独立日 战前总统演讲 中英文对照 完美打印版
奥巴马在独立日的演讲(中英双文)
Part of what we take pride in as Americans is that almost uniquely to any country around the world...we were started on the basis of an idea.
我们向世界传递了一个信息：即使我们受到威胁，即使时局艰难，我们依然会坚持我们的原则。
站 在你们面前的我是一个普通人的儿子。我的祖父是在堪萨斯的一个小镇长大的。我的母亲是一个单身母亲。我那来自肯尼亚的父亲在我很小的时候就离开了，所以我 不认识他。我是由一个单身母亲抚养成人的。我们没有很多钱。我们没有很多权势。但是他们（译者：不清楚指什么，猜想为美国人民）却给了我几样东西。
A set of ideas about liberty and justice and equality that all men were created equal, that we are a nation not of men but of laws...a nation in which, if you are willing to try, then you can make it.
我为成为美国总统职位的民主党候选人而感到自豪。
我为美国人民而感到自豪，因为你们勇敢地站起来并坚决要求改变。如果你们愿意站在我这边，与我一同前进并投我的票，我向你们承诺，从现在开始大约4个月以后——从现在开始大约4个月以后，我们将赢得蒙大拿州！
我们将赢得大选，你们和我一起，我们将改变这个国家，我们将改变这个世界。
That despite all the things that might divide us, that we come together as one.
华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照
华盛顿总统就职演讲（中英文对照版完整版）First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems tohave been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united andeffective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】：美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照
美国总统尼克松的讲话英汉对照PRESIDENT NIXON’S SPEECH1Mr. Prime Minister and all of your distinguished guests this evening,On behalf of all of your American guests, I wish to thank you2for the incomparable hospitality for which3 the Chinese people are justly famous throughout the world. I particularly want to pay tribute, not only to those who prepared the magnificent dinner, but also to4 those who have provided5 the splendid music. Never have I heard American music played better in a foreign land.Mr. Prime Minister, I wish to thank you for your very gracious and eloquent remarks. At this very moment6 through the wonder7 of telecommunications, more people are seeing and hearing what we say than on any other such occasion in the whole history of the world. Yet, what we say here will not be long remembered. What we do here can change the world.As you said in your toast, the Chinese people are a great people, the American people are a great people. If our two people are enemies the future of this world we share together is dark indeed. But if we can find common ground8to work together, the chance for world peace9is immeasurably increased.In the spirit of frankness which10 I hope will characterize our talks this week, let us recognize at the outset11 these points: we have at times in the past been enemies. We have great differences today. What brings us together is that we have common interests which transcend those differences. As we discuss our differences, neither of us will compromise our principles. But while we cannot close the gulf between us, we can try to bridge it so that we may be able to talk across it.So, let us, in these next five days, start a long march together, not in lockstep12, but on different roads leading to the same goal, the goal of building a world structure of peace and justice in which13 all14 may stand together with equal dignity and in which each nation, large or small, has a right to determine its own form of government, free of outside interference or domination15. The world watches. The world listens. The world waits to see what we will do. What is the world? In a personal sense, I think of my eldest daughter whose birthday is today. As I think of her, I think of all the children in the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Europe, in the Americas, most of whom were born since the date of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China.What legacy shall we leave our children? Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision16to build a new world?There is no reason for us to be enemies. Neither of us seeks the territory of the other; neither of us seeks domination over the other, neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.Chairman Mao has writte n, “So many deeds cry out to be done, and always urgently; the world rolls on , time presses. Ten thousand years are too long, seize the day, seize the hour!”This is the hour. This is the day for our two peoples to rise to the heights of greatness which can build a new and a better world.In that spirit, I ask all of you present to join me in raising your glasses to Chairman Mao, to Prime Minister Chou, and to the friendship of the Chinese and American people which can lead to friendship and peace for all people in the world.美国总统尼克松的讲话总理先生及今晚在座的诸位贵宾：我谨代表你们的所有美国客人向你们表示感谢，感谢你们的无可比拟的盛情款待。
乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）
乔治·华盛顿离职演说（中英文）乔治·华盛顿是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令，并任一七八七年制宪会议主席，经一致推选，出任新国家第一任总统，并于一七九二年再度当选连任。
毫无疑问，华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统，因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。
但是，他认为担任两届总统已经足够，他从第二任总统职位退休时，准备了这篇告别辞，于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。
告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告；对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告；在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁，都是忠告与诫言，对美国历史影响深远，实非华盛顿自己始料所及。
各位朋友和同胞：我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。
此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。
因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人。
关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。
现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。
就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。
年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。
我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的。
讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。
但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。
由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。
这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。
这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。
你们的心弦与自由息息相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。
独立日战前动员演讲 文档
一个人能走多远，关键在于年轻时能看多远！Independence DayGood morning, good morning. In less than hour, aircraft from here will join others from around the world. And you will be launching the largest aerial battle in the history of mankind.早上好！早上好。
不到一个小时，我们的战斗机将要加入其他战机的行列。
你们将要发动人类历史上最大的一次空战。
Mankind--that word should have new meaning for all of us today. We can’t be consumed by our petty differences any more; we will be united in our common interest.“人类”这个词在今天将被我们赋予新的含义。
我们不再因为相互之间的微小差异而不断内耗。
我们将因我们的共同利益而联合起来。
Perhaps it’s fate that today is the fourth of July. And you will once again be fighting for our freedom. Not from tyranny, oppression, or persecution, but from annihilation.也许，这就是天意，今天是7月4日，而你们将再一次为了自由而战——不是为了反抗暴政，压迫和迫害，而是为了免于被灭亡。
We are fighting for our right to live, to exist, and should we win the day, the fourth of July will no longer be know as an American holiday, but as the day when the world declared in one voice—we will not go quietly into the night, we will not vanish without a fight. We are going to live on. We are going to survive. Today, we celebrate our independence Day!我们将为我们生存的权利而战。
克林顿告别演说中英对照
克林顿告别演说[中英对照]Iamprofoundlygratefultoyoufortwicegivingmethehono rtoserve,toworkforyouandwithyoutoprepareournation forthe21stcentury.AndI'mgratefultoVicePresidentGo re,tomyCabinetsecretaries,andtoallthosewhohaveser vedwithmeforthelasteightyears.同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。
我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉，为你们服务，为你们工作，和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。
这里，我要感谢戈尔副总统，我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去8年的同事们。
Thishasbeenatimeofdramatictraformation,andyouhave risentoeverynewchallenge.Youhavemadeoursocialfabr icstronger,ourfamilieshealthierandsafer,ourpeople moreproerous.You,theAmericanpeople,havemadeourpaageintotheglob alinformationageaneraofgreatAmericanrenewal.现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。
是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。
同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。
InalltheworkIhavedoneaspresident,everydecisionIha vemade,everyexecutiveactionIhavetaken,everybillIh aveproposedandsigned,I'vetriedtogiveallAmericathe toolsandconditiotobuildthefutureofourdreams,inago odsociety,withastrongeconomy,acleanerenvironment, andafreer,safer,moreproerousworld.作为总统，我所做的一切---每一个决定，每一个行政命令，提议和签署的每一项法令，都是在努力为美国人民提供工具和创造条件，来实现美国的梦想，建设美国的未来---一个美好的社会，繁荣的经济，清洁的环境，进而实现一个更自由、更安全、更繁荣的世界。
布什演讲稿(中英对照)演讲范文
布什演讲稿（中英对照）演讲范文Thank you!Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush President Clinton, distinguished guests and myfellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet mon in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have e before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances oftheir birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided bya power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new mitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, passion and character.America, at its best, matches a mitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy todrift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of munity over chaos. And this mitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared acplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending mon dangers defined our mon good. Now we must choose if the e_le of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. Wemust show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce ta_es, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. Andto all nations, we will speak for the values that gaveour nation birth.America, at its best, is passionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agreethat children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and mon schools. Yet passion is the work of a nation, not just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our munities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler onthe road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued ande_pected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in mitments. And we find that children and munity are the mitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we arecalled to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and passion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of ourtimes.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a mon good beyond your fort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building munities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.谢谢大家！尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官卡特总统布什总统克林顿总统尊敬的来宾们我的同胞们这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的但在美国是平常的。
林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文
林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文(总2页)-CAL-FENGHAI.-(YICAI)-Company One1-CAL-本页仅作为文档封面，使用请直接删除林肯葛底斯堡演讲The Gettysburg AddressGettysburg, PennsylvaniaNovember 19, 1863Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯时间：1863年11月19日地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
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Independence Day 独立日总统战前演讲
G ood morning.In less than an hour,
早上好还有不到一小时的时间
aircrafts from here will join others from around the world.
这里的战机就将起飞去与来自世界其他地方的伙伴们会合
And you will be launching the largest aerial battle in the history of mankind. 而一场前所未有的宏大空战也将因你们而被永久镌刻在人类历史之上Mankind - the word should hold new meaning for all of us today.
人类——对于我们所有人而言这个词将从今天开始有了它新的意味。
We can't be consumed by our petty differences anymore.
我们将不会再因我们之间那些渺小的差异而自起干戈
We will be united in our common interest.
我们将为我们共同的利益而团结起来
Perhaps it's fate that today is the 4th of July,
七月四日，也许这就是宿命
and you will be once again be fighting for our freedom.
你们将再一次为了我们的自由而战
Not from tyrrany, oppression or persecution.
而这一回，我们面对的不是暴政，压迫，或迫害
But from annihilation.
而是攸关整个人类的生死存亡
We are fighting for our right to live. To exist.
我们将为我们的生存权我们的存续权而战
And should we win the day,
如果我们在今天凯旋
the 4th of July will no longer be known as an American holiday.
那七月四日将不再只被认为是美国的节日
For today is the day the world declare in one voice 'We will not go quietly into the night!而将成为全人类以一个共同声音来宣誓的伟大一天。
他们将喊道：“我们不愿坐以待毙We're not going to vanish without a fight.
我们不能不战而亡
We're going to live on. We're going to survive.
我们要活下去我们会活下去
Today we celebrate our Independence Day!
今天，我们庆祝的是全人类的独立日
XTU一点点贡献。