美国选举上演大结局,演讲能力全靠这三招!
外教一对一https://www.360docs.net/doc/8716160992.html,
美国选举上演大结局，演讲能力全靠这三招!
最近，特朗普和希拉里为全球观众上演了一部精彩的“美国大片”——《Who is the president?》(答案是：特朗普)
场场精彩的公开辩论，让吃瓜群众在津津乐道两人“黑料”的同时，也领略到他们出色的演讲能力，他们不仅可以全程脱稿，而且演讲时的风度、神态、肢体语言也都相当完美。
领袖人物具备出色的演讲能力无可厚非，但就在近日，美国佛罗里达州一个9岁萝莉炮轰应试教育的视频刷爆社交平台，她的演讲逻辑清晰且极富感染力，表现出极佳的演讲能力。
上到政党领袖，下到几岁的孩子，美国人为何普遍具备出色的演讲能力?这与美国的教育息息相关，在美国，演讲演示能力是孩子需要学习和掌握的重要技能，那么美国是怎么培养孩子的演讲演示能力的呢?
美国是怎么培养孩子的演讲演示能力的呢?
注重阅读，强化基础能力
在美国的教育理念中，阅读、写作、演讲是一脉相承的。
美国的语言课一般不讲语法和语言理论，主要是阅读，分精读和泛读。精读课有统一的课本，由老师进行讲解，不是讲字词句，而是着重对文章内容的理解，要求学生对所学文章加以分析和评论，进行概括和复述。泛读课学生有较大自由，没有统一的课本，通常由老师提出一个书单，供学生选读，有时也指定若干本书为必读。
美国学生读书面很广，虽以文学书居多，但也涉猎政治、社会、文化、历史、科技等书籍。美国从事教育研究的学者认为，阅读课至少可从三个方面培养学生：一是词汇量;二是理解和概括能力;三是写作能力。
美国学生通过大量的阅读，掌握的是一种综合能力，这对他们日后的工作和生活很有帮助。美国人普遍善于讲话，会写文章，公关能力较强，都与大量的阅读有关。
课堂训练，掌握演讲技巧
除了知识的积累，良好的表达能力是演讲的另一个关键，这需要长时间的大量练习。
在美国的课堂上，老师会通过小型的班级演讲来锻炼孩子表达，而Show and Tell是最常见的形式之一：
老师会让孩子把自己觉得新奇或喜欢的事物带到课堂上，由此确定一个讨论话题，老师会建议他们通过5W1H的模型即What(什么)、Who(谁)、Where(哪里)、When(什么时候)、Why(为什么)、How(如何)来展开讲述，让孩子有序可循。之后，老师还会让孩子进行访谈式的对话，来进一步增强孩子们的沟通能力。
除此之外，在课堂上，老师会专门培训孩子在演讲演示中的技巧，既有对形象仪表方面的要求，还要提醒小演说者注意声音的语音语调、停顿节奏，声音高昂有自信和感染力，让观众听清，同时注意不要超出演讲的时间，在演讲的过程中适当用肢体语言、丰富的辅助道具与听众互动，让演讲进行得有声有色、大受欢迎。
家庭模拟，适应演讲氛围
外教一对一https://www.360docs.net/doc/8716160992.html, 在培养孩子演讲能力的过程中，课堂训练固然重要，但家庭模拟训练同样不能忽视，很多美国家庭会借助不同的方式，为孩子营造一个模拟的演讲环境，从而帮助他们进行演讲训练。
比如，为了帮助孩子克服当众讲话的恐惧感，很多美国父母会鼓励孩子为他们表演讲故事、唱歌等等，随后扩散到其他家庭成员，比如叔叔阿姨、爷爷奶奶，再后来可能扩展到邻居和整个社区。随着上台机会的增多，以及人数不断增加，孩子最终会克服掉恐惧感。
有时候家长们还会借助一些工具。有些家长会为孩子准备个麦克风，鼓励他大胆放声，勇敢表达和展现自我。还有些家长会通过录像机录下孩子的表演，然后播放给孩子看。在回看的过程中，家长不是去纠正，而是告诉他这个表情不错，这句话说得很连贯等等，通过鼓励让孩子爱上表达。
此外，让孩子多看一些辩论演讲视频也是不错的选择。在观看的过程中，不仅可以观摩别人的语气、表情、肢体动作等演讲技巧，还能学习别人是如何去思考问题、现场应变等。
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Anna Howard Shaw: The Fundamental Principle of a Republic delivered 1915, New York State Referendum, Albany, New York When I came into your hall tonight, I thought of the last time I was in your city. Twenty-one years ago I came here with Susan B. Anthony, and we came for exactly the same purpose as that for which we are here tonight. Boys have been born since that time and have become voters, and the women are still trying to persuade American men to believe in the fundamental principles of democracy, and I never quite feel as if it was a fair field to argue this question with men, because in doing it you have to assume that a man who professes to believe in a Republican form of government does not believe in a Republican form of government, for the only thing that woman's enfranchisement means at all is that a government which claims to be a Republic should be a Republic, and not an aristocracy. The difficulty with discussing this question with those who oppose us is that they make any number of arguments but none of them have anything to do with Woman's Suffrage; they always have something to do with something else, therefore the arguments which we have to make rarely ever have anything to do with the subject, because we have to answer our opponents who always escape the subject as far as possible in order to have any sort of reason in connection with what they say. Now one of two things is true: either a Republic is a desirable form of government, or else it is not. If it is, then we should have it, if it is not then we ought not to pretend that we have it. We ought at least be true to our ideals, and the men of New York have for the first time in their lives, the rare opportunity on the second day of next November, of making the state truly a part of the Republic. It is the greatest opportunity which has ever come to the men of the state. They have never had so serious a problem to solve before, they will never have a more serious problem to solve in any future of our nation's life, and the thing that disturbs me more than anything else in connection with it is that so few people realize what a profound problem they have to solve on November 2. It is not merely a trifling matter; it is not a little thing that does not concern the state, it is the most vital problem we could have, and any man who goes to the polls on the second day of next November without thoroughly informing himself in regard to this subject is unworthy to be a citizen of this state, and unfit to cast a ballot. If woman's suffrage is wrong, it is a great wrong; if it is right, it is a profound and fundamental principle, and we all know, if we know what a Republic is, that it is the fundamental principle upon which a Republic must rise. Let us see where we are as a people; how we act here and what we think we are. The difficulty with the men of this country is that they are so consistent in their inconsistency that they are not aware of having been inconsistent; because their consistency has been so continuous and their inconsistency so consecutive that it has never been broken, from the beginning of our Nation's life to the present time. If we trace our history back we will find that from the very dawn of our existence as a people, men have
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