 in which 的, 反而显得更自然,最为常用.如下面三句话所示,其意义相同. I like the way in which he talks. I like the way that he talks. I like the way he talks. 如果怕弄混淆,下面的可以不看了 另外,在当代美国英语中,the way用作为副词的对格,"the way+从句"实际上相当于一个状语从句来修饰全句. the way=as 1)I'm talking to you just the way I'd talk to a boy of my own. 我和你说话就象和自己孩子说话一样. 2)He did not do it the way his friend did. 他没有象他朋友那样去做此事. 3)Most fruits are naturally sweet and we can eat them just the way they are ----all we have to do is clean or peel them . 大部分水果天然甜润,可以直接食用,我们只需要把他们清洗一下或去皮. the way=according to the way/judging from the way 4)The way you answer the qquestions, you must be an excellent student. 从你回答就知道,你是一个优秀的学生. 5)The way most people look at you, you'd think a trashman was a monster. 从大多数人看你的目光中,你就知道垃圾工在他们眼里是怪物. the way=how/how much 6)I know where you are from by the way you pronounce my name. 从你叫我名字的音调中,我知道你哪里人. 7)No one can imaine the way he misses her. 人们很想想象他是多么想念她. the way=because 8) No wonder that girls looks down upon me, the way you encourage her. 难怪那姑娘看不起我, 原来是你怂恿的

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