7美国总统尼克松就职演说(1969年)

7美国总统尼克松就职演说(1969年)
7美国总统尼克松就职演说(1969年)

1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.

Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.

This can be such a moment.

Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.

In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.

For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.

Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.

What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.

The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.

If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.

This is our summons to greatness.

I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.

We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.

We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.

No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.

Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."

Our crisis today is the reverse.

We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for

the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.

We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.

T o a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.

T o find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.

When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.

Greatness comes in simple trappings.

The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.

T o lower our voices would be a simple thing.

In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.

For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.

Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.

Those left behind, we will help to catch up.

For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.

In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.

In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.

We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.

The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.

But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.

Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.

What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.

T o match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.

With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a

high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.

The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.

Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.

The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.

As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.

No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.

This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.

As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.

Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.

After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.

Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.

We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.

We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.

Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.

As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.

With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.

But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.

I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.

I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.

I also know the people of the world.

I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.

I know America. I know the heart of America is good.

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.

I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.

Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who

have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.

Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.

As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.

In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

"T o see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.

We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.

Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.

理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲

我们都是地球的乘客星期一,1969年1月20日

历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝,它既珍贵又独特。可是,其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻,此时,一代先河得以开创,它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。

现在可能就是这样一个时刻。

现在,各方力量正在汇聚起来,使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。

不断加快的变革速度,使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。

由于开辟了大空的天地,我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。

由于世界人民希望和平,而世界各国领袖害怕战争,因此,目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。

从现在起,再过8年,美国将庆祝建国200周年。在现在大多数人的有生之年,人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。

我们的国家将变成怎样的国家,我们将生活在怎样的世界上,我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来,这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。

历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉,莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷,走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。

我们若获成功,下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说,正是我们掌握了时机,正是我们协力相助,使普天之下国泰民安。

这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。

我相信,美国人民准备响应这一召唤。

经过一段对抗时期,我们正进入一个谈判时代。

让所有国家都知道,在本届政府任期内,交流通道是敞开的。

我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放,对物资和人员的交流开放,在这个世界中,任何民族,不论大小,都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。

我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友,可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。

我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图,而是要丰富人类的生活。

在探索宇宙空间的时候,让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界,而是共同进行一次新的探险。

让我们同那些愿意加入这一行列的人共同合作,减少军备负担,加固和平大厦,提高贫穷挨饿的人们的生活水平。

但是,对所有那些见软就欺的人来说,让我们不容置疑地表明,我们需要多么强大就会多强大:需要强大多久,就会强大多久。

自从我作为新当选的国会议员首次来到国会大厦之后的20多年来,我已经出访过世界上大多数国家。

我结识了世界各国的领导人,了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各种强大势力,各种深仇大恨,各种恐惧心理。

我知道,和于不会单凭愿望就能到来——这需要日复一日,甚至年复一年地进行耐心而持久的外交努力,除此别无他法。

我也了解世界各国人民。

我见到过无家可归的儿童在忍饥挨饿,战争中挂彩负伤的男人在痛苦呻吟,失去孩子的母亲在无限悲伤。我知道,这些并没有意识形态和种族之分。

我了解美国。我了解美国的心是善良的。

我从心底里,从我国人民的心底里,向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人们表达我们的深切关怀。

今天,我在上帝和我国同胞面前宣誓,拥护和捍卫合众国宪法。除了这一誓言,我现在还要补充一项神圣的义务:我将把自己的职责、精力以及我所能使唤的一切智慧,一并奉献给各国之间的和平事业。

让强者和弱者都能听到这一信息:

我们企求赢得的和平不是战胜任何一个民族,而是“和平天使”带来的为治愈创伤的和平:是对遭受苦难者予以同情的和平;是对那些反对过我们的人予以谅解的和平;是地球上各族人民都有选择自己命运的机会的和平。

就在几星期以前,人类如同上帝凝望这个世界一样,第一次端视了这个世界,一个在冥冥黑暗中辉映发光的独特的星球。我们分享了这一荣光。

阿波罗号上的字航员在圣诞节前夕飞越月球灰色的表面时,向我们说起地球的美丽——从穿过月距而传来的如此清晰的声音中,我们听到他们在祈祷上帝赐福人间。

在那一时刻,他们从月球上发出的意愿,激励着诗人阿奇博尔德?麦克利什写下了这样的篇章:

“在永恒的宁静中,那渺小、斑斓、美丽的地球在浮动。要真正地观望地球,就得把我们自己都看作是地球的乘客,看作是一群兄弟,他们共处于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰赖着光明的挚爱——这群兄弟懂得,而今他们是真正的兄弟。”

在那个比技术胜利更有意义的时刻,人们把思绪转向了家乡和人类——他们从那个遥远的视角中发现,地球上人类的命运是不能分开的;他们告诉我们,不管我们在宇宙中走得多远,我们的命运不是在别的星球上,而是在地球上,在我们自己手中,在我们的心头。

我们已经度过了一个反映美国精神的漫漫长夜。可是,当我们瞥见黎明前的第一缕曙光,切莫诅咒那尚未消散的黑暗。让我们迎接光明吧。

我们的命运所赐予的不是绝望的苦酒,而是机会的美餐。因此,让我们不是充满恐惧,而是满怀喜悦地去抓住这个机会吧——“地球的乘客们”,让我们以坚定的信念,朝着稳定的目标,在提防着危险中前进吧!我们对上帝的意志和人类的希望充满了信心,这将使我们持之以恒。

肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说(1961年1月20日) Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy January 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: 约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 我们今天所看到的,并非是某一党派的胜利,而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束,亦象征着开始;意味着更新,亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前,依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。 The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. 世界已然今非昔比,因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量,既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困,亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而,我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是,每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予,而是出自上帝之手。 We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. 今天,我们不敢有忘,我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时,让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达:火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪,既经受过战火的锤炼,又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀,这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝,亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。 Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

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1974年美国总统福特就职演说 (文章一):1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear

奥巴马宣誓就职演讲词

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Inaugural Address of George Bush FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends: There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America. I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began. We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads: Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There are times when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right

美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)

美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文) 时间:1969年1月20日地点:国会大厦 德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们: 今天,在这个时刻,我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。在有秩序的权力交接中,我们欢庆我们的团结一致,它使我们保有自由。 历史巨轮飞转,分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵,也独具意义。但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点,定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。 现在,由于世界人民要求和平,各国领导人惧怕战争,所以在历史上第一次,时代站到了和平方面。 历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足,走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。如果我们能够成功,后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时,将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代,为人类求得了世界安全。 三分之一世纪以前,富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说,当时国家正受经济不景气困扰,陷于惶恐中。他看到国家当时的种种困难,却仍然能够说:“感谢上帝,我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。” 今天我们的危机正相反。 我们物质丰富,却精神贫乏;我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球,但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。 我们卷人了战争,没有和平。我们四分五裂,没有团结。我们看到周围的人生活空虚,没有充实的内容;我们看到许多工作需要完成,却没有人手去做。 对于精神的危机,我们需要精神的解决办法。 为了找到解决办法,我们只需省视自身。 当我们估量能够做什么时,我们只应许诺能做到的事。但在制订目标时,却要有远大的理想。 如果你的邻舍没有自由,你就不会得到完全的自由。只有共同前进才能前进。

从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨排比在演说词中的使用

摘要:就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势,很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象,对排比的大量使用进行分析,旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势,使演说的逻辑更加清晰,同时也增强了演说者的感召力,增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词:就职演说词;演讲;排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题,既不同于日常谈话,也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合,由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情,获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动,因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时,有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众,并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待,总统治国理想,对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析,施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明,大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见,一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料,以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析,揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力,以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比(parallelism)是一种修辞手法,它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近,结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组(主谓/动宾)或句子并排,达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases (Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986).这种结构的大量运用,使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整,在语篇上更具气势,在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中,每一位总统的就职演说词,都依据各自不同的政治目的,而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法,以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初,国家建设时期的就职演讲中,排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷,鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们,让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱,如果没有这些,自由,甚至生活本身都会索然寡味,让我们再想一想,我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上,如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容,其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿,那么我们必将无所收获。……因此,让我们以勇气和信心,迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则,拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列,从团结到和睦如初,到想一想,最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则,把团结置于首位,加强了感情联络,产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期,林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念,给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中,强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性,突出了国家宪法高于一切,人民的利益是以宪法为保障,一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据,因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代,富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中,排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心;他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

(整理)奥巴马就职演讲全文.

美国东部时间1月20日中午12时左右,美国第44任总统贝拉克-奥巴马发表就职演说,全文如下:各位同胞: 今天我站在这里,为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑,对各位的信任心怀感激,对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务,也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。 四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言,这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表,或是在乌云密布,时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候,美国能箕裘相继,不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景,也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心,也忠於创建我国的法统。 因此,美国才能承继下来。因此,这一代美国人也必须承继下去。 现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心,我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果,也是大众未能做出艰难的选择,对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子,丢了工作,生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵,学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示,我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌,威胁我们的星球。 这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的,是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。 今天我要告诉各位,我们面临的挑战是真的,挑战非常严重,且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易,或在短时间内解决。但是,美国要了解,这些挑战会被解决。 在这一天,我们聚在一起,因为我们选择希望而非恐惧,有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。

在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。 我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。 再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反,走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄,在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们,迈向繁荣与自由。 为了我们,他们携带很少的家当,远渡重洋,追寻新生活。 为了我们,他们胼手胝足,在西部安顿下来;忍受风吹雨打,筚路蓝缕。 为了我们,他们奋斗不懈,在康科特和盖茨堡,诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。 前人不断的奋斗与牺牲,直到双手皮开肉绽,我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体,超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。 这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时,我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新,我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比,一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定,这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起,我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。

尼克松就职演讲

6. Richard Nixon - Checkers My Fellow Americans, I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned. Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it. I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters. Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I'm saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong if any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made. And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other money of that type ever went to

肯尼迪就职演说评析

美国第三十五任总统John Fitzgerald Francis Kennedy (1917-1963)约翰.弗.肯尼迪1961年元月20日在首都华盛顿国会大厦前发表“就职演说”时,我在读初中三年级,学的是俄语。直到1980年,我才在美国出版的“English For Today”“今日英语”教材的第五册里阅读到了这篇演说,而且还听了这篇演说的实况录音。现在这篇演说已被一字未删地选入《Advanced English》“高级英语”(张汉熙主编,商务印书馆出版发行),《21 Century College English》“二十一世纪大学英语”(复旦大学,交通大学主编;高等教育出版社,复旦大学出版社出版发行)英语教材里作为高等院校的英语学习教材。1980年,那时大学外语教学还是很原始落后的。我想得到英语版的联合国“人权宣言”,但在当时武汉的中南财经学院图书馆里没有。找到武汉大学图书馆,那里才只有一本油印的“人权宣言”小册子。我想得到英文版的“中华人民共和国刑法”这书,武汉的外文书店买不到。我托原北京地院外语老师去北京外国专家局找有关专家打听此书,专家说,《刑法》英文译文由他翻译,正在他手里,由于没有出版,他不能外借。肯尼迪“就职演说”是在演说之后十九年被我们看到。时过境迁,2009年元月20日,全世界几乎所有的人都能从网上及各种媒体上听到,见到,读到美国第一位黑人总统奥巴马的“就职演说”。虽然有的人看到的是被有些媒体屏掉了(Recall that earlier generations faced down Fascism and Communism not just with missiles and tanks but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.我们在此回忆先辈,他们战胜了法西斯主义和共产主义,靠的不仅是导弹,坦克;更是靠坚定的盟友和不移的信念。),(To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent know that you are on the wrong side of history but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.对于那些通过腐败,欺骗,压制异见来统治的人,你们应该知道你们站在了历史的对立面。但是,如果你们愿意放开紧攥的拳头,我们会向你们伸出一只手。)这些文字的演说,但是1961年那时代的人能听到,见到,读到的是完全不能与今天相比的了! 阅读翻译注释 1、Mr.Chief Justice,President Eisenhower,V ice President Nixon,President Truman,Reverend Clergy,Fellow Citizens,we observe today not a victory of party,but a celebration of freedom –symbolizing an end as well as a beginning –signifying renewal,as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe – the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state,but from the hand of God. 首席法官先生,艾森豪威尔威尔总统,尼克松副总统,杜鲁门总统,尊敬的神父,同胞们;我们今天庆祝的不是一次政党的胜利而是庆祝自由精神的胜利- 这不仅象征结束–这还象征开始–意味着更新–也意味着变革。我在你们和全能的上帝面前宣读了将近一百七十年前我们祖先拟定的同一庒严的誓言。现在,这世界已完全不同了。人类把消除各种贫穷及毁灭各种形式的生活的力量握在巨手中。然而,在全球,我们祖先为之奋斗的相同的革命信念仍然在争论之中–这信念:人权不是来自国家的慷慨,而是来自上帝之手。

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要:肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一,引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域,从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域,进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征,加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果,而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词:就职演说;语域特征;语域分析 一.引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出,表现在其时间的固定性(一月二十日)、地点的固定性(白宫)、演说者身份的固定性(当选为美国总统的人)、听众的固定性(美国民众和世界各国)、内容的相似性(施政纲领、国内国际形势等)。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果,因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上,均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域,鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析,从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点,一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果,另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二.文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念,它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基(Malinowski)把语境分为三类:话语语境(context of utterance)、文化语境(context of culture)和情景语境(context of situation)。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合,并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域(register)定义为“语言的功能变体”(functional variety of language),即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分:语场(field)、语旨(tenor)和语式(mode)。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表,而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行,对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄,其后,一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义,认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法,强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助,在英语写作中我们不能一概而论,单纯教学生模仿或套用,或者教词汇和语法,改错句,而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征,能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义,

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