China-Japan Dispute Shines Light on Rare Earth Metals
中国游客提振疲弱的日本经济
中国游客提振疲弱的日本经济According to Washington Post, on June 29, snapping up four Japanese luxury Seiko watches as if they were cheap chocolate souvenirs, a36-year-old Chinese tourist plunked down $4,500 in cash at a glitzy store in downtown Tokyo. "One is for me, and the other is for my father. The rest are for my friends," said Li Jun, a computer businessman from Shanghai. No Buddhist temples or tranquil rock gardens for him. Li and his wife were in Japan on a single-minded mission: shopping。
For years, Japanese auto and electronics companies have been expanding in China as its economy boomed to offset slow growth at home. But now, Japan's languishing economy is getting a lift from hundreds of thousands of Chinese tourists who are eager to flaunt their newfound wealth by purchasing brand name goods。
ADVANTEST U3741 U3751 U3771 U3772 说明书
MANUAL NUMBER C Printed in JapanADVANTEST CORPORATIONAll rights reserved .U3700 SeriesUser’s GuideFOE-8440185H00First printing November 20, 2004Applicable ModelsU3741U3751U3771U37722004Certificate of ConformityThis is to certify, thatcomplies with the provisions of the EMC Directive 89/336/EEC (All of these factors arerevised by 91/263/EEC,92/31/EEC,93/68/EEC) in accordance with EN61326and Low V oltage Directive 73/23/EEC (All of these factors are revised by 93/68/EEC)in accordance with EN61010.ADVANTEST Corp.ROHDE&SCHWARZ Tokyo, Japan Europe GmbHMunich, Germanyinstrument, type, designation3700.05Spectrum AnalyzerU3700 SeriesNo. CR B00CR-1有毒有害物质含量信息说明书•本有毒有害含量含量说明内容是为了贯彻[电子信息产品污染控制管理办法]而编制的。
This document is made for Chinese Administration on the Control of Pollution Caused by Electronic In-formation Products, unofficially called "China-RoHS".この文書は、中国の「電子情報製品汚染防止管理弁法」のための文書です。
罗素经典散文The Chinese Character
The Chinese Character, by Bertrand RussellThere is a theory among Occidentals that the Chinaman is inscrutable, full of secret thoughts, and impossible for us to understand. It may be that a greater experience of China would have brought me to share this opinion; but I could see nothing to support it during the time when I was working in that country. I talked to the Chinese as I should have talked to English people, and they answered me much as English people would have answered a Chinese whom they considered educated and not wholly unintelligent. I do not believe in the myth of the "Subtle Oriental": I am convinced that in a game of mutual deception an Englishman or American can beat a Chinese nine times out of ten. But as many comparatively poor Chinese have dealings with rich white men, the game is often played only on one side. Then, no doubt, the white man is deceived and swindled; but not more than a Chinese mandarin would be in London.One of the most remarkable things about the Chinese istheir power of securing the affection of foreigners. Almost all Europeans like China, both those who come only as tourists and those who live there for many years. In spite of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, I can recall hardly a single Englishman in the Far East who liked the Japanese as well as the Chinese. Those who have lived long among them tend to acquire their outlook and their standards. New arrivals are struck by obvious evils: the beggars, the terrible poverty, the prevalence of disease, the anarchy and corruption in politics. Every energetic Westerner feels at first a strong desire to reform these evils, and of course they ought to be reformed.But the Chinese, even those who are the victims of preventable misfortunes, show a vast passive indifference to the excitement of the foreigners; they wait for it to go off, like the effervescence ofsoda-water. And gradually strange hesitations creep into the mind of the bewildered traveller; after a period of indignation, he begins to doubt all the maxims he has hitherto accepted without question. Is it really wise to be always guarding against future misfortune? Is itprudent to lose all enjoyment of the present through thinking of the disasters that may come at some future date? Should our lives be passed in building a mansion that we shall never have leisure to inhabit?The Chinese answer these questions in the negative, and therefore have to put up with poverty, disease, and anarchy. But, to compensate for these evils, they have retained, as industrial nations have not, the capacity for civilized enjoyment, for leisure and laughter, for pleasure in sunshine and philosophical discourse. The Chinese, of all classes, are more laughter-loving than any other race with which I am acquainted; they find amusement in everything, and a dispute can always be softened by a joke.I remember one hot day when a party of us were crossing the hills in chairs--the way was rough and very steep, the work for the coolies very severe. At the highest point of our journey, we stopped for ten minutes to let the men rest. Instantly they all sat in a row, brought out their pipes, and began to laugh amongthemselves as if they had not a care in the world. In any country that had learned the virtue of forethought, they would have devoted the moments to complaining of the heat, in order to increase their tip. We, being Europeans, spent the time worrying whether the automobile would be waiting for us at the right place. Well-to-do Chinese would have started a discussion as to whether the universe moves in cycles or progresses by a rectilinear motion; or they might have set to work to consider whether the truly virtuous man shows_complete_ self-abnegation, or may, on occasion, consider his own interest.One comes across white men occasionally who suffer under the delusion that China is not a civilized country. Such men have quite forgotten what constitutes civilization. It is true that there are no trams in Peking, and that the electric light is poor. It is true that there are places full of beauty, which Europeans itch to make hideous by digging up coal. It is true that the educated Chinaman is better at writing poetry than at remembering the sort of facts which can be looked up in_Whitaker's Almanac_. A European, in recommending a place of residence, will tell you that it has a good train service; the best quality he can conceive in any place is that it should be easy to get away from. But a Chinaman will tell you nothing about the trains; if you ask, he will tell you wrong. What he tells you is that there is a palace built by an ancient emperor, and a retreat in a lake for scholars weary of the world, founded by a famous poet of the Tang dynasty. It is this outlook that strikes the Westerner as barbaric.The Chinese, from the highest to the lowest, have an imperturbable quiet dignity, which is usually not destroyed even by a European education. They are not self-assertive, either individually or nationally; their pride is too profound for self-assertion. They admit China's military weakness in comparison with foreign Powers, but they do not consider efficiency in homicide the most important quality in a man or a nation. I think that, at bottom, they almost all believe that China is the greatest nation in the world, and has the finest civilization. A Westerner cannot be expected to acceptthis view, because it is based on traditions utterly different from his own. But gradually one comes to feel that it is, at any rate, not an absurd view; that it is, in fact, the logical outcome of a self-consistent standard of values. The typical Westerner wishes to be the cause of as many changes as possible in his environment; the typical Chinaman wishes to enjoy as much and as delicately as possible. This difference is at the bottom of most of the contrast between China and the English-speaking world.We in the West make a fetish of "progress," which is the ethical camouflage of the desire to be the cause of changes. If we are asked, for instance, whether machinery has really improved the world, the question strikes us as foolish: it has brought great changes and therefore great "progress." What we believe to be a love of progress is really, in nine cases out of ten, a love of power, an enjoyment of the feeling that by our fiat we can make things different. For the sake of this pleasure, a young American will work so hard that, by the time he has acquired his millions, he has become avictim of dyspepsia, compelled to live on toast and water, and to be a mere spectator of the feasts that he offers to his guests. But he consoles himself with the thought that he can control politics, and provoke or prevent wars as may suit his investments. It is this temperament that makes Western nations "progressive."There are, of course, ambitious men in China, but they are less common than among ourselves. And their ambition takes a different form--not a better form, but one produced by the preference of enjoyment to power. It is a natural result of this preference that avarice is a widespread failing of the Chinese. Money brings the means of enjoyment, therefore money is passionately desired. With us, money is desired chiefly as a means to power; politicians, who can acquire power without much money, are often content to remain poor. In China, the _tuchuns_ (military governors), who have the real power, almost always use it for the sole purpose of amassing a fortune. Their object is to escape to Japan at a suitable moment; with sufficient plunder to enable them to enjoy life quietly for the rest of their days. The fact that inescaping they lose power does not trouble them in the least. It is, of course, obvious that such politicians, who spread devastation only in the provinces committed to their care, are far less harmful to the world than our own, who ruin whole continents in order to win an election campaign.The corruption and anarchy in Chinese politics do much less harm than one would be inclined to expect. But for the predatory desires of the Great Powers--especially Japan--the harm would be much less than is done by our own "efficient" Governments. Nine-tenths of the activities of a modern Government are harmful; therefore the worse they are performed, the better. In China, where the Government is lazy, corrupt, and stupid, there is a degree of individual liberty which has been wholly lost in the rest of the world.The laws are just as bad as elsewhere; occasionally, under foreign pressure, a man is imprisoned for Bolshevist propaganda, just as he might be in England or America. But this is quite exceptional; as a rule, inpractice, there is very little interference with free speech and a free Press.[96] The individual does not feel obliged to follow the herd, as he has in Europe since 1914, and in America since 1917. Men still think for themselves, and are not afraid to announce the conclusions at which they arrive. Individualism has perished in the West, but in China it survives, for good as well as for evil. Self-respect and personal dignity are possible for every coolie in China, to a degree which is, among ourselves, possible only for a few leading financiers.The business of "saving face," which often strikes foreigners in China as ludicrous, is only the carrying-out of respect for personal dignity in the sphere of social manners. Everybody has "face," even the humblest beggar; there are humiliations that you must not inflict upon him, if you are not to outrage the Chinese ethical code. If you speak to a Chinaman in a way that transgresses the code, he will laugh, because your words must be taken as spoken in jest if they are not to constitute an offence.Once I thought that the students to whom I was lecturing were not as industrious as they might be, and I told them so in just the same words that I should have used to English students in the same circumstances. But I soon found I was making a mistake. They all laughed uneasily, which surprised me until I saw the reason. Chinese life, even among the most modernized, is far more polite than anything to which we are accustomed. This, of course, interferes with efficiency, and also (what is more serious) with sincerity and truth in personal relations. If I were Chinese, I should wish to see it mitigated. But to those who suffer from the brutalities of the West, Chinese urbanity is very restful. Whether on the balance it is better or worse than our frankness, I shall not venture to decide.The Chinese remind one of the English in their love of compromise and in their habit of bowing to public opinion. Seldom is a conflict pushed to its ultimate brutal issue. The treatment of the Manchu Emperor may be taken as a case in point. When a Westerncountry becomes a Republic, it is customary to cut off the head of the deposed monarch, or at least to cause him to fly the country. But the Chinese have left the Emperor his title, his beautiful palace, his troops of eunuchs, and an income of several million dollars a year. He is a boy of sixteen, living peaceably in the Forbidden City. Once, in the course of a civil war, he was nominally restored to power for a few days; but he was deposed again, without being in any way punished for the use to which he had been put.Public opinion is a very real force in China, when it can be roused. It was, by all accounts, mainly responsible for the downfall of the An Fu party in the summer of 1920. This party was pro-Japanese and was accepting loans from Japan. Hatred of Japan is the strongest and most widespread of political passions in China, and it was stirred up by the students in fiery orations. The An Fu party had, at first, a great preponderance of military strength; but their soldiers melted away when they came to understand the cause for which they were expected to fight. In the end, the opponents of the AnFu party were able to enter Peking and change the Government almost without firing a shot.The same influence of public opinion was decisive in the teachers' strike, which was on the point of being settled when I left Peking. The Government, which is always impecunious, owing to corruption, had left its teachers unpaid for many months. At last they struck to enforce payment, and went on a peaceful deputation to the Government, accompanied by many students. There was a clash with the soldiers and police, and many teachers and students were more or less severely wounded. This led to a terrific outcry, because the love of education in China is profound and widespread. The newspapers clamoured for revolution. The Government had just spent nine million dollars in corrupt payments to three Tuchuns who had descended upon the capital to extort blackmail. It could not find any colourable pretext for refusing the few hundred thousands required by the teachers, and it capitulated in panic. I do not think there is any Anglo-Saxon country where the interests of teachers would have roused the samedegree of public feeling.Nothing astonishes a European more in the Chinese than their patience. The educated Chinese are well aware of the foreign menace. They realize acutely what the Japanese have done in Manchuria and Shantung. They are aware that the English in Hong-Kong are doing their utmost to bring to naught the Canton attempt to introduce good government in the South. They know that all the Great Powers, without exception, look with greedy eyes upon the undeveloped resources of their country, especially its coal and iron. They have before them the example of Japan, which, by developing a brutal militarism, a cast-iron discipline, and a new reactionary religion, has succeeded in holding at bay the fierce lusts of "civilized" industrialists. Yet they neither copy Japan nor submit tamely to foreign domination. They think not in decades, but in centuries. They have been conquered before, first by the Tartars and then by the Manchus; but in both cases they absorbed their conquerors. Chinese civilization persisted, unchanged; and after a few generations theinvaders became more Chinese than their subjects.Manchuria is a rather empty country, with abundant room for colonization. The Japanese assert that they need colonies for their surplus population, yet the Chinese immigrants into Manchuria exceed the Japanese a hundredfold. Whatever may be the temporary political status of Manchuria, it will remain a part of Chinese civilization, and can be recovered whenever Japan happens to be in difficulties. The Chinese derive such strength from their four hundred millions, the toughness of their national customs, their power of passive resistance, and their unrivalled national cohesiveness--in spite of the civil wars, which merely ruffle the surface--that they can afford to despise military methods, and to wait till the feverish energy of their oppressors shall have exhausted itself in internecine combats.China is much less a political entity than a civilization--the only one that has survived from ancient times. Since the days of Confucius, the Egyptian,Babylonian, Persian, Macedonian, and Roman Empires have perished; but China has persisted through a continuous evolution. There have been foreign influences--first Buddhism, and now Western science. But Buddhism did not turn the Chinese into Indians, and Western science will not turn them into Europeans. I have met men in China who knew as much of Western learning as any professor among ourselves; yet they had not been thrown off their balance, or lost touch with their own people. What is bad in the West--its brutality, its restlessness, its readiness to oppress the weak, its preoccupation with purely material aims--they see to be bad, and do not wish to adopt. What is good, especially its science, they do wish to adopt.The old indigenous culture of China has become rather dead; its art and literature are not what they were, and Confucius does not satisfy the spiritual needs of a modern man, even if he is Chinese. The Chinese who have had a European or American education realize that a new element, is needed to vitalize native traditions, and they look to our civilization to supply it. But they do notwish to construct a civilization just like ours; and it is precisely in this that the best hope lies. If they are not goaded into militarism, they may produce a genuinely new civilization, better than any that we in the West have been able to create.So far, I have spoken chiefly of the good sides of the Chinese character; but of course China, like every other nation, has its bad sides also. It is disagreeable to me to speak of these, as I experienced so much courtesy and real kindness from the Chinese, that I should prefer to say only nice things about them. But for the sake of China, as well as for the sake of truth, it would be a mistake to conceal what is less admirable. I will only ask the reader to remember that, on the balance, I think the Chinese one of the best nations I have come across, and am prepared to draw up a graver indictment against every one of the Great Powers. Shortly before I left China, an eminent Chinese writer pressed me to say what I considered the chief defects of the Chinese. With some reluctance, I mentioned three: avarice, cowardice and callousness. Strange to say, myinterlocutor, instead of getting angry, admitted the justice of my criticism, and proceeded to discuss possible remedies. This is a sample of the intellectual integrity which is one of China's greatest virtues.The callousness of the Chinese is bound to strike every Anglo-Saxon. They have none of that humanitarian impulse which leads us to devote one per cent. of our energy to mitigating the evils wrought by the other ninety-nine per cent. For instance, we have been forbidding the Austrians to join with Germany, to emigrate, or to obtain the raw materials of industry. Therefore the Viennese have starved, except those whom it has pleased us to keep alive from philanthropy. The Chinese would not have had the energy to starve the Viennese, or the philanthropy to keep some of them alive. While I was in China, millions were dying of famine; men sold their children into slavery for a few dollars, and killed them if this sum was unobtainable. Much was done by white men to relieve the famine, but very little by the Chinese, and that little vitiated by corruption. It must be said, however, that the efforts of the whitemen were more effective in soothing their own consciences than in helping the Chinese. So long as the present birth-rate and the present methods of agriculture persist, famines are bound to occur periodically; and those whom philanthropy keeps alive through one famine are only too likely to perish in the next.Famines in China can be permanently cured only by better methods of agriculture combined with emigration or birth-control on a large scale. Educated Chinese realize this, and it makes them indifferent to efforts to keep the present victims alive. A great deal of Chinese callousness has a similar explanation, and is due to perception of the vastness of the problems involved. But there remains a residue which cannot be so explained. If a dog is run over by an automobile and seriously hurt, nine out of ten passers-by will stop to laugh at the poor brute's howls. The spectacle of suffering does not of itself rouse any sympathetic pain in the average Chinaman; in fact, he seems to find it mildly agreeable. Their history, and their penal codebefore the revolution of 1911, show that they are by no means destitute of the impulse of active cruelty; but of this I did not myself come across any instances. And it must be said that active cruelty is practised by all the great nations, to an extent concealed from us only by our hypocrisy.Cowardice is prima facie a fault of the Chinese; but I am not sure that they are really lacking in courage. It is true that, in battles between rival tuchuns, both sides run away, and victory rests with the side that first discovers the flight of the other. But this proves only that the Chinese soldier is a rational man. No cause of any importance is involved, and the armies consist of mere mercenaries. When there is a serious issue, as, for instance, in the Tai-Ping rebellion, the Chinese are said to fight well, particularly if they have good officers. Nevertheless, I do not think that, in comparison with the Anglo-Saxons, the French, or the Germans, the Chinese can be considered a courageous people, except in the matter of passive endurance. They will endure torture, and even death, for motives which men of morepugnacious races would find insufficient--for example, to conceal the hiding-place of stolen plunder. In spite of their comparative lack of _active_ courage, they have less fear of death than we have, as is shown by their readiness to commit suicide.Avarice is, I should say, the gravest defect of the Chinese. Life is hard, and money is not easily obtained. For the sake of money, all except a very fewforeign-educated Chinese will be guilty of corruption. For the sake of a few pence, almost any coolie will run an imminent risk of death. The difficulty of combating Japan has arisen mainly from the fact that hardly any Chinese politician can resist Japanese bribes. I think this defect is probably due to the fact that, for many ages, an honest living has been hard to get; in which case it will be lessened as economic conditions improve. I doubt if it is any worse now in China than it was in Europe in the eighteenth century. I have not heard of any Chinese general more corrupt than Marlborough, or of any politician more corrupt than Cardinal Dubois. It is, therefore, quite likely that changed industrialconditions will make the Chinese as honest as weare--which is not saying much.I have been speaking of the Chinese as they are in ordinary life, when they appear as men of active and sceptical intelligence, but of somewhat sluggish passions. There is, however, another side to them: they are capable of wild excitement, often of a collective kind. I saw little of this myself, but there can be no doubt of the fact. The Boxer rising was a case in point, and one which particularly affected Europeans. But their history is full of more or less analogous disturbances. It is this element in their character that makes them incalculable, and makes it impossible even to guess at their future. One can imagine a section of them becoming fanatically Bolshevist, or anti-Japanese, or Christian, or devoted to some leader who would ultimately declare himself Emperor. I suppose it is this element in their character that makes them, in spite of their habitual caution, the most reckless gamblers in the world. And many emperors have lost their thrones through the force of romantic love, although romanticlove is far more despised than it is in the West.To sum up the Chinese character is not easy. Much of what strikes the foreigner is due merely to the fact that they have preserved an ancient civilization which is not industrial. All this is likely to pass away, under the pressure of the Japanese, and of European and American financiers. Their art is already perishing, and being replaced by crude imitations of second-rate European pictures. Most of the Chinese who have had a European education are quite incapable of seeing any beauty in native painting, and merely observe contemptuously that it does not obey the laws of perspective.The obvious charm which the tourist finds in China cannot be preserved; it must perish at the touch of industrialism. But perhaps something may be preserved, something of the ethical qualities in which China is supreme, and which the modern world most desperately needs. Among these qualities I place first the pacific temper, which seeks to settle disputes on grounds ofjustice rather than by force. It remains to be seen whether the West will allow this temper to persist, or will force it to give place, in self-defence, to a frantic militarism like that to which Japan has been driven.。
[南京大屠杀].Japanese.denial.and.The.Rape.of.Nanking
![[南京大屠杀].Japanese.denial.and.The.Rape.of.Nanking](https://img.taocdn.com/s3/m/79addf5abe23482fb4da4c70.png)
Moreover, the entire royal family of Japan was exonerated under the terms of the surrender, and avoided prosecution, and even having to testify, during the International Military Tribunal of the Far East. Emperor Hirohito stayed on the throne until his death in 1989.
his
Japanese denial and "The Rape of Nanking"
Author Iris Chang reacts to Kashiwashobo's decision to halt publication of her book.
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But what happened in Japan was precisely the opposite. To this day, Japan has never paid a penny in reparations to the victims of the Nanking massacre, or, to my knowledge, adequate restitution to its other victims, like Korean women who were forced to serve as sex slaves for the Japanese military or the American and Chinese POWs who were used as human guinea pigs for Japanese medical experimentation.
Barbs between China
Barbs between China, Japan persist over disputed islandsBy CNN StaffFebruary 5, 2013 -- Updated 1434 GMT (2234 HKT)Japanese PM Shinzo Abe delivers a speech on February 2, 2013 on Okinawa near the disputed islands.STORY HIGHLIGHTS∙China rejects complaints about its navy patrols by Japan∙Japan had accused China of using radar to track a Japanese ship and helicopter∙Taiwan, China and Japan are disputing a group of islands∙China says it is patrolling its waters near the islands(CNN) -- China's ambassador to Japan is rejecting Tokyo's protest over the patrol of Chinese navy ships near a group of islands disputed by Japan, China and Taiwan.Japan accused the Chinese navy of using radar to gather information on the location of a Japanese escort vessel and a helicopter. The type of radar used could be used to produce data needed to fire upon the Japanese equipment. Dispute explained: How a remote rock split China and JapanThe Japanese foreign ministry summoned the Chinese ambassador for a meeting Tuesday to lodge a formal protest regarding the accusations.Anti-Japanese protests erupt in ChinaClinton: Diplomacy to end land disputesTensions rise over Asian islandsProtester swim escalates island disputeThe Chinese actions were unusual and one false step could lead to a dangerous situation, Japanese Defense Minister Itsunori Onoder said Tuesday.Japan repels Taiwan activists near disputed islandsChina countered that it has been conducting regular patrols in Chinese waters and asked Japan not to interfere. "We think the top priority for now is for Japan to stop all provocative actions it has been doing as sending ships and flights into Diaoyu islands sea and air space," Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hua Chunying said, referring to the disputed islands. "We hope Japan can take actions to show sincerity and willingness to work with China through talks and negotiations to control and manage the current situation."The Japanese call the uninhabited islands the Senkakus. Near them are important shipping lanes, rich fishing grounds and possible oil deposits.Asia's disputed islands -- who claims what?Disagreement over who owns them strained relations between Japan and China during the latter half of 2012, and the dispute shows no signs of waning.In another show of force, China's navy conducted drills in the South China Sea over the weekend, the state-run Xinhua news agency reported.The drill included a scenario in which a helicopter crew identified a target and prepared to fire a missile, and another in which crews responded to a fire on a ship.Protests flared across China in September, soon after Japan announced it had bought several of the disputed islands from private Japanese owners. The deal was struck in part to prevent the islands from being bought by Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara, who had called for donations for a public fund to buy them.Dangerous Rocks: Can both sides back off peacefully?China was outraged, as were protesters who marched through several Chinese cities calling for boycotts of Japanese products and urging the government to give the islands back.In December, the dispute escalated when Japan scrambled fighter jets after a Chinese plane was seen near the islands. A number of Chinese ships have also entered contested waters despite warnings from the Japanese Coast Guard.China says its ownership dates back hundreds of years. However, Japan claims that China ceded sovereignty of the islands in 1895 when it lost the Sino-Japanese war. Japan then sold the islands in 1932. During World War II, the United States administered the islands but returned them to Japan in 1972 as part of its withdrawal from Okinawa. Taiwan, which Beijing regards as a breakaway province, also lays claim to the islands. But the self-governing island has seldom rigorously advanced its claims because of an unwillingness to risk its good relationship with Japan, said Alan Dupont, a strategic analyst at the University of New South Wales in Sydney.He said last year that Taiwan's decision to become more assertive was a response to actions taken by China and Japan in the second half of 2012, as well as concerns over access to fishing and marine resources.。
group work
History
Western Han Dynasty thirty countries of Japan
politics Eastern Han Dynasty envoy from Japan; gold seal Han Dynasty
economics
Ironware, bronze ware, silk to Japan from China
Ming and Qing Dynasty
Ming Dynasty
Japanese pirates violated Southeast China
Qing Dynasty
Secluded the country from the outside world
First Sino -Japanese war (甲午中日战争)
Year
1403 1874 1895 1945 1952
Events
Records the islands as Chinese navigation and references to Diaoyu Islands occur in Chinese logs and Chinese maps of the Liu Chiu chain. Japan took Liu Chiu Islands (Okinawa) from China by force when Chinese Qing Dynasty was involved in several wars with other foreign countries. China ceded Taiwan and Diaoyutai Islands to Japan after Sino-Japan War under the Shimonoseki Treaty[马关条约]. Japan surrendered, Taiwan returned to China under Cairo and Potsdom Declarations. The U.S. government administrated Okinawa and the Diaoyutai under San Francisco Treaty[旧金山条约]
SIGNALS FROM THE ASEAN SUMMIT--ASEAN’s attitude on the China-U.S. trade dispute
F ocus 28O n June 23, the 34th ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting with the theme of “Advancing Partnership for Sustainability” concluded in Bangkok, Thailand. In the spirit of cooperation, concerted efforts, progress and sustainable development, the summit mainly focused on political, security, economic and socio-cultural issues. Against the backdrop of great uncertainty brought to the global economy by the trade dispute initiated by the U.S., ASEAN member states sent a clear signal against trade protectionism and firm support for the multilateral trading system. Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) became a catchphrase at the summit. Both China and the United States are important partners of ASEAN member states, who are sharing a grave concern about the trade dispute between the two. Zhai Kun, vice president of the Institute of Area Studies at Peking University, believes that the China-U.S. trade dispute has become a key factor or a core variable making a major impact on China-ASEAN cooperation. He believes that the dispute is having a spillover effect on ASEAN in both economics and security. Can ASEAN Remain Neutral?At the ASEAN Summit, member states expressed concern about trade protectionism. On June 21, Thailand’s Bangkok Post commented that the protracted trade dispute between the two superpowers has caused concern among the leaders of ASEAN member states over whether ASEAN can remain neutral. On June 19, U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense for Indo-Pacific Security Affairs Randall Schriver delivered a keynote speech at the U.S.-ASEAN Chamber of Commerce 35th Anniversary Dinner, urging Southeast Asian countries to choose between the U.S. and China. Previously, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong had said at Shangri-La Dialogue that other parties should not force SoutheastAsian countries to choose sidesBy Wang FengjuanASEAN’s attitude on the China-U.S. trade dispute between the U.S. and China. The prime minister made this point even earlier at the opening ceremony of the 33rd ASEAN Summit last year. He considers competition between China and the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific region a thorny issue for Southeast Asian countries who have no interest in choosing sides. A trade war will seriously undermine the international multilateral trading system that has benefited every country for many years and will produce positive outcomes for no one. Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha also expressed concern. Bisnis Indonesia reported that Prayut predicted that the China-U.S. trade dispute would be a central topic of the Osaka G20 Summit, and that Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore and Vietnam would bring ASEAN perspectives to the discussions. He also expressed hope that discussions would help ease the intensity of the dispute. At the Bloomberg ASEAN Business Summit on June 22, Prayut opined that the trade dispute between major powers has affected the global trade and investment environment and is likely to develop into a fierce trade war. At the latest ASEAN summit, the ASEAN Leaders’ Vision Statement on Partnership for Sustainability was adopted. According to the statement, ASEAN remains concerned about the current trend of protectionism and the backlash against globalization, SIGNALS FROM THEF ocus29ASEAN countries in economics and trade as well as security. First, the China-U.S. trade dispute is making a direct impact on economics and trade. According to Chinese statistics, from January to April this year, the volume of bilateral trade between China and ASEAN reached US$188 billion. ASEAN has taken the place of the United States as China’s second-largest trading partner. The World Trade Outlook Indicator (WTOI) released by the WTO in February hit a nine-year low. The shrinking of world trade against the backdrop of the China-U.S. trade dispute will inevitably leave an impact on ASEAN. The impact of the trade dispute on Singapore might have emerged, with its growth falling to 1.2 percent in the first quarter of this year, the slowest since 2009. According to 2018 economic data, China-ASEAN trade accounted for 4.1 percent of the total GDP of the two sides, 2.3 percentage points higher than the corresponding figure between China and the United States. The message is that in the current circumstances, China will place more attention on promoting growth in China-ASEAN trade.Second, economics and trade are not independent from security. From the point of view of the chronological sequence of the latest deterioration of China-U.S. relations, although it would be difficult to determine whether deterioration of bilateral security relations expedited the trade dispute, or vice versa, U.S. containment of China in the Indo-Pacific and the whole world has been unfolding in the East China Sea, South China Sea, Taiwan Straits and more places in a systemic manner. Since the beginning of the Trump administration, the U.S. military has conducted more “freedom of navigation” and “freedom of overflight” operations in the South China Sea than in all of the Obama years. U.S. warships have ventured into Chinese territorial waters quite a few times with increasing risk. Most ASEAN states have been reticent about providing permanent bases for the U.S. military, which has made it difficult for the U.S. to significantly strengthen its military presence in the South China Sea in the short term. As prime minister of Thailand, which currently holds the chairmanship of ASEAN, Prayut pointed out that the conclusion of RCEP negotiations within this year will be conducive for dispute settlement between ASEAN and its major trading partners. He also expressed ASEAN’s hope that China and the U.S. will settle their trade dispute soon. At the summit, ASEAN leaders expressed firm determination to conclude RCEP negotiations within the year. RCEP is a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the 10 ASEAN member states and the six countries with which ASEAN has existing free trade agreements, namely, China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand. Their total trade volume accounts for 45 percent of global trade. This is the biggest regional trade arrangement in Asia involving the largest number of participating members. The world is increasingly unstable because of trade protectionism and the backlash against globalization. The post-haste conclusion of RCEP negotiations will be tremendously significant to regional trade liberalization and facilitation, global free trade and regional economic integration.E ASEAN SUMMITwhich continue to undermine the world economy and threaten the multilateral trading system. All ASEAN leaders agreed to conclude the RCEP negotiations by the end of the year to revitalize international trade. They also urged all involved parties to increase their efforts to achieve this goal. RCEP Conducive to Trade Dispute Settlement The China-U.S. trade dispute has been the focus of the world’s attention for more than a year and has exerted a negative impact on order in the Asia-Pacific region, which has been stable for more than 40 years. Zhai Kun believes the dispute has taken a toll on According to Chinese statistics, from January toApril this year, the volume of bilateral trade between China and ASEAN reached US$188 billion. ASEAN has taken the place of the United States as China’s second-largest trading partner.U S $188billionChina’s s econd-largest t rading p artnerChina-ASEAN b ilateral t rade ASEAN。
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How a minor China-Japan fishing dispute blew into a diplomatic hurricane(BREIF INTRODUCTION)The confrontation in disputed waters between a Chinese fishing boat and Japanese Coast Guard vessels have quickly soured China-Japan relations. Neither governments appear ready to lose face in the standoff.In this photo released by China's Xinhua news agency, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao speaks duringa meeting with representatives of Chinese nationals and Chinese Americans in the United States on Tuesday, Sept. 21, in New York. (Yao Dawei/Xinhua/AP Photo)By Peter Ford, Staff Writer / September 23, 2010BeijingWhat began as a routine fisheries dispute near a string of uninhabited rocky islets in the East China Sea has blown into a major diplomatic storm between Asia’s two economic powerhouses, both of them hung up on the sensitive issues of national sovereignty and international status.Neither the Chinese nor the Japanese governments appear ready to lose face in the standoff, nor to risk disappointing their easily angered publics. “In these circumstances,” says Takashi Inogushi, head of the University of Niigata in Japan, “it is very difficult for either side to do anything” to break the stalemate.(BEIJING ATTITUDE)Beijing has been relentlessly raising the stakes in its bid to win the release of a Chinese trawler captain held by the Japanese authorities for the past two weeks. Prime Minister Wen Jiabao warned this week that “if Japan persists in its mistake, China will take further action and the Japanese side shall bear all the consequences.”(JAPANESE ATTITUDE)Tokyo, meanwhile, has insisted on its legal right to investigateallegations that the captain deliberately rammed two Japanese Coast Guard patrol boats, but is calling for negotiations.“Making waves over an accidental incident runs counter to the national interest of both countries” the new Japanese Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara said this week.China has turned down invitations to talk, saying that only the immediate release of the fishing captain can resolve the issue.The issue behind the issue (PROMISE)Though Japan administers the disputed islands, known in Chinese as the Diaoyu and in Japanese as the Senkaku, China also claims them. The two sidesagreed 30 years ago to shelve the territorial dispute in order to cooperate on fisheries andgas-drilling projects, but the current row illustrates how easily and quickly Sino-Japanese relations can deteriorate.China is especially sensitive to questions of sovereignty, whether they be raised in Tibet, Taiwan, or islands that Beijing claims throughout the oceans that lap its eastern shores.(POLITICIAN)And with China’s leaders beginning to jockey for position in adv ance of the 2012 Communist Party Congress that will select the next leadership, “this is no time to be seen as being conciliatory,” says Drew Thompson,head of China studies at the Nixon Center in Washington. “The safest position is to be ahard-liner with regard to outside actors,” he adds.it is politically Similarly, in Tokyo, “important not to appear soft on China” for the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, which is struggling in the polls, says Tobias Harris, who runs the website. “T he government is unwilling to bend on its position.”The sovereignty dispute is particularly delicate in the wake of China’s emergence as the second-largest economy in the world, overtaking Japan, according to figures released last month.China has done nothing to salve Japan’s bruised national ego; indeed, for the past year, Beijing has been asserting itself more confidently in international affairs, alarming some of its neighbors.Possible bad effect for China(IMPORTANT IDEA)This stance is unwise, warns Shen Dingli, a prominent Chinesecommentator on foreign affairs, because Beijing risks developing a reputation for arrogance. “China should avoid being seen to say, ‘when they are strong we yield, when we are powerful we confront,’ ” he suggests..Washington's role?Indeed, China’s aggressive pursuit of sovereignty claims around islands in the South China Sea already appears to have sparked a backlash,drawing Washington into a more active regional role.Some members of the Association ofSouth East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have reacted warmly to US offers of assistance in resolving the sovereignty disputes, to Beijing’s strongly voiced displeasure.China’s new stance has also prompted Washington to reassure Tokyo of its steadfastness, although the US-Japanese alliance has come under strain over differences about where to relocate a US military base.US efforts to improve ties with China “must go through Tokyo,” Vice President Joe Biden said this week.No spiraling out of control hereNor can Chinese military leadershave missed plans by the US andJapanese militaries to stageexercises in December mimicking ajoint effort to retake an isolatedstring of islands from a putative occupier.It is hard to imagine the current dispute spiraling out of control toward military confrontation, or even that it will cause lasting damage to the two neighbors’ increasingly important trade and investment relationship. China is Japan’s bigge st trading partner, and Japan is China’s third largest source of foreign investment.“We are so closely tied by technology, economics, and trad e nowadays that it would be very hard to disentangle the two sides for any length of time,” says Professor Inogushi of the University of Niigata.But the angry rhetoric could raise the prospect of an arms race. A few hours after taking over as foreign minister last week, Mr. Maehara saidhe was “concerned” by China’s risingdefense budget. And anonymous Japanese Defense Ministry officials this week spoke of increasing the size of the Japanese Self Defense Force for the first time since 1972, and stationing more troops near the Senkaku islands.“So far, the Japanese public has not translated its concerns about China into demands for more military spending,” says Mr. Harris. “That is the one thing keeping the peace. But if thepublic decides that the way to respond to China is to strengthen Japan’s military capabilities, then anything goes.”。
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China-Japan Dispute争端 Shines Light on Rare Earth Metals稀土
Few people had ever heard of the natural elements known as rare earth metals before a recent dispute between China and Japan. Yet these metals are used in devices like smartphones智能手机, flat screens平面显示屏, hybrid 混合 car batteries, MP3 players and military equipment军事设备.
In September, Japan detained扣押 a Chinese ship captain near disputed islands in the East China Sea. China denied否认 that it stopped exports of rare earth metals to Japan to force his release. But the incident raised 引起concerns广泛关注.
Japan is the world's biggest importer of rare earths. And China produces ninety-seven percent of the world supply.
China says it sold almost four billion dollars' worth in two thousand eight. But marketing professor George Haley at the University of New Haven in Connecticut says China has always kept prices low.
GEORGE HALEY: "So unlike other minerals矿产, the price of rare earth elements, after the nineteen eighties when they started production, has actually fallen."
Some countries with rare earth metals no longer mine them -- including the United States. One reason is the low-cost imports from China. Another reason is concerns about environmental damage .
So what are these rare earth metals? Well, most of them are not rare; that is just their name. Several are more common than copper铜, lead铅 or silver.
People who remember the periodic周期的 table of the elements from chemistry class might recognize them. Rare earths include the fifteen lanthanide['lænθənaid]镧系 metals along with yttrium['itriəm]and scandium['skændiəm]钇和钪.
Samuel Bader, a physicist at the Argonne National Laboratory near Chicago, says rare earths are often found together.
SAMUEL BADER: "They all have similar chemical properties. Once you do find them, they are very difficult to separate from each other."
But Mr. Bader explains that the same properties that make them hard to refine提炼 also make them valuable.
SAMUEL BADER: "Rare earth metals provide the world's strongest commercial magnets磁铁. This is why they're important. It's that simple."
Rare earth magnets are lightweight and unaffected by conditions like high temperatures. So they work well in places like electric motors in hybrid vehicles or generators发电机 for wind turbines风力涡轮发电. Physicists use super-powerful magnets to speed particles and control radiation like X-rays.
And the list goes on, says George Haley, who has studied the subject.
GEORGE HALEY: "Electronics, fiber optics光纤通信, you could go down the list of products important not just for the economic success of the United States, but for our defense and for our job creation here at home."
Next week, we'll talk more about rare earth metals, and an American company that plans to start mining them again. And that's the VOA Special English Economics Report, written by Mario Ritter. And follow us on Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and iTunes at VOA Learning English. I'm Jim Tedder.。