1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说

1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说
1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说

朋友们,同胞们:

我听从召唤出任我国最高行政职务,谨向在此集会的我国部分同胞当面表达我的由衷谢意,感谢同胞们所一直欣悦地寄语我的厚爱和期望。我还要诚恳地奉告各位,我业已意识到这项任务非我的才干所能胜任,责任的重大和能力的欠缺,使我在赴任之时心中自然产生了焦虑和敬畏交织的感受。我国时一个新兴的国家,地域辽阔,土地肥沃:各行各业的产品十分丰富,而且行销世界各地,与那些自视强大和不顾他人权利的国家开展商业贸易;它正向着肉眼凡胎无法想见的命运迅猛前进。每当我想到这些超凡卓越的事情,看到我们这个可爱的国家从今天的局面和吉兆中所显示的荣誉、幸福和种种希望,我就不由得收住自己的思绪,并且因为面对如此宏伟的事业而自惭形秽。的确,倘若不是今天在场的许多人使我意识到,我可以从宪法所设立的其他几个最高政府部门找到智慧、美德和热情的源泉,帮助我渡过一切难关,我真会彻底丧失信心。因此,从你们这些负责行使立法主权的先生们以及各位共事者那里,我充满勇气地期待能得到指导和支持,从而使我们能够把稳我们共同乘坐的这艘航船的舵柄,安然行使在这个冲突四起、扰攘不宁的世界。

在最近这次观点的交锋中,我们大家都热烈讨论和积极奔走,这种局面不免使那些不习惯于自由思考和自由表达、写出自己想法的人感到很不自在;但现在这已由全国人民作出了决断,并且根据宪法的规定公诸于众,相信大家都会按照法律的意志对自己作出安排,为了我们共同的利益而团结一致和协同奋斗。同样,大家也会在心中牢记一条神圣的原则:虽然多数人的意志在一切情况下都应占据主导地位,但这种意志既要正当就必须首先合理;少数派也应拥有平等的权利,公平的法律必须如此加以保护,如若侵犯即是压迫。那么,同胞们,就让我们同心同德地团结起来吧!让我们在社会交往中恢复和睦和友情,如没有和睦和友情,自由乃至生活本身就都成了毫无易趣的东西。让我们再想一想,那种曾长期使人类流血受难的宗教不宽容,早已从我们的国土上废除;但政治不宽容在横暴、无耻和能够造成的血腥、残酷迫害方面,都不逊于宗教不宽容,如果对这种现象加以鼓励,我们仍然会所获无多。历史悠久的旧世界处于剧痛和痉挛当中,发怒的人们在痛苦的挣扎,借助流血和杀戮来寻找自己失落已久的自由,这般滔天狂潮的冲击所至,连我们这遥远而宁静的海岸也在所不免,而不同的人对此的感受和惧怕也不尽相同,于是在有关安全的措施方面引发意见分歧,这原本不足为怪。但是,每一种意见的分歧都不是原则性的分歧。我们曾用不同的名称称呼信奉相同原则的兄弟。我们都是共和党人,我们都是联邦党人。如果我们当中有什么人想要解散我们的联盟,或者想要改变其共和形式,那也不要去触动他们,从而显示他们也能安然无恙。由了这种安全,错误的意见也就能得到宽容,而任凭理性来自由地与之较量。我也确实指导,有些诚实的人担心一个共和制的政府不可能变得很强大,而且现在这个政府就不够强大;可是,一个诚实的爱国者,难道会根据这个作为世界最美好希望的政府体制由可能需要活力以图自存这样一种理论和幻想中的担忧,而在这一成功实验的高潮中将一种迄今一直保证我们享有自由和坚定立场的政府体制弃之如敝履吗?我相信不会如此。相反,我认为这种政府乃是世界上最强大的政府。我认为唯有在这种体制下,每个人才会一旦听到法律的召唤,便飞快地奔向法律的旗帜之下,把对公共秩序的侵害看成与自己切身利害相关的事情而加以迎头痛击。有时可以听到一种说法,认为人类是不能委以自治之责的。那么,难道他们就能被托以治理他人的重任吗?难道我们从国王堆里找到过天使来统治他们吗?这一问题就留待历史来回答吧!

那么,就让我们鼓足勇气和满怀信心,奉行我们自己的联邦和共和的各项原则,深情地拥护联盟和代议制政府吧!大自然和辽阔的海洋仁慈地把我们隔开,使我们没有牵累于地球

上四分之一的地区所发生的那场毁灭性浩劫。我们心灵十分高尚,难以容忍别人的可耻行径;我们拥有天赐的国土,地域之广袤足以供千秋万代的子孙享用;我们对自己的平等权利有着适当的意识,这些权利包括运用自己的才能,占有自己的劳动所得,获得同胞们给予的荣誉和信任,这种荣誉和信任并非得自出生门第,而是源于我们的行为及同胞们对此的看法;我们受到一种仁慈的宗教的教化,虽然实际信仰的方式各不相同,但均教人以诚实、忠信、节制、感恩和人类之爱;我们承认并崇拜那主宰万物的上帝,他以全部的神意显示,他为人类在此获得的幸福和将要得到的更大幸福而深感欣悦;我们享用所有这些福佑,还另外需要什么东西才能使我们成为一群幸福而繁荣的人民吗?同胞们,确实还需要一种东西,那就是一个明智而节俭的政府。这个政府可以阻止人们自相残杀,另一方面则任凭他们自由地处理劳动谋生和改善处境的活动,而且也不会从劳动者手中夺走他们挣来的面包。这乃是良好政府的要旨所在,也是使我们的吉祥好运臻于完善所不可或缺的东西。

同胞们,我即将履行我的各项职责,由于这些职责包含你们所珍视、所认为宝贵的一切,因而,对我所理解的我国政府的各项基本原则,以及与之相应的那些确定行政活动的规章,你们都应当有所了解。我将把话压缩到最简短的限度,只阐明那些一般性的原则,而不将其所有的限制都囊括无疑。这些原则包括:对所有人都平等相待和严守公正,而不问其宗教和政治上的地位与信仰如何;与世界各国和平相处、通商往来和友诚相待,但不与任何一国结成同盟;拥护各州政府的一切权利,以此作为处理我国内部利益的最有效能的方式和对付反共和制倾向的最坚实屏障;维护联邦政府的全部宪政活力,以此作为保证我国国内太平和国外安全的可靠手段;谨慎细心地爱护人民的选举权利,这是一种匡正流弊的温和而安全的方法,而一旦没有和平的补救措施可供采用时,就得用革命之剑斩除弊端;绝对承认多数人作出的决定,这是所有共和国的一项关键性原则,反之则不会诉诸舆论而只有强制,此乃专制主义的关键原则和直接根源;建立一支纪律严明、训练有素的民兵,这乃是我们在和平时期最好的保障,一旦战争爆发,他们也可应急,直到正规军来替代他们;文官政府的权威高于军方;节约政府开支以减轻劳工的负担;诚实地偿还我国的债务,神圣地维护公众的信心;鼓励农业和商业,并把商业作为农业的辅助;传播知识,把一切流弊都交由大众理智的法庭进行裁断;宗教信仰自由;出版自由;按照人身保护法保证个人人身自由,并由公正选出的陪审团审理案件。这些原则构成了明亮的指路星辰,一直在我们前头闪耀,曾引导我们经历了一个革命和改革的时代。我们贤智之士的智慧和英雄们的热血,一直都倾注于实现这些原则,这些原则应当成为我们政治信仰的信条,成为教导我国民众的课本,成为检验那些我们所信赖者的工作的试金石。倘若我们因一时糊涂或惊慌失措而偏离了这些原则,那就让我们迅速调转脚步,重新走上这条通向和平、自由和安全的唯一道路。

同胞们,我就要担任你们委诸我的职务,我过去曾出任许多较低的职务,从这种经历中我业已见识了这一最伟大的职务所遇到的种种困难,因而我也懂得,一个并不完美的人在退休时很难获得那种曾把他推向这一职位的声望和好感。你们曾对我国那位首屈一指的伟大革命任务给予极大的信任,因为他为国家作出了卓越的贡献,赢得了全国人民最衷心的爱戴,而且注定要在一部可信的历史中占有最光辉的一页。我无意奢求你们对我如此信任,我所有求于各位的信任,只要足以保证我坚定而有效地对你们的事务进行合法治理,便于愿足以。我可能会由于判断的缺失而经常犯下错误。即便我是正确的,也可能被那些由于立场局限而无法看到全局的人认为是错误的。我请求你们谅解我个人的失误,因为我永远不会有意犯下这些错误;同时我也请求你们支持我反对他人的错误,这些人若能全面地看问题则不会对欧文横加指责。投票的结果显示你们对我过去的作为有所称许,这令我深感欣慰。我今后的热切希望则是,能够保持那些事先给予我厚爱的人们的好评,并且获得另外那些的称道,因为

我会尽我所能为他们谋利益。总之,我要成为一个对所有人的幸福和自由有所帮助的人。

承蒙各位给予善意的爱护,我现在谨遵各位之命走向工作岗位,不论你们何时觉得自己有力量做出更好的选择,我随时都准备辞去这一职位。愿主宰万物的全能上帝,给我们指引一条最好的治国道路,使它通向美好的目的地,为你们带来和平与繁荣。

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barack obama’s inaugural address ——美国第44任总统奥巴马宣誓就职的演讲词 英文: my fellow citizens: i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents. so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans. that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsi bility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america - they will be met. on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom. for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

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摘要:就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势,很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象,对排比的大量使用进行分析,旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势,使演说的逻辑更加清晰,同时也增强了演说者的感召力,增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词:就职演说词;演讲;排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题,既不同于日常谈话,也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合,由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情,获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动,因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时,有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众,并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待,总统治国理想,对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析,施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明,大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见,一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料,以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析,揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力,以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比(parallelism)是一种修辞手法,它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近,结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组(主谓/动宾)或句子并排,达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases (Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986).这种结构的大量运用,使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整,在语篇上更具气势,在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中,每一位总统的就职演说词,都依据各自不同的政治目的,而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法,以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初,国家建设时期的就职演讲中,排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷,鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们,让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱,如果没有这些,自由,甚至生活本身都会索然寡味,让我们再想一想,我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上,如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容,其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿,那么我们必将无所收获。……因此,让我们以勇气和信心,迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则,拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列,从团结到和睦如初,到想一想,最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则,把团结置于首位,加强了感情联络,产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期,林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念,给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中,强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性,突出了国家宪法高于一切,人民的利益是以宪法为保障,一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据,因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代,富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中,排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心;他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

【精华版】历任总统名单、大事记

美国历届总统名单、大事记 任英文名中文名任期时间党派备注 1 George Washington乔治·华盛顿1789-1797 无党派“美国国父”,未上过大学(7位),领导独立战争,《告别演说》:孤立主义传统 2 John Adams约翰·亚当斯(老)1797-1801 美国联邦党华盛顿的副总统,总统父子,费城迁都,首任白宫主人,联邦党人(vs杰裴逊等共和党人),与好友汉密尔顿闹僵→杰裴逊当选总统,XYZ事件(塔列兰索贿,美法敌对),此时英法交战(拿破仑) 3 Thomas Jefferson托马斯·杰斐逊1801-1809 民主共和党亚当斯政敌,门徒众多,建民主共和党(反对联邦党建中央银行),起草《独立宣言》(拥有奴隶→言行不一),众议院裁决上台(得票相同),从法国购路易斯安那(领土扩一倍),死于贫困(全国募捐,政敌亚当斯也不好过) 4 James Madison詹姆斯·麦迪逊1809-1817 联邦党→ 民主共和党杰裴逊的国务卿,“宪法之父”,前期:《联邦党人文集》,《权利法案》,后期:放弃联邦党→与杰裴逊创民主共和党(中央银行只对北方有利),第二次独立战争火烧白宫(英法交战,英国扣押美船)(1815新奥尔良战役) 5 James Monroe詹姆斯·门罗1817-1825 民主共和党杰裴逊门徒(反对批准宪法),1823年门罗主义(孤立主义),弗吉尼亚三杰:杰斐逊、麦迪逊、门罗,三位得票率超高(华盛顿、罗斯福),穷困而死(六位穷死:杰斐逊、门罗、杰克逊、波尔克、菲尔莫尔、威尔逊) 6 John Adams约翰·亚当斯(小)1825-1829 国民共和党门罗的国务卿,第二任总统之子,从西班牙取得弗罗里达,总统难产→众议院裁决(vs杰克逊),国立大学 7 Andrew Jackson安德鲁·杰克逊1829-1837 民主党第一位民主党总统【国民共和党解体→民主党(杰克逊)vs国民共和党(亚当斯)→后者改为辉格党→共和党】,平民出身,军人总统(1815新奥尔良战役英雄),川普以他自比,与神枪手决斗(侮辱其妻),创民主党→杰克逊民主,杰克逊主义,《印第安人迁移法》,政治分肥(分赃制度),非常强势:“皇帝总统”“安德鲁王”“老胡桃木” (Old Hickory),维护统一,以农立国,抵制中央银行,驴象之争(被讽为“驴蛋”) 8 Martin van Buren马丁·范布伦1837-1841 民主党杰克逊副总统,“拍马屁”(50岁学骑马跟随杰克逊),击败辉格党(刚成立),第一位建国后出生,反联邦党人,支持麦迪逊,杰裴逊民主继承人:政府权力受到严格限制,《独立国库法》、十小时工作制,首次经济危机未连任 9 William Harrison威廉·哈里森1841 辉格党击败范布伦,任期最短(1个月,迷恋演讲且拒绝戴帽,肺炎去世),孙子是23任总统(本杰明·哈里森),首位死于“特科抹人诅咒”(Curse of Tippecanoe),打击印第安人

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要:肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一,引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域,从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域,进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征,加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果,而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词:就职演说;语域特征;语域分析 一.引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出,表现在其时间的固定性(一月二十日)、地点的固定性(白宫)、演说者身份的固定性(当选为美国总统的人)、听众的固定性(美国民众和世界各国)、内容的相似性(施政纲领、国内国际形势等)。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果,因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上,均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域,鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析,从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点,一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果,另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二.文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念,它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基(Malinowski)把语境分为三类:话语语境(context of utterance)、文化语境(context of culture)和情景语境(context of situation)。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合,并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域(register)定义为“语言的功能变体”(functional variety of language),即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分:语场(field)、语旨(tenor)和语式(mode)。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表,而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行,对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄,其后,一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义,认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法,强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助,在英语写作中我们不能一概而论,单纯教学生模仿或套用,或者教词汇和语法,改错句,而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征,能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义,

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure

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