经济学人人物传记PaulSamuelson保罗萨缪尔森.

经济学人人物传记PaulSamuelson保罗萨缪尔森.
经济学人人物传记PaulSamuelson保罗萨缪尔森.

Paul Samuelson

保罗.萨缪尔森

Dec 17th 2009

From The Economist print edition

The last of the great general economists died on December 13th, aged 94

12月13日,最后一位经济学通才去世,享年94岁

“I WAS reborn, born as an economist, at 8.00am on January 2nd 1932, in the University of Chicago classroom,” wrote Paul Samuelson in a memoir published earlier this month. He became probably the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century. For his work in several branches of the dismal science he became the first American economics Nobel laureate. Through his bestselling textbook, he introduced millions of people to the subject. And right to the end he kept on mentoring the profession?s brightest stars.

“1932年1月2日,在芝加哥大学的讲堂中,我得到了第二次生命——作为经济学家重生了。”本月早些时候出版的保罗.萨缪尔森回忆录中,他如是写道。他或许是20世纪下半叶最具影响的经济学家。沉闷如经济学,他在该领域数分支都有著作于世,并因此成为第一位荣膺诺贝尔奖的美国经济学家。在自己的畅销课本中,他向千百万人介绍了这门学科。直至生命垂暮,萨缪尔森仍在谆谆教诲着经济领域中最闪亮的学者。

His actual birth took place almost 17 years earlier in the steel town of Gary, Indiana, to a family of upwardly mobile Polish immigrants. His earliest memories—of the recession of 1919-21 and strikebreaking immigrant workers from Mexico, and of the boom and bust that followed—shaped Mr Samuelson?s macroeconomic views throughout his life. He approved of massive government spending to help an economy escape from recession when monetary policy can do no more. When

the Obama administration introduced just that sort of stimulus this year, partly on the advice of Mr Samuelson?s nephew, Larry Summers, who is Mr Obama?s chief economic advise r, he was quick to approve.

其实,萨缪尔森在此17年前生于印第安纳州“钢都”加里市的一个波兰移民家庭中,当时正值家族兴旺。他儿时经历1919-21年经济衰退和墨西哥民工罢工,以及随后的繁荣萧条更迭,而这些早期的记忆对他的宏观经济理论产生了毕生影响。他同意如货币政策力不能及,政府应大幅出资避免经济萧条。今年奥巴马政府引入上述经济刺激,其首席经济顾问,萨缪尔森的侄子拉里.萨默斯谏言有功,而萨缪尔森毫不含糊,双手赞成。

Though regarded as America?s lead ing standard-bearer for Keynesian economics, he called himself a “cafeteria Keynesian”, just picking the bits he liked. His combination of Keynesian and classical economic ideas became known as the “neoclassical synthesis”. From his chair at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and in his column in Newsweek, the self-described “dull centrist” became a fierce critic of the libertarian Chicago School, and especially of Milton Friedman (writer of a rival Newsweek column). Markets are not perfect, he believed, and dire warnings from Friedman, and earlier from Friedrich von Hayek, about the regulation of markets “tells us something about them rather than something about Genghis Khan or Franklin Roosevelt. It is paranoid to warn against inevitable slippery sl opes…once individual commercial freedoms are in any way infringed upon.”

纵使萨缪尔森被推崇为凯恩斯经济理论的倡导先锋,却自称“自助餐厅凯恩斯主义者”,发扬理论全凭爱好。他综合凯恩斯和古典经济思想成就“新古典综合”,传扬于世。在麻省理工大学的讲台上,在《新闻周刊》的专栏中,他自诩“沉闷中间派”却激烈批判倡导自由主义的芝加哥学派,尤其是同为《新闻周刊》专栏写手的弥尔顿.弗雷德曼。他认为市场并不完美,而弗雷德曼——以及从前弗雷德里希.冯.海因克——的耸人听闻“只能揭示他们心底的脆弱,而看不到一丝一毫成吉思汗和罗斯福的身影。下坡路不可避免……看到个体商业自由受到侵犯就发出防范警告,纯属偏执抓狂。”

As for Mr Samuelson?s friend of 50 years, Alan Greenspan, once chairman of the Federal Reserve, “the trouble is that he had been an Ayn Rander”—a devotee of laissez-faire capit alism. “You can take the boy out of the cult but you can?t take the cult out of the boy,” Mr Samuelson told the Atlantic this summer. “He actually had [an] instruction, probably pinned on the wall: …Nothing from this office should go forth which discredits the capitalist system. Greed is good?.”

萨缪尔森曾经评价自己五十年老友——美联储前主席艾伦.格林斯潘:“他就是曾经追随艾茵.兰德,才不慎失足。”艾茵.兰德是放任资本主义的忠实拥趸。“改邪归正易,浪子回头难呐。”萨缪尔森今年夏天接受《大西洋月刊》采访时说,“他还真有个座右铭,还钉在了办公室墙上,写着:…轻渎资本主义,一律不准出门。人皆贪婪,此乃常情。?”

The huge sales of Mr Samuelson?s textbook, “Economics”, f irst published in 1948 and updated every three years, owed much to his lively writing. (The abstract of his recent memoir ended with the words: “Boo hoo.”) The book transformed how economics was—and is—taught around the world. If the earlier editions too readily believed that an economy could achieve equilibrium, that may have stemmed from the author?s conviction that mathematics could be a useful tool for economists, and that economics had much to learn from physics and the laws of thermodynamics. Today it is fashionable to argue that economics was led astray by “physics envy”, which blinded it to the subtleties of human behaviour, yet after winning his Nobel prize in 1970 Mr Samuelson anticipated economists? current interest in biological systems by writin g several papers on Mendelian dynamics.

1948年,萨缪尔森的课本《经济学》首次出版,此后每三年就进行一次修订,其销量之大,盖因老人家笔调鲜活。(他最近出版的回忆录摘要中,便以“呜呼”二字结尾。)《经济学》一书颠覆了经济教学,并对其产生了持久影响。如果说早期版次过于相信经济可以达到均衡,那大概是因为作者坚信数学可以成为经济学家的有效工具,经济学可汲物理和热力学定律之长。今天,许多人认为经济学因“物理嫉妒”才会忽视人类细微行为,从而误入歧途;而1970年赢得诺贝尔奖之后,萨缪尔森就孟德尔动量撰写数篇论文,成功预见了今日经济学家对生物系统的盎然兴趣。

The inefficient market

低效市场

He was the last of the great general economists, making important contributions on trade, macroeconomics, public finance and consumer behaviour. Yet he decided, at around 50, that to remain academically competitive he had to specialise. Perhaps because it was close to his beloved mathematics, the specialist field he chose was financial economics.

他是经济领域最后一位通才,在贸易、宏观经济、财政和消费行为领域均有建树。年近半百,萨老却决定为保持学术竞争力,他必须专攻。他选择了金融经济,大概因为这同他挚爱的数学密不可分。

His wo rk helped lay the foundations for two of the field?s biggest ideas: the efficient-market hypothesis and options pricing. In 1965 he published a paper explaining that in well-informed and competitive speculative markets, price movements over time will be essentially random—a concept at the heart of the efficient-market hypothesis later described in its full majesty by Eugene Fama, whom Mr Samuelson believed ought to win a Nobel prize. In the 1950s it was Mr Samuelson who had rediscovered the pioneering early work of Louis Bachelier, a French mathematician whose insights would later underpin the Black-Scholes option-pricing model; and it was Mr Samuelson who suggested the assumption, that share prices move according to geometric Brownian motion, which makes this model workable. Mr Samuelson remained close to Robert Merton, who won a Nobel for his work with Fischer Black and Myron Scholes on options pricing.

萨缪尔森的著作奠定了有效市场假说和期权定价这两大经济学观念的基础。1965年,萨老发表论文,解释在消息灵通而具竞争力的投机市场中,只要假以时日,价格变动就会出现随机倾向——这是有效市场假说的核心概念;此后,萨老认为应为诺贝尔奖获得者的尤金.法玛对此概念进行了雄辩阐述。20世纪50年代,是萨老掸去法国数学家路易.巴舍利耶的先锋性早期著作尘封,成就了布莱克-斯科尔斯期权定价模型;同样,萨老提出股票价格遵循几何布朗运动假说,这一期权定价模型才得以运转。长期以来,萨缪尔森同罗伯特.默顿常有往来,而费希尔.布莱克和迈伦.斯科尔斯所创这一模型,又助默顿戴上诺贝尔桂冠。

Yet Mr Samuelson also understood that beyond the ivory tower the conditions necessary for efficient markets rarely existed; they needed regulating. “To understand economics you need to know not only fundamentals but also its nuances,” Mr Samuelson would explain. “When someone preaches …Economics in one lesson? I advise: Go back for the second lesson.” The latest crisis (for which he felt some responsibility, since he had helped develop financial derivatives that company executives did not understand) proved that “free markets do not stabilise themselves. Zero regulating is vastly subo ptimal to rational regulating. Libertarianism is its own worst enemy!”

然而,萨缪尔森同样清楚,走下象牙塔,有效市场的必要条件鲜有存在;市场需要规范。“要理解经济学,不能只明白其中的基本原则,还要理解里面的细微差别。”萨缪尔森解释道,“有人说什么…一课经济学?,我看,给我回去再上一课吧。”萨老认为自己对眼下的金融危机

责任不可推卸,因为他曾经也帮助创造公司高管无法理解的金融衍生品。而这次金融危机也证明“自由市场不能自我调控。零监管远远不如合理调控。自由主义最大的敌人,正是自己!”

Mr Samuelson was happy to be “linked with such Methuselah masters as Verdi” who did some of their best work in old age. He was able to do so, not least, because of his interest in evidence-based medicine. For decades he read the New England Journal of Medicine, and—noting a weakness in his male ancestors—he was an early adopter of cholesterol-reducing statin pills, as well as skimmed milk. His passion for “looking for theoretical understandings of empirical reality” may help explain his long life, as well as his lengthy list of achievements.

萨缪尔森称,能与老年有成的“玛土撒拉大师威尔第比肩”,荣幸至极。他晚年多产,是因为对循证药物学颇感兴趣。几十年来,他一直阅读《新英格兰医学杂志》,并且因家族遗传之故,降胆固醇药他汀类药物推出初期就予以支持。对于脱脂乳,他也推崇备至。萨老热衷“在经验事实中寻求理论理解”,故而长寿,故而才能著作等身。

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The Brain Activity Map 绘制大脑活动地图 Hard cell 棘手的细胞 An ambitious project to map the brain is in the works. Possibly too ambitious 一个绘制大脑活动地图的宏伟计划正在准备当中,或许有些太宏伟了 NEWS of what protagonists hope will be America’s next big science project continues to dribble out. 有关其发起人心中下一个科学大工程的新闻报道层出不穷。 A leak to the New York Times, published on February 17th, let the cat out of the bag, with a report that Barack Obama’s administration is thinking of sponsoring what will be known as the Brain Activity Map. 2月17日,《纽约时报》刊登的一位线人报告终于泄露了秘密,报告称奥巴马政府正在考虑赞助将被称为“大脑活动地图”的计划。 And on March 7th several of those protagonists published a manifesto for the project in Science. 3月7日,部分发起人在《科学》杂志上发表声明证实了这一计划。 The purpose of BAM is to change the scale at which the brain is understood. “大脑活动地图”计划的目标是改变人们在认知大脑时采用的度量方法。 At the moment, neuroscience operates at two disconnected levels. 眼下,神经学的研究处在两个断开的层次。 The higher one, where the dimensions of features are measured in centimetres, has many techniques at its disposal, notably functional magnetic-res onance imaging, which measures changes in tissues’ fuel consumption. 在相对宏观的层次当中各个特征的规模用厘米来衡量,有很多技术可以使用,尤其是用来测量组织中能量消耗变动情况的核磁共振成像技术。 This lets researchers see which bits of the brain are active in particular tasks—as long as those tasks can be performed by a person lying down inside a scanner. 该技术可使研究人员找出在完成具体的任务时,大脑的哪些部分处于活跃状态。At the other end of the scale, where features are measured in microns, lots of research has been done on how individual nerve cells work, how messages are sent from one to another, and how the connections between cells strengthen and weaken as memories are formed. 而另一个度量的层次则要求用微米来测量各种特征,这一层次的研究很多都是关于单个神经细胞是如何工作的、信息在神经细胞之间是如何传递的以及当产生记忆的时候神经细胞之间的联系是如何得到加强和减弱的。 Between these two, though, all is darkness. 然而,位于这两个层次之间的研究还处于一片漆黑当中。 It is like trying to navigate America with an atlas that shows the states, the big cities and the main highways, and has a few street maps of local neighbourhoods, but displays nothing in between.

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1、The Americas Argentina's debt Let's not make a deal Argentina may spurn a chance to settle with its creditors 美洲阿根廷债务别签协议啦阿根廷或将还债机会弃如敝履 WHEN Argentina defaulted on its debt for the second time in 13 years last July, the government blamed a pesky clause in its contracts with bondholders. 去年七月,阿根廷发生了十三年来的第二次债务违约,而政府却将这次违约归咎于与债权人签订的合同中的某项麻烦条款。 The so-called Rights Upon Future Offers (RUFO) clause was set to expire on December 31st,in theory opening the way to a settlement with bondholders who had refused Argentina's earlier offers of partial payment. 由于之前债权人拒绝阿根廷部分偿还,这项本应于12月31日到期的未来发行权利(RUFO)条款理论上可以解决与债权人之间的债务问题。 A deal would make it easier to borrow dollars, which the country badly needs to pay for imports. 这项协议可以为阿根廷借入美元提供更多便利,有了美元,阿根廷就可以解决进口商品所使用货币的燃眉之急。 But the president, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, may spurn the opportunity. 不过,克里斯蒂娜?费尔南德斯?基什内尔总统却有可能将这一机会弃如敝履。 After its previous default (in 2001) Argentina offered RUFO as a way to entice bond holders to swap the old debt for new bonds worth much less than the original ones. 上次(2001年)债务违约后,阿根廷通过RUFO 怂恿债券持有人进行债务掉期,也就是说用原先价格较低的旧债券交换价格较高的新债券。 The clause says that any future deal offered to some bondholders would be extended to all of them. 这一条款规定,合同签署后,政府和部分债券持有人达成的协议将适用于全体债券持有人。 In 2012 a court in New York ruled that Argentina would have to pay in full the small minority of bondholders who refused the debt swap. 2012年,纽约一家法院判定阿根廷政府应向拒绝债务掉期的少数债券持有人一次付清所有债务。 These are mostly American hedge funds, which bought the bonds at a fraction of their face value. 后者主要是美国对冲基金,它们当初就是以远远低于面值的价格买入了阿根廷债券。 Argentina argued that complying with the court order would trigger billions in payments to all holders of bonds issued under New York law, and so chose to default. 阿根廷称,根据纽约法律,按法庭裁决行事将导致对债券持有人支付高达数十亿的费用,于是便选择了违约。 Since the court's ruling, its foreign-exchange reserves have dwindled to 30 billion, less than needed to pay for six months' imports. 法院作出判决后,阿根廷外汇储备已缩减至300亿美元,甚至不足以支付六个月的商品进口。 Low commodity prices mean that few dollars are flowing in. 较低物价意味着美元流入会更少。 The government has responded by further restricting imports, which has led to shortages of supplies to factories and of some consumer goods. 由于限制进口导致工厂供货和部分日用品出现了短缺,政府已对进一步限制进口做出了回应。 That is one reason why the economy is expected to shrink by around 1% in 2015. 这便是阿根廷经济增速预计将在2015年下跌1个百分点的原因之一。 Debt payments during the year will siphon off some 40% of international reserves. 全年的债务将造成外汇储备流失40%。In December Argentina tried to reduce that drain by offering holders of bonds due for repayment new securities that mature in 2024. 十二月时,阿根廷曾试图给债券持有人提供2024年到期的新债券,以避免本国外汇储备消耗过快。 The gambit failed miserably:just 4% of creditors volunteered to exchange their 2015 bonds. 这项策略后以惨败告终:只有4%的债权人自愿用2015年债券进行兑换。 Things are so desperate that the government will soon make an attractive offer to holdout bondholders, some observers believe. 一些观察家认为,当前情况万分危急,政府不久就会制定出富有吸引力的政策来维系人心。 The expiration of the RUFO clause makes the cost bearable; the government would not have to make the same offer to the other bondholders. 这次RUFO条款期满后,违约成本尚可担负;但政府今后不会再和其他债券持有人签署同样的协议了。But that is a minority view. 不过,这只是小部分人的看法。 The real obstacles to paying off the holdouts have always been political rather than contractual, many think. 许多人认为,一直以来,政府无力清偿债务的真正原因都不是合同问题,而是各种政治方面的因素。 Ms Fernandez and her advisers demonised them as vultures and blamed them for many of Argentina's woes. 在费尔南德斯总

15年每周经济学人报刊中英文对照讲课讲稿

15年每周经济学人报刊中英文对照

空气污染英国需要采取更多措施来净化污浊的空气 Air pollution空气污染The big smoke雾都 Britain needs to do more to clean up its dirty air 英国需要采取更多措施来净化污浊的空气VISITING Oxford Street, a road teeming with tatty shops and overcrowded with people, is plainly a trial. Less plainly, levels of nitrogen dioxide (NO2), a noxious gas, have been found to be around three times higher there than the legal limit. In 2013 the annual mean concentration of NO2 on the street was one of the highest levels found anywhere in Europe. 来到牛津街,你会看到街道两边布满了各式杂乱的商店,而道路上人满为患。行走在这条街上,很明显是个磨练。不为人觉察的是,这里有毒气体二氧化氮(NO2)测出含量超出法定水平的约三倍以上。2013年,这条街的NO2年均浓度是欧洲最高之一。 British air is far cleaner than it was a few decades ago. Fewer people use coal-burning stoves; old industrial plants have been decommissioned. But since 2009 levels of nitrogen oxides and particulate matter, coarse or fine particles that are linked to lung cancer and asthma, have fallen more slowly. The exact number of deaths caused by dirty air is unknown. But in 2010 a government advisory group estimated that removing man-made fine particulate matter from the atmosphere would increase life expectancy for those born in 2008 by an average of six months. 英国的空气比几十年前干净多了。使用燃煤炉灶的人越来越少;老工业厂已经停产。但自2009年起,氧 化氮、微粒物质、以及与肺癌和哮喘相关的粗、细颗粒含量的下降速度减慢了。因污浊空气所引发的死亡人数是未知的。但2010年,一个政府顾问组估算如果将大气中人为造成的微粒物质除去的话,2008年的出生人口人均寿命将增加六个月。 Much of the slowdown is the result of fumes from diesel cars, which were championed by successive governments because they use less fuel and thus produce less carbon dioxide than petrol cars. In 2001 only 14% of all cars ran on diesel; by 2013 the proportion had increased to 35%. (Greener “hybrid” and electric cars have increased ninefold since 2006, but account for just 0.5% of the entire fleet.) Second-hand cars are particularly noxious, but even newer ones have not been as clean as hoped. Many cars that belched out few pollutants in tests produced more when on the roads. 下降速度放缓的大部分原因在于柴油汽车排放的尾气—这为历任政府所支持,因为柴油汽车耗用更少的能源,比汽油汽车排放更少的二氧化碳。2001年,仅14%的汽车使用柴油。2013年,这个比例上涨到了35%。(更绿色的“混合动力”和电瓶车自2006年以来增加了九倍,但仅占汽车总量的0.5%。)二手汽 车尤其有害,但新车也没所期望的那样清洁。很多车在污染物排放测试中排放量低,车在上路时却排放了更多。 Climate change and geoengineering气候变化与地质工程学Fears of a bright planet 地球发光,令人担心Experiments designed to learn more about ways of geoengineering the climate should be allowed to proceed为更好地利用工程学手段研究气候问题所设计的实验应该获准进行下去。SHINY things absorb less heat when left in the sun. This means that if the Earth could be made a little shinier it would be less susceptible to global warming. Ways to brighten it, such as adding nanoscale specks of salt to low clouds, making them whiter, or putting a thin haze of particles into the stratosphere, are the province of “geoengineering”. The small band of scientists which have been studying this subject over the past decade or so have mostly been using computer models. Some of them are now proposing outdoor experiments—using seawater-fed sprayers to churn out particles of the exact size needed to brighten clouds, or spewing sulphur particles from underneath a large balloon 20km up in the sky.发光的物体放在太阳下面会吸收较少的热量。这就意味着如果让地球发一点光的话,受到全球变暖的影响就会小一些。让地球发光的方式,比方说在低空云层上添加纳米级的盐微粒,让云变得更白,或者是将一层薄的雾状物洒向平流层,这些都属于地质工程学的范畴。过去十年左右研究这一领域的一小批科学家主要使用计算机模型,其中一些人现在提出要做室外实验――就是用装有

2019经济学人考研英文文章阅读十六

Climate change and the threat to companies 气候变化和企业面临的风险 Firms urgently need to rethink how they approach climate risk 企业迫切需要重新考虑如果应对气候风险了 C hief executives who care about climate change—and these days most profess to—often highlight headquarters bedecked with solar panels and other efforts to lower their carbon footprint. 那些关心气候变化的首席执行官们(如今大多数的CEO都自称如此)常常强调,他们的公司总部采用了太阳能电池板以及其他措施来减少碳足迹。 Last week Volkswagen, a carmaker, told its 40,000 suppliers to cut emissions or risk losing its custom. 上周,汽车制造商大众集团要求其4万家供应商减少碳排放,否则他们将面临失去大众这位客户的风险。 Plenty of investors, meanwhile, say they are worried about being saddled with worthless stakes in coal-fired power plants if carbon taxes eventually bite. Yet the reality is that meaningful global environmental regulations are nowhere on the horizon.

萨缪尔森

保罗·萨缪尔森(Paul A.Samuelson)美国经济学泰斗保罗·萨缪尔森十三日在其位于美国马萨诸塞州的家中逝世,享年九十四岁。 萨缪尔森是第一位获得诺贝尔经济学奖的美国经济学家,他的经典著作《经济学》以四十多种语言在全球销售超过四百万册,是全世界最畅销的教科书,影响了整整一代人。也正是他的这本著作,将西方经济学理论第一次系统地带进中国,并使这种思考方式和视野在中国落地生根。 1948年,萨缪尔森发表了他最有影响的巨著《经济学》。这本书一出版即告脱销。许多国家的出版商不惜重金抢购它的出版权,不久即被翻译成日、德、意、匈、葡、俄等多种文字。该书对经济学中的三大部分——政治经济学、部门经济学、技术经济学都有专门的论述,读过这本书的人都看到他从宏观经济学到微观经济学,从生产到消费,从经济思想史到经济制度都比前人有新的创见。这部著作在内容、形式的安排上也可谓匠心独具,他在每一章的开头加上历代名人的警句,言简意赅地概括全章的主题,使读者不像是在啃枯燥的理论书,而是在读一部有文学色彩的史书。这一巨著的出版,为普及、推广其理论创立了良好的条件。 1953年,当《经济学》第三版发行时,萨缪尔森来到美国预算局,为美国政府出谋划策。他提倡赤字预算,追逐加速经济增长,从而使美国克服了二十世纪五十年代的“艾森豪威尔停滞”,他也成为白宫中不可缺少的高参。 1959~1960年,萨缪尔森被任命为美国总统事务委员会调查咨询小组的顾问。1960年,他被美国总统肯尼迪任命为总统调查咨询顾问和美国国家计划局经济顾问。1958年,他与索洛和多夫曼合著了《线性规划与经济分析》一书,为经济学界新诞生的经济计量学做出了贡献。

经济学人文章10篇

Dominant and dangerous As America's economic supremacy fades, the primacy of the dollar looks unsustainable IF HEGEMONS are good for anything, it is for conferring stability on the systems they dominate. For 70 years the dollar has been the superpower of the financial and monetary system. Despite talk of the yuan's rise, the primacy of the greenback is unchallenged. As a means of payment, a store of value and a reserve asset, nothing can touch it. Yet the dollar's rule has brittle foundations, and the system it underpins is unstable. Worse, the alternative reserve currencies are flawed. A transition to a more secure order will be devilishly hard. When the buck stops For decades, America's economic might legitimised the dollar's claims to reign supreme. But, as our special report this week explains, a faultline has opened between America's economic clout and its financial muscle. The United States accounts for 23% of global GDP and 12% of merchandise trade. Yet about 60% of the world's output, and a similar share of the planet's people, lie within a de facto dollar zone, in which currencies are pegged to the dollar or move in some sympathy with it. American firms' share of the stock of international corporate investment has fallen from 39% in 1999 to 24% today. But Wall Street sets the rhythm of markets globally more than it ever did. American fund managers run 55% of the world's assets under management, up from 44% a decade ago. The widening gap between America's economic and financial power creates problems for other countries, in the dollar zone and beyond. That is because the costs of dollar dominance are starting to outweigh the benefits. First, economies must endure wild gyrations. In recent months the prospect of even a tiny rate rise in America has sucked capital from emerging markets, battering currencies and share prices. Decisions of the Federal Reserve affect offshore dollar debts and deposits worth about $9 trillion. Because some countries link their currencies to the dollar, their central banks must react to the Fed. Foreigners own 20-50% of local-currency government bonds in places like Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Turkey: they are more likely to abandon emerging markets when American rates rise. At one time the pain from capital outflows would have been mitigated by the stronger demand—including for imports—that prompted the Fed to raise rates in the first place. However, in the past decade America's share of global merchandise imports has dropped from 16% to 13%. America is the biggest export market for only 32

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