林肯的第二任总统就职演说及精评

林肯的第二任总统就职演说及精评
林肯的第二任总统就职演说及精评

林肯的第二任总统就职演说

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词,永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里,英文原文是:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office,there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement,somewhat in detail,of a course to be pursued,seemed fitting and proper. Now,at the expiration of four years,during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention,and engrosses the energies of the nation,little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms,upon which all else chiefly depends,is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is,I trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future,no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago,all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugeral address was being delivered from this place,devoted altogether to saving the Union without war,insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissole the Union,and divide effects,by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves,not distributed generally over the Union,but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was,somehow,the cause of the war. To strengthen,perpetuate,and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union,even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war,

the magnitude,or the duration,which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with,or even before,the conflict itself should cease.

Each looked for an easier triumph,and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible,and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which,in the providence of God,must needs come,but which,having continued through His appointed time,He now wills to remove,and that He gives to both North and South,this terrible war,as the woe due to those by whom the

offence came,shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we

hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet,if God wills that it continue,until all the wealth piled by the

bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk,and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash,shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,as was said three thousand years ago,so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord,are true and righteous altogether"

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right,as God gives us to see the right,let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle,and for his widow,and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace,among ourselves,and with all nations.

最后两段译文:

(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经,向同一位上帝祷告,求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪:一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包;但是,不要让我们论断,如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答,任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界!因着必来之罪;祸哉此人,罪因其而来。”如果我们假设,美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一,此罪到了期限,神便定意除去这个制度,引发这一场可怖的南北战争,因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上,如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性,神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗?我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场

惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而,如果神定意让战争持续下去,直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去,及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂,就如同我们在三千年前所说,而今天仍要再说的那样:“主的审判信实,合乎公义。”

不以恶待人,而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼,得见公义时,我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴,完成我们手中的工作,医治国家的创伤;并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人,

和那些寡妇、孤儿,不忘记关怀他们 - 让我们竭尽全力,达成在我们中间,及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平。

简单统计:

讲演总字数:699

提到上帝次数:10(God: 6; The Almighty: 1;

Lord: 1; He: 2)

提到祷告次数:3

提到圣经次数:1

引用圣经次数:2

所以只要读一下这篇讲演,就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝,祈求上帝带领的人了!就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(Lincoln the Citizen)的作者惠特尼(Henry Whitney)所总结的:“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求,求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”

这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午,当时在现场的记者Noah Brooks写到:“Just at that moment the sun,which had been obscured all day,burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor,and flooded the spectacle

with glory and with light……was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间,阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层,放射出惊人的景象,荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来……而此时,林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。) -- 仅仅40天后,即同年4月15号,林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者,作为政治家,认为财富和权力更为重要。然而,随着美国内战战局的发展,林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义,越来越依靠神,承认自己和人的无能为力,开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。

例如,在1862年9月,在一个本来看似乐观的形势下,北方军却经历了在Bull Run的第二次战役的彻底失败,林肯开始认真的反思这次战争,并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时,他写下了“Meditation on the Divine Will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是:“The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be,and one must be,wrong. God can not be for and against the same thing at the same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something

different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities,working just as they do,are of the best adaptation to affect His purpose.”翻译是:“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中,双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意,但至少有一方是错的,因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标,但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻,据D. James Kennedy的《What if the Bible had never been written》一书,林肯坐在戏院里,对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是:“你知道我现在想做什么吗?我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣)诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼,随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)……”

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摘要:就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势,很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象,对排比的大量使用进行分析,旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势,使演说的逻辑更加清晰,同时也增强了演说者的感召力,增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词:就职演说词;演讲;排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题,既不同于日常谈话,也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合,由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情,获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动,因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时,有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众,并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待,总统治国理想,对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析,施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明,大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见,一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料,以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析,揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力,以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比(parallelism)是一种修辞手法,它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近,结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组(主谓/动宾)或句子并排,达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases (Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986).这种结构的大量运用,使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整,在语篇上更具气势,在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中,每一位总统的就职演说词,都依据各自不同的政治目的,而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法,以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初,国家建设时期的就职演讲中,排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷,鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们,让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱,如果没有这些,自由,甚至生活本身都会索然寡味,让我们再想一想,我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上,如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容,其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿,那么我们必将无所收获。……因此,让我们以勇气和信心,迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则,拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列,从团结到和睦如初,到想一想,最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则,把团结置于首位,加强了感情联络,产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期,林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念,给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中,强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性,突出了国家宪法高于一切,人民的利益是以宪法为保障,一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据,因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代,富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中,排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心;他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

(整理)奥巴马就职演讲全文.

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在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。 我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。 再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反,走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄,在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们,迈向繁荣与自由。 为了我们,他们携带很少的家当,远渡重洋,追寻新生活。 为了我们,他们胼手胝足,在西部安顿下来;忍受风吹雨打,筚路蓝缕。 为了我们,他们奋斗不懈,在康科特和盖茨堡,诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。 前人不断的奋斗与牺牲,直到双手皮开肉绽,我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体,超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。 这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时,我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新,我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比,一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定,这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起,我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。

尼克松就职演讲

6. Richard Nixon - Checkers My Fellow Americans, I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned. Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it. I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters. Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I'm saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong if any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made. And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other money of that type ever went to

肯尼迪总统1961年1月20日就职演说

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning——signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge——and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required——not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

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