《Inaugural Address》英语演讲稿
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
中学生英语演讲稿：inauguraladdress
中学生英语演讲稿：Inaugural Address中学生英语演讲稿：Inaugural AddressTo those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, itcannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.。
英语演讲稿-Inaugural Address(精选多篇)
英语演讲稿-Inaugural Address(精选多篇)第一篇：英语演讲稿-Inaugural Addressvice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that s tays the hand of mankind’s final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”¹and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has beensummoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, povert y, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god’s work must truly be our own.第二篇：英语演讲稿-Inaugural Addressvice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price,bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problemswhich divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”?and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”?a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.第三篇：英语演讲：inaugural Addressjohn f. kennedy: inaugural Address。
最伟大的英文演讲John F. Kennedy-Inaugural Address
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
英语演讲稿-Inaugural Address(精选多篇)
第一篇：英语演讲稿-Inaugural Addressvice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not alwaysexpect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope tofind them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globestruggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the munists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to preventit from being merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility isnot a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the mand of isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. norwill it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest thefinal success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year inand year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggl e against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and waritself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i wele it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.第二篇：英语演讲稿-Inaugural Addressvice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling towitness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope tofind them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globestruggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the munists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpacedthe instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to preventit from being merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew thequest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the mand of isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”?and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. norwill it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life ofthis administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”? a struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i wele it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.第三篇：英语演讲：inaugural Addressjohn f. kennedy: inaugural Addressvice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, presidenteisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope tofind them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of thetiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globestruggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the munists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot bee the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to preventit from being merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take fort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboringthose problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and merce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the mand of isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. norwill it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest thefinal success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year inand year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and waritself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. ido not shrink from this responsibility -- i wele it. i do not believethat any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.第四篇：英语演讲：farewell to baseball Addresslou gehrig: farewell to baseball Addressfans, for the past two weeks you have been reading about the bad break i got.yet today i consider myself the luckiest man on the face of the earth.i have been in ballparks for seventeen years and have never received anything but kindness and encouragement from you fans.look at these grand men.which of you wouldn’t consider it the highlight of his career just to associate with them for even one day?sure i’m lucky.who wouldn’t consider it an honor to have known jacob ruppert? also, the builder of baseball’s gr eatest empire, ed barrow? to have spent six years withthat wonderful little fellow, miller huggins? then to have spent the next nine years with that outstanding leader, that smart student of psychology, the best manager in baseball today, joe mccarthy?sur e i’m lucky.when the new york giants, a team you would give your right arm to beat, and vice versa, sends you a gift - that’s something.when everybody down to the groundskeepers and those boys in white coats remember you with trophies -- that’s someth ing.when you have a wonderful mother-in-law who takes sides with you in squabbles with her own daughter -- that’s something.when you have a father and a mother who work all their lives so you can have an education and build your body -- it’s a blessin g.when you have a wifewho has been a tower of strength and shown more courage than you dreamed existed -- that’s the finest i know.so, i close in saying that i might have been given a bad break, but ive got an awful lot to live for.第五篇：英语演讲：farewell to baseball Addresslou gehrig: farewell to baseball Addressfans, for the past two weeks you have been reading about the bad break i got. yet today i consider myself the luckiest man on the face of the earth.i have been in ballparks for seventeen years and have never received anything but kindness and encouragement from you fans. look at these grand men. which of you wouldn’t consider it the highlight of hiscareer just to associate with them for even one day?sure i’m lucky.who would n’t consider it an honor to have known jacob ruppert? also, the builder of baseball’s greatest empire, ed barrow? to have spent six years with that wonderful little fellow, miller huggins? then to have spent the next nine years with that outstanding leader, that smart student of psychology, the best manager in baseball today, joe mccarthy?sure i’m lucky.when the new york giants, a team you would give your right arm to beat, and vice versa, sends you a gift - that’s something. when everybody down to the groundskeepers and those boys in white coats remember you with trophies -- that’s something.when you have a wonderful mother-in-law who takes sides with you in squabbles with her own daughter -- that’s something.when you have a father and a mother who work all their lives so you can have an education and build your body -- it’s a blessing.when you have a wife who has been a tower of strength and shown more courage than you dreamed existed -- that’s the finest i know.so, i close in saying that i might have been given a bad break, but i've got an awful lot to live for.。
英语就职演说稿——InauguralAddress
英语就职演说稿——InauguralAddress英语就职演说稿——InauguralAddresssti institutions aording to its on judgment exlusivel, is essential to that balane of poer on hih the perfetion and endurane of our politial fabri depend; and e denoune the laless invasion b armed fore of the soil of an State or Territor, no matter hat pretext, as among the gravest of rimes. I no reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I onl press upon the publi attention the most onlusive evidene of hih the ase is suseptible that the propert, peae, and seurit of no setion are to be in an ise endangered b the no ining Administration. I add, too, that all the protetion hih, onsistentl ith the Constitution and the las, an be given ill be heerfull given to all the States hen lafull demanded, for hatever ause--as heerfull to one setion as to another. There is muh ontrovers about the delivering up of fugitives from servie or labor. The lause I no read is as plainl ritten in the Constitution as an other of its provisions: No person held to servie or labor in one State, under the las thereof, esaping into another, shall in onsequene of an la or regulation therein be disharged from suh servie or labor, but shall be delivered up on laim of the part to hom suh servieor labor ma be due. It is sarel questioned that thisprovision as intended b those ho made it for the relaiming of hat e all fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lagiveris the la. All members of Congress sear their support to the hole Constitution--to this provision as muh as to an other. To the proposition, then, that slaves hose ases e ithin the terms of this lause shall be delivered up their oaths are unanimous. No, if the ould make the effort in good temper, ould the not ith nearl equalunanimit frame and pass a la b means of hih to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some differene of opinion hether this lause should be enfored b national or b State authorit, but surel that differene is not a ver material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it an be of but little onsequene to him or to others b hih authorit it is done. And should anone in an ase be ontent that his oath shall go unkept on a merel unsubstantial ontrovers as to ho it shall be kept? Again: In an la upon this subjet ought not all the safeguards of libert knon in ivilized and humane jurisprudene to be introdued, so that a free man be not in an ase surrendered as a slave? And might it not be ell at the same time to provide b la for the enforement of that lause in the Constitution hih guarantees that the itizens of eah State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of itizens in the several States? I take the offiial oath to-da ith no mental reservations and ith no purpose to onstrue theConstitution or las b an hperritial rules; and hile I do not hoose no to speif partiular ats of Congress as proper to be enfored, I do suggest that it ill be muh safer for all, both in offiial and private stations, to onform to and abide b all those ats hih stand uepealed than to violate an of them trusting to find impunit in having them held to be unonstitutional. It is sevent-to ears sine the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatl distinguished itizens have in suession administered the exeutive branh of the Government. The have onduted it through man perils, and generall ith great suess. Yet, ith all this sope of preedent, I no enter upon the same task for the brief onstitutional term of four ears under great and peuliar diffiult. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore onl menaed, is no formidabl attempted. I hold that in ontemplation of universal la and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuit is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental la of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organi la for its on termination. Continue to exeute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union ill endure forever, it being impossible to destro it exept b some ation not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an assoiation of States in the nature of ontrat merel, an it, as aontrat, be peaeabl unmade b less than all the parties ho made it? One part to a ontrat ma violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lafull resind it? Desending from these general priniples, e find the proposition that in legal ontemplation the Union is perpetual onfirmed b the histor of the Union itself. The Union is muh older than the Constitution. It as formed, in fat, b the Artiles of Assoiation in74. It as matured and ontinued b the Delaration of Independene in76. It as further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressl plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, b the Artiles of Confederation in78. And finall, in87, one of the delared objets for ordaining and establishing the Constitution as to form a more perfet Union. But if destrution of the Union b one or b a part onl of the States be lafull possible, the Union is less perfet than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuit. It follos from these vies that no State upon its on mere motion an lafull get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinanes to thateffet are legall void, and that ats of violene ithin an State or States against the authoritof the United States are insurretionar or revolutionar, aording to irumstanes. I therefore onsider that in vie of the Constitution and the las the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of m abilit, I shall take are, as the Constitution itself expressl enjoins upon me, that the las of the Union be faithfull exeuted in all the States. Doing this I deem to be onl a simple dut on m part, and Ishall perform it so far as pratiable unless m rightful masters, the Amerian people,shall ithhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner diret the ontrar. I trust this ill not be regarded as a menae, but onl as the delared purpose of the Union that it ill onstitutionall defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violene, and there shall be none unless it be fored upon the national authorit. The poer onfided to me ill be used to hold, oup, and possess the propert and plaes belonging to the Government and to ollet the duties and imposts; but beond hat ma be neessar for these objets, there ill be no invasion, no using of fore against or among the people anhere. Where hostilit to the United States in an interior loalit shall be so great and universal as to prevent petent resident itizens from holding the Federal offies, there ill be no attempt to fore obnoxious strangers among the people for that objet. While the strit legal right ma exist in the Government to enfore the exerise of theseoffies, the attempt to do so ould be so irritating and so nearl impratiable ithal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of suh offies. The mails, unless repelled, ill ontinue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everhere shall have that sense of perfet seurit hih is most favorable to alm thought and refletion. The ourse here indiated ill be folloed unless urrent events and experiene shall sho a modifiation or hange to be proper, and in ever ase and exigen m best disretion ill be exerised, aording to irumstanes atuall existing and ith a vie and a hope of a peaeful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal smpathies and affetions. That there are persons in one setion or another ho seek to destro the Union at all events and are glad of an pretext to do it I ill neither affirm nor den; but if there be suh, I need address no ord to them. To those, hoever, ho reall love the Union ma I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destrution of our national fabri, ith all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, ould it not be ise to asertain preisel h e do it? Will ou hazard so desperate a step hile there is an possibilit that an portion of the ills ou fl from have no real existene? Will ou, hile the ertainills ou fl to are greater than all the real ones ou fl from, ill ou risk the mission of so fearful a mistake? All professto be ontent in the Union if all onstitutional rights an be maintained. Is it true, then, that an right plainl ritten in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happil, the human mind is so onstituted that no part an reah to the audait of doing this. Think, if ou an, of a single instane in hih a plainl ritten provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If b the mere fore of numbers a majorit should deprive a minorit of an learl ritten onstitutional right, it might in a moral point of vie justif revolution; ertainl ould if suh right ere a vital one. But suh is not our ase. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainl assured to them b affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that ontroversies never arise onerning them. But no organi la an ever be framed ith a provision speifiall appliable to ever question hih ma our in pratial administration. No foresight an antiipate nor an doument of reasonable length ontain express provisions forall possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered b national or b State authorit?The Constitution does not expressl sa. Ma Congress prohibit slaver in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressl sa. Must Congress protet slaver in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressl sa. From questions of this lass spring all our onstitutional ontroversies, and e divide upon them intomajorities and minorities. If the minorit ill not aquiese,the majorit must, or the Government must ease. There is no other alternative, for ontinuing the Government is aquiesene on one side or the other. If a minorit in suh ase ill seede rather than aquiese, the make a preedent hih in turn illdivide and ruin them, for a minorit of their on ill seedefrom them henever a majorit refuses to be ontrolled b suh minorit. For instane, h ma not an portion of a ne onfedera a ear or to hene arbitraril seede again, preisel as portions of the present Union no laim to seede from it? All ho herish disunion sentiments are no being eduated to the exat temperof doing this. Is there suh perfet identit of interests among the States to pose a ne union as to produe harmon onl and prevent reneed seession? Plainl the entral idea of seessionis the essene of anarh. A majorit held in restraint b onstitutional heks and limitations, and alas hanging easilith deliberate hanges of popular opinions and sentiments, is the onl true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejets it does of neessit fl to anarh or to despotism. Unanimit is impossible. The rule of a minorit, as a permanent arrangement, is holl inadmissible; so that, rejeting the majorit priniple, anarh or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed b some that onstitutional questions are to be deided b the Supreme Court, nor do I denthat suh deisions must be binding in an ase upon the parties to a suit as to the objet of that suit, hile the are also entitled to ver high respet and onsideration in all parallel ases b all other departments of the Government. And hile itis obviousl possible that suh deision ma be erroneous in an given ase, still the evil effet folloing it, being limited to that partiular ase, ith the hane that it ma be overruled and never bee a preedent for other ases, an better be borne than ould the evils of a different pratie. At the same time, the andid itizen must onfess that if the poli of the Government upon vital questions affeting the hole people is to be irrevoabl fixed b deisions of the Supreme Court, the instant the are made in ordinar litigation beteen parties in personal ations the people ill have eased to be their on rulers, having to that extent pratiall resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this vie an assault upon the ourt or the judges. It is a dut from hih the ma not shrink to deide ases properl brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their deisions to politial purposes. One setion of our ountr believes slaver is right and ought to be extended, hile the other believes it is rong and ought not to be extended. This is the onl substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave lause of the Constitution and the la for the suppression of theforeign slave trade are eah as ell enfored, perhaps, as an la an ever be in a munit here the moral sense of the people imperfetl supports the la itself. The great bod of the people abide b the dr legal obligation in both ases, and a fe break over in eah. This, I think, an not be perfetl ured, and itould be orse in both ases after the separation of the setions than before. The foreign slave trade, no imperfetl suppressed, ould be ultimatel revived ithout restrition in one setion,hile fugitive slaves, no onl partiall surrendered, ould notbe surrendered at all b the other. Phsiall speaking, e an not separate. We an not remove our respetive setions from eahother nor build an impassable all beteen them. A husband andife ma be divored and go out of the presene and beond thereah of eah other, but the different parts of ourountr an not do this. The an not but remain fae to fae, and interourse, either amiable or hostile, must ontinue beteen them. Is it possible, then, to make that interourse more advantageous or more satisfator after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends an make las? Can treaties bemore faithfull enfored beteen aliens than las an among friends? Suppose ou go to ar, ou an not fight alas; and hen, after muh loss on both sides and no gain on either, ou ease fighting, the idential old questions, as to terms of interourse, are again upon ou. This ountr, ith itsinstitutions, belongs to the people ho inhabit it. Wheneverthe shall gro ear of the existing Government, the an exerise their onstitutional right of amending it or theirrevolutionar right to dismember or overthro it. I an not be ignorant of the fat that man orth and patrioti itizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no remendation of amendments, I full reognize therightful authorit of the people over the hole subjet, to be exerised in either of the modes presribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing irumstanes, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunit being afforded the people to at upon it. I ill venture to add that to me the onvention mode seems preferable, in that it allos amendments to originateith the people themselves, instead of onl permitting them to take or rejet propositions originated b others, not espeiall hosen for the purpose, and hih might not be preisel suh asthe ould ish to either aept or refuse. I understand aproposed amendment to the Constitution--hih amendment, hoever, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effet that the Federal Government shall never interfere ith the domesti institutions of the States, inluding that of persons held to servie. To avoid misonstrution of hat I have said, I depart from m purpose not to speak of partiular amendments so far as to sa that, holding suh a provision to no be impliedonstitutional la, I have no objetion to its being madeexpress and irrevoable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authorit from the people, and the have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves an do this if also the hoose, but the Exeutive as suh has nothing to do ith it. His dut is to administer the present Government as it ame to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired b him to his suessor. Wh should there not be a patient onfidene in the ultimate justie of the people? Isthere an better or equal hope in the orld? In our present differenes, is either part ithout faith of being in the right? If the Almight Ruler of Nations, ith His eternal truth and justie, be on our side of the North, or on ours of the South, that truth and that justie ill surel prevail b the judgmentof this great tribunal of the Amerian people. B the frame of the Government under hih e live this same people have isel given their publi servants but little poer for mishief, and have ith equal isdom provided for the return of that littleto their on hands at ver short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilane no Administration b an extreme of ikedness or foll an ver seriousl injure the Government in the short spae of four ears. M ountrmen, oneand all, think alml and ell upon this hole subjet. Nothing valuable an be lost b taking time. If there be an objet tohurr an of ou in hot haste to a step hih ou ould never take deliberatel, that objet ill be frustrated b taking time; but no good objet an be frustrated b it. Suh of ou as are no dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the las of our on framing under it; hile the ne Administration ill have no immediate poer, if it ould, to hange either. If it ere admitted that ou ho are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there stillis no single good reason for preipitate ation. Intelligene, patriotism, Christianit, and a firm reliane on Him ho has never et forsaken this附送：英语工作推荐信英语工作推荐信ivating. As part of the exeutive management team, Janehas orked hard to build authenti relationships ith the emploees. Her efforts have reated a happier and moreprodutive team. I believe Jane exhibits man of the qualities that are essential to business managers and business students. An eduation at our esteemed business shool ill help her hone these qualities, hile enhaning her areer opportunities. Ihighl remend Jane Glass for our program and hope that ou illarefull onsider admission appliation. Sinerel, Debra Max Senior Coordinator Heartland Commere Some tips on riting a letter of remendation A good remendation letter an be an asset to our ollege appliation. During admissions, most business shools- undergraduate and graduate- expet to see at least one, preferabl to or three, remendation letters for eah appliant. Remendation letters provide admission mittees ith information that ma or ma not be found in our appliation, inluding XXdemi and ork ahievements, harater referenes, and personal details that set ou apart from other appliants. Essentiall, a remendation letter is a personal referene that explains h the shool should reognize ou, our ahievements, and our harater. Just as a good remendation letter an be an asset, a bad remendation letter an be a hindrane. Here are some do’s and don’ts to keep in mind hen seuring our remendation letters: Do’s ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Do hoose so meone ho knos ou ell enough to give ou a remendation. Do get remendations from emploers, professors, shool administration, and anone else ho is familiar ith our ork ethi. Do ask for the remendation in person, rather than sending an email. Do tell the letter riter h ou need the remendation letter. Do mention speifi things that ou ould like to see inluded. Do send a thank ou note afterards. Do keep opies of theletter.You ma need to use it again in the future.Don’ts ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Don’t ait until the last minute. Seure letters of remendation as soon as possible. Don’t ask someone to lie. Don’t ever forge signatures. Don’t hoose someone onl for their title. Pik someone ho has a title AND knos ou ell. Don’t hoose someone ho is a poor riter.Don’t he sitate to get as man remendation letters as possible. Choose the ones that sho ou in the best light. Don’t be surprised if the person ou are asking for a remendationletter asks ou to rite a letter that the ill later modif and sign. This is a mon pratie. Don’t forget to sa please and thank ou. A letter of remendation is a valuable resoure.Good Letters vs Bad Letters Most business shools request to see at least to letters of remendation during the appliation proess. Remendation letters provide admission mittees ith information that ma or ma not be found in our business shool appliation, inluding XXdemi and ork ahievements, harater referenes, and personal details. Good Business Shool Remendations A good remendation letter ill supplement our business shool appliation. It ill also provide speifi examples of our aplishments andor ork ethi. It is ver important to hoose the right person to rite our businessshool remendation. Do not pik someone based on their name and title alone. It ill hurt ou in the long run. You ill be muh better off hoosing someone ho knos ou ell. This person ill beable to provide ou ith an honest, detailed, and heartfelt remendation. The best business shool remendations e from someone ho rites ell, speaks highl of ou, and gives speifis that bak up their laims. Bad Business Shool Remendations Business shool remendations that are poorl ritten an and ill make ou look bad. Before turning in our remendation letter, make sure that it is up to par. Begin b heking for spelling and grammar errors.篇二：中英文工作信 To hom it ma onern, It is m pleasure to remend Mr.Wufor his appliation to ork in our shool. Mr.Wu has been an English teaher in m shool sine Jul 201X. His major responsibilities inlude information olleting, analzing, teahing and translating. He is an enthusiasti and progressive oung man ith extremel high potentialit. He often partiipated in extraurriular ativities ontributing a great deal to shool. Mr.Wu is not onl quik at learning and good at solvingdiffiult teahing problems, but also ith a logial mind that enables him to effetivel analze diffiulties. All the ork handed to him as pleted satisfatoril. Atuall, he is so reliable that I assign him ith heav responsibilities. With his help, I have been able to spend more time in making student’s exellent English speaking abilit. I reall onsider mself ver fortunate to have suh a apable teaher. I am ertainhis diligene, oupled ith a good petene and pleasant personalit, ill assure him of big ahievements for our pan. I strongl remend this promising oung man ithout an reservation and our favorable onsideration and assistane to him ill bever muh appreiated. Sinerel ours September 201X 敬启者：我很荣幸吴先生到贵校工作。
英语演讲：InauguralAddress英语演讲
英语演讲：InauguralAddress英语演讲Ladies and gentlemen,Thank you for joining me today as we gather to mark a momentous occasion – the inauguration of a new chapter in our collective journey. Today, I stand before you as the newly elected leader entrusted with the responsibility to guide our nation towards a brighter and more prosperous future.First and foremost, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the citizens of this great nation for placing their faith in me. It is a humbling experience, and I pledge to honor this trust by dedicating myself wholeheartedly to the service of our country.Today, we find ourselves at a critical juncture in history. The challenges we face are daunting, but let us not forget the indomitable spirit and resilience that define us as a nation. Together, we have weathered storms, triumphed over adversity, and grown stronger in the face of adversity. Now, it is time for us to rise once again.One of the key pillars of our journey towards progress is unity. We must set aside our differences and come together as one nation, with a common purpose and shared goals. It is through collaboration and understanding that we can overcome the obstacles that lie ahead and forge a path of prosperity for all.Education is another cornerstone of our future. We must invest in the education of our youth, equipping them with the knowledge and skills necessary to navigate the rapidly changing world. Education is not just a privilege; it is a right that should be afforded to every citizen. By prioritizing education, we are investing in the future of our nation.Furthermore, we cannot overlook the challenges posed by climate change. As stewards of this beautiful planet, it is our duty to protect and preserve it for generations to come. We must embrace sustainable practices, promote clean energy alternatives, and work towards a harmonious coexistence with nature. Only by doing so can we ensure a sustainable future for ourselves and the generations that follow.Finally, I want to emphasize the importance of empathy and compassion in our society. We must look beyond ourselves and extend a helping hand to those in need.Let us build a society that cares for the less fortunate, where everyone has access to quality healthcare, where opportunities for success are not limited by social or economic barriers.In closing, let me reiterate that this inauguration is not just about me, but about all of us. It is about our shared vision for a better tomorrow and our collective responsibility to make it a reality. Together, let us embrace unity, prioritize education, tackle climate change, and foster a compassionate society.Thank you once again for your faith and trust. Let us embark on this journey together and forge a brighter future for our beloved nation.。
inaugural address课文
inaugural address课文尊敬的主席先生，尊敬的各位嘉宾，我的优秀同事们，大家好！我非常荣幸和激动能够站在这里，发表我的就职演说。
首先，我想向所有投票支持我的人表示感谢。
我很清楚，我所在的职位代表着成千上万人的声音和信任。
我对此感到沉甸甸的责任和鞭策，在此我向全国人民郑重承诺，我将全心全意为民服务，一如既往地关心全体国民福祉，并致力于保障他们的合法权益。
我深知，当今中国面临着众多的挑战。
我们的国家已经变得更加复杂，充满了不确定性和变数，我们的行动必须迅速而准确，因为在这个时代，我们没有任何的退路。
我们的责任是承担起一切困难，为我们国家的未来做好准备。
我要强调的是，我们必须尽一切力量来维护国家的稳定和民族的团结。
应对外部挑战和内部分裂，整个中华民族不可动摇，且团结。
我们的信条是“和而不同”，我们的责任是协调着前进。
在全球时代，我们必须紧紧依托科技创新。
我们必须提高我们的知识储备，不断创新，并通过全球性的合作来解决我们的共同问题。
在这方面，我们已经取得了很多成绩，但还有进一步的挑战等着我们。
我们需要创造一个更加宽松的环境，以便创新性想法和技术得到发展和应用。
我们近年来推动了经济和社会的全面发展。
我们的经济现在已经超越了发达国家中的大多数，我们的教育和医疗等各个领域也都得到了发展。
但我们还有很多工作要做。
我们必须致力于打造有特色，有优势的经济体系，促进在市场竞争中取得更大的优势，努力提高我们企业、人才、技术的国际竞争力。
我们的目标是要建立一个强大的中国。
对于伟大的中国梦，我们必须有长期的眼光和坚定的信念。
我们必须致力于建设一个持久、可持续、繁荣的国家。
在这个过程中，我们必须保护环境，让她充满活力，同时也要关注社会公正问题，公平地为每个普通人提供未来的希望。
值此就职之际，我要坚定地表示，我的一生将永远属于中国。
我会全心全意地服务于中华民族，我会关爱每一个人民群众，我会一直为实现中国梦而努力工作！感谢大家！。
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《Inaugural Address》英语演讲稿vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hardand bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge -- and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom-- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, theunited nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerityis always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."?and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first onethousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"? a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defendingfreedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.。