温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲(英汉对照完整版)：和平的力量

Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace

温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri

1946年3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]

译、校：张少军

President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:

麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最不重要的，美利坚合众国总统：

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。有人恭维我，说你们应该给我一个声誉如此稳固的机构的学位。“威斯敏斯特”这个名字对我来说似乎有些耳熟。我——我觉得好像以前听说过它。事实上，现在我想起来了，我在政治、辩证法、修辞学——还有其他一两个方面的教育有很大一部分都得自威斯敏斯特。所以，事实上，我们都接受过相同或类似的教育，或者至少是类似的学术机构的教育。

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a

private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities -- unsought but not recoiled from -- the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here today and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and -- and perhaps some other countries too. The -- The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. Now, I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

这也是一种荣誉，女士们、先生们，一位平民访客被美国总统介绍给一群学术听众，可能几乎是一种独一无二的荣誉。尽管他肩负沉重的负担、义务和责任——那些他既未追求也决不推卸的负担、义务和责任——他旅行一千多英里，就为了使我们今天在这儿的会议高贵而显赫。他给予我一个机会，对这个与我们同宗同源的国家，对那些横渡大洋定居于此的我的同胞们——也许还有其他一些国家——演讲。总统告诉过你们，他希望我有充分的自由，在这个令人焦虑和令人困惑的时刻给出我真实而诚挚的建议；我肯定，这也是你们的愿望。现在，我当然会利用这一自由；并且，因为年轻时所珍惜的任何个人抱负都已经得到超出我最狂妄梦想的满足，我感到有更多的权利这样做。然而，让我清楚地表明，我没有任何官方的使命或任何形式的地位，我只代表我自己发言。这里除了你看到的什么都没有。

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play

over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

因此，我可以让我的头脑以毕生的经验来讨论那些在战争完全胜利后困扰我们的问题，并尝试发挥我的长处，确保——为了人类未来的荣耀和安全——确保那些以如此巨大的牺牲和痛苦所获得的东西将得以保存。

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If, as you look around you -- If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. And we must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

女士们，先生们，美国此刻正站在世界强国之巅。对于美国民主政体来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。因为至高的权利也伴随着一种令人敬畏的对于未来的责任。如果你环顾四周——如果你环顾四周，你不仅必然感受到自己应尽的责任，还必然感到唯恐自己落在一般成就的水平之下的焦虑。此时此刻，我们两国的机遇清晰可见，光芒闪耀；拒绝它，忽略它或者浪费它都将给我们带来后世一切长久的耻辱。我们有必要像在战争中那样，用不屈不挠的意志、始

终不渝的目标，以及至大至简的决定，来支配和指导英语民族在和平时代的行为。我们必须，而且我相信我们能够，证明自己符合这一严格的要求。

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the overall strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

麦克卢尔院长，当美国军人面临一些危险的情况时，他们通常会在命令的前面写上“总体战略概念”几个字。这样做是明智的，因为它导致了思想的清晰。那么，我们今天应该铭记的总体战略概念是什么呢？它至少应包括所有家园和家庭，所有的土地上的所有男人和女人的安全和福利、自由和发展。在这里我特别提到无数的农舍或公寓楼，在那里，工薪族在生活的种种变故和困难中努力保护他的妻子和孩子免于贫困，并在敬畏上帝的情况下——或基于道德观念，这些观念往往起着重要的作用——抚养家庭。

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and

of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

为了保护这些不计其数的家园，他们必须免遭战争和暴政这两个冷酷的劫掠者的侵扰。我们都知道，当战争的诅咒降临到养家糊口者和他为之工作的人身上时，普通家庭就跌入了困境，一如欧洲的可怕毁灭和所有已消失的荣耀，以及亚洲大部分地区惨不忍睹的境况。当邪恶的人们的阴谋或强大国家的侵略性欲望大面积破坏了文明社会的基本秩序时，卑微的人们面临着他们无法应对的困难。因为对他们而言，一切都被扭曲，一切都被打碎，一切都被捣成泥潭。

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

在这个宁静的下午，当我站在这里的时候，我不寒而栗地想象正发生在数百万人身上的事情，以及饥荒在大地肆虐的这段时间里将要发生的事情。没有人能计算出所谓“无法估量的人类痛苦的总和”。我们至高无上的任务和职责是保护平民家庭免受另一场战争的恐怖和苦难。我们全都同意这一点。

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime

purpose of preventing war. UNO -- "U-N-O"1-- the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock.2Anyone can see with his -- with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

我们的美国军事同僚在宣布了他们的“总体战略概念”和计算了可用的资源之后，总是转入下一步，即研究具体的方法。这里再次达成了广泛的协议。一个其主要目的是防止战争的世界组织已经建立起来——联合国组织——国际联盟的继承者，美国的决定性加入，所有这一切都意味着，这个国际组织已经开始运转。我们必须确保它的工作是卓有成效的；它是一个现实，而不是一个骗局；它是一种行动的力量，而不仅仅是一堆言辞的泡沫；它是一座真正的和平殿堂，许多国家的盾牌总有一天可以被悬挂起来，而不仅仅是巴别塔里的一个争吵不休的斗鸡场。在我们放弃用以自保的国家军备的可靠保障之前，我们必须确定我们的神庙不是建立在流沙或沼泽之上，而是建立在坚硬的岩石之上。任何人都可以用他的——用他睁开的双眼看到，我们的道路将是艰难而又漫长的；但如果我们像在两次世界大战中一样不屈不挠——尽管不是，呜呼，我们只呆在两次大战的幕间休息室---我毫不怀疑我们终将实现我们的共同目标。

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action.

然而，关于如何行动，我将提出一个明确而切实可行的建议。

Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

法院和法官可以设立，但没有执行吏和警察就无法行使职责。联合国组织必须立即着手配备一支国际武装部队。在目前这种情况下，只能一步一步地走，但我们必须现在就开始。我建议，应邀请每个大国和其他国家派遣一定数量的空军中队为世界组织服务。这些中队将在他们自己的国家接受训练和准备，但会到处调动，从一个国家轮换到另一个国家。他们会穿自己国家的制服，但佩戴不同的徽章。他们不会被要求采取行动反对自己的国家；但在其他方面，他们将由世界组织指挥。这可能是以适度的规模开始的，以后它的规模将随着信心的增长而扩大。我曾希望一战结束后能做到这一点，现在我衷心地相信这可以立即付诸实施。It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the

United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country -- No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered. And even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organization.

尽管如此，女士们、先生们，当联合国仍处于婴儿期的时候，就把目前由美国、英国和加拿大分享的原子弹的秘密知识或经验托付给这个世界组织，是错误的和极不明智的。把它交出去，任其在这个依然动荡不安、四分五裂的世界里漂流，是一种疯狂的犯罪行为。没有任何人，无论他在哪个国家，都不会在床上睡不安稳，因为这些知识、方法和应用这些知识的原

材料，目前大部分都保留在美国人手中。我不相信，如果形势逆转，某些共产主义或新法西斯国家一时垄断了它们，成为这些事物的可怕的代理人，我们所有人还能够睡得那么酣畅。光是对他们的恐惧——通过它们给人类的想象力带来的骇人听闻的影响——就很容易被用来在自由民主世界强制实施极权主义制度。上帝不欲如此，他要我们至少有一个喘息的机会；以便在遭遇这种危险之前，让我们安顿好我们自己。尽管如此，如果我们足够努力，我们将一直保持如此令人敬畏的优势，对其他国家使用核武器或威胁使用核武器施加有效的威慑。最终，当一个拥有一切必要的切合实际的防范措施而卓有成效的世界组织真正体现和表达了人类基本的兄弟情谊时，这些能力自然就会归属于该世界组织。

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and ordinary people -- namely, tyranny.

现在我来谈谈这两个劫匪中的第二个，威胁平民家庭和普通百姓的第二个危险，那就是暴政。We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. With these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna

Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

我们不能无视这样一个事实：美国和大英帝国的公民个人普遍享有的自由在相当多的国家——其中一些国家还非常强大——都是无效的。这些由形形色色一手遮天的警察政府强加于普通百姓的国家控制，竟然达到这样一种程度——它压倒一切而且违背民主政治的每一项原则。国家权力的行使不受限制——无论是独裁者，还是通过特权政党和政治警察运作的强悍的寡头政府。在这个困难如此之多的时候，强力干预那些我们尚未在战争中征服的国家的内政，不是我们的职责；但是，我们绝不能停止以无畏的声音宣布伟大的自由原则和人类权利——这是英语世界的共同遗产，这些由《大宪章》《人权法案》《人身保护法》《陪审团审判》《英国普通法》所确立的原则，在美国《独立宣言》中找到了它们最著名的表达方式。

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

所有这一切意味着，任何国家的人民都有权通过宪法诉讼，通过不受限制的自由选举，以无记名投票方式，选择他们生活于其统治之下的政府或改变政府的性质与形式；言论和思想自由应占主导地位；法院独立于行政机关，不持任何党派偏见，执行得到大多数人广泛同意的，或因时间和习俗而成为神圣的法律——这就是高于一切的，应该置放于每个家庭案头的自由

的契约。这就是英国和美国人民向全人类传递的信息。让我们宣扬我们所实践的，让我们实践我们所宣扬的。

Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people, war and tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

虽然我现在已经指出了威胁千家万户的——战争和暴政的两个重大危险，我却尚未提及贫穷和匮乏，这在多数情况下是普遍的焦虑。但是，如果战争和暴政的危险被消除，毫无疑问，科学和合作可以在未来几年里——必然在未来几十年里，给这个在战争这所“进修学校”里得到新教训的世界，带来远远超出人类经验中发生的任何事情的极大的物质繁荣。Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned 50 years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace."

现在，在这个悲伤和令人喘不过气来的时刻，我们陷入了饥饿和痛苦之中，这是我们巨大搏

斗的余波；但这将会过去，而且可能很快就会过去。除了人类的愚蠢和非人类的罪行，没有任何理由去剥夺所有国家对一个富足时代的开创和享受。我经常引用50年前从我的一位朋友，伟大的爱尔兰裔美国演说家布尔克·科克兰先生那里学到的话：“对所有的人来说都足够了。地球是个慷慨的母亲，她将为她所有的孩子提供充足丰富的食物，只要他们愿意在正义与和平中耕种她的土地。”

And so -- So far I -- I -- I feel that we are in -- in full agreement.

到——到目前为止，我——我——我觉得我们意见完全一致。

Now, while still pursuing the method -- the method of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instruction, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. And this -- this would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air

Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

现在，当进一步探讨方法——实现我们总体战略概念的方法时，我就接近我旅行至此所说的话的关键。如果没有我所说的英语民族的兄弟般的联盟，就既不能确保防止战争，也不会有世界组织的不断崛起。这意味着英国联邦、大英帝国与美利坚合众国之间的特殊关系。女士们、先生们，现在不是概括总结的时候，而我却敢大胆把它挑明：兄弟般的联盟不仅要求我们两个庞大而相似的社会制度之间的日益增长的友谊和相互理解，而且需要我们的军事顾问之间保持密切的关系，使得我们能够共同研究潜在的危险，使用类似的武器和操作说明书，直到军事技术学院军官和学员的交流。这种密切关系使我们能够让我们目前的军事设施持续地服务于我们的共同安全。通过共同使用我们两国所拥有的全球所有的海军和空军基地，这——这也许会使美国海军和空军的机动性增加一倍，这也将极大地扩展大英帝国的军事力量；而且它很可能导致——如果世界平静下来——它很可能导致重要的财政盈余。我们已经共同使用了许多的岛屿；在不久的将来，更多的岛屿很可能被托付给我们共同照料。

The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually -- Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose

outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

美国已经与非常忠于英联邦和英王国的加拿大自治领签订了永久的防务协议。这一协议比许多在正式联盟条件下达成的协议更为有效。这一原则应该扩展到所有具有完全互惠性的英联邦。因此，无论发生什么事情，也只有这样，我们才能安全地为我们所珍视，且不给任何人带来不幸的，崇高而纯朴的事业而共同努力。最终——最终可能会导致，我感觉它最终将导致我们接受共同的公民身份的原则（即美国、英国和其他英联邦国家组成一个共同体，所有人拥有同样的公民身份——译者注）——但是，我们可能满足于让它听由命运的安排，尽管我们中的许多人已经清楚地看到它（即美国、英国和其他英联邦国家组成一个共同体的前景——译者注）向我们伸出的双手。

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a -- a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our overriding loyalties to the world organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I've just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We have also -- We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. We have an alliance -- The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the -- in the recent war. None of these clash with the general

interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions."3Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

然而，有一个重要的问题，我们必须问我们自己。美国和英国联邦之间的特殊关系是否与我们对这个世界组织最重要的忠诚不一致？我回答说，正好相反，这可能是该组织实现其全面地位和实力的唯一途径。美国与加拿大的特殊关系，我刚才已经说过了。还有美国和南美诸国之间的关系。我们也有——我们英国也和苏俄有20年的合作和互助条约。我同意英国外交大臣贝文先生的看法，就我们而言，这很可能是一项50年的条约——除了与俄罗斯相互援助和合作，我们没有别的目标。我们有一个盟约——英国与葡萄牙有一个从1834年延续至今的盟约，它在关键的时刻——在最近的战争中产生了丰硕的成果。这些特殊关系中没有一项与任何一个全球协定或世界组织的普遍利益相冲突；正且相反，它们有助于实现这些利益。正如《圣经》所说：“我父亲的家园有许多大厦。”联合国成员国之间这种不针对任何其他国家的特殊关系，没有任何与《联合国宪章》相矛盾的企图，它们非但无害，反而有益，而且我认为它们是不可缺少的。

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of -- of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed