文化创意产业园外文翻译文献
文化创意产业园项目可行性研究报告

文化创意产业园项目可行性研究报告文化创意产业园项目可行性研究报告一、文创产业园概念(一)国外关于文化创意产业园概念的界定随着文化创意产业园在西方城市的发展,相关的研究也越来越多。
对文化创意产业园概念进行的探讨有德瑞克·韦恩提出的文化园区概念,Hilary Anne Frost-Kumpf提出的文化区概念。
在德瑞克·韦恩看来,文化园区指的是特定的地理区位,其特色是将一城市的文化与娱乐施以最集中的方式集中在该地理区位内,文化园区是文化生产与消费的结合,是多项使用功能(工作、休闲、居住)的结合。
Hilary Anne Frost-Kumpf认为文化园区指的是一个在都市中具备完善组织、明确标示、供综合使用的地区,它提供夜间活动且延长地区的使用时间,让地区更具有吸引力;提供艺术活动与艺术组织所需的条件,给居民与游客相关的艺术活动;提供当地艺术家更多就业或居住的机会,让艺术与社区发展更紧密结合。
文化创意产业园另外Nolapot Pumhiran和Wansborough&Mageean均将文化创意产业园定义为一个空间有限和具有明显地理区域,文化产业和设施高度集中的地方。
这些集群由文化企业和一些自己经营或自由创作的创意个体组成。
园区内特殊活动可包括儿童玩乐的场所、图书馆、开放和非正式的娱乐场地。
在这些园区中鼓励文化运用和一定程度的生产和消费的集中。
(二) 国内关于文化创意产业园概念的界定在我国,与文化创意产业园相关的概念有艺术园区、创意产业园区、文化产业园区等。
由于我国文化创意产业园出现较晚,对文化创意产业园的研究也显滞后,主要有一些对文化产业集群的界定:祁述裕认为文化产业集群是指在地理位置上相对集中,由具有相关性的文化企业、金融机构等组成的群体;向勇、康小明认为文化产业集群就是在文化产业领域中(通常以传媒产业为核心),大量联系密切的文化产业企业以及相关支撑机构(包括研究机构)在空间上集聚,并将文化产业集群划分为核心文化产业集群、外围文化产业集群和相关支撑机构等;欧阳友权认为文化产业集群是指相互关联的多个文化企业或机构共处一个文化区域,形成产业组合、互补与合作,以产生孵化效应和整体辐射力的文化企业群落。
文化创意产业园项目可行性研究报告

沭阳文化创意产业园项目可行性研究报告一、文创产业园概念(一)国外关于文化创意产业园概念的界定随着文化创意产业园在西方城市的发展,相关的研究也越来越多。
对文化创意产业园概念进行的探讨有德瑞克·韦恩提出的文化园区概念,Hilary Anne Frost-Kumpf提出的文化区概念。
在德瑞克·韦恩看来,文化园区指的是特定的地理区位,其特色是将一城市的文化与娱乐施以最集中的方式集中在该地理区位内,文化园区是文化生产与消费的结合,是多项使用功能(工作、休闲、居住)的结合。
Hilary Anne Frost-Kumpf认为文化园区指的是一个在都市中具备完善组织、明确标示、供综合使用的地区,它提供夜间活动且延长地区的使用时间,让地区更具有吸引力;提供艺术活动与艺术组织所需的条件,给居民与游客相关的艺术活动;提供当地艺术家更多就业或居住的机会,让艺术与社区发展更紧密结合。
另外Nolapot Pumhiran和Wansborough&Mageean均将文化创意产业园定义为一个空间有限和具有明显地理区域,文化产业和设施高度集中的地方。
这些集群由文化企业和一些自己经营或自由创作的创意个体组成。
园区内特殊活动可包括儿童玩乐的场所、图书馆、开放和非正式的娱乐场地。
在这些园区中鼓励文化运用和一定程度的生产和消费的集中。
(二) 国内关于文化创意产业园概念的界定在我国,与文化创意产业园相关的概念有艺术园区、创意产业园区、文化产业园区等。
由于我国文化创意产业园出现较晚,对文化创意产业园的研究也显滞后,主要有一些对文化产业集群的界定:祁述裕认为文化产业集群是指在地理位置上相对集中,由具有相关性的文化企业、金融机构等组成的群体;向勇、康小明认为文化产业集群就是在文化产业领域中(通常以传媒产业为核心),大量联系密切的文化产业企业以及相关支撑机构(包括研究机构)在空间上集聚,并将文化产业集群划分为核心文化产业集群、外围文化产业集群和相关支撑机构等;欧阳友权认为文化产业集群是指相互关联的多个文化企业或机构共处一个文化区域,形成产业组合、互补与合作,以产生孵化效应和整体辐射力的文化企业群落。
有关电影类英文文献

有关电影类英文文献下面是店铺为大家整理的一些“有关电影类英文文献”资料,供大家参阅。
电影类英文文献The needs of the development of the Chinese animationWhy the development of cultural industries such as animation and game? Who is the model for the development of animation and game industry in China? By following the survey report in Japan and the U.S. can be seen, animation, games and other cultural industries to each country to bring much benefit. Not ugly, social progress, to a certain period of time, the development of cultural industries is inevitable.Japan's animation industry can be described as a model, and therefore the reference object and catch up with the target of China's animation industry. However, reporters found that a series of data on the Japanese animation industry is also confusing, especially back in five or six years ago, a number of widely cited data today seems very absurd.In many articles in 2006, reporters found that when the output value of the global animation industry between $ 200,000,000,000 to $ 500,000,000,000, the annual output value of Japan's animation industry to reach 230 trillion yen, Japan's second-pillar industry. " According to the 2010 release in Japan this year Japan's gross domestic product (GDP) at current prices of479.1791 trillion yen, while Japan's economic growth in recent years is not, you can estimate when the Japanese animation industry, the proportion of GDP is likely to exceed 50%!The most popular data is the Japanese animation industry share of GDP over 10%, this estimate, the Japanese animeindustry output should be about 48 trillion yen, which is $ 800,000,000,000. Which is basically the global animation industry and its industrial output value of derivatives and the United States topped the list where the shelter?According to the Japan Association of digital content, the White Paper 2004 "of the" digital animation industry as an important part of Japanese culture and creative industries, the output value in 2004 reached 12.8 trillion yen, accounting for Japan's gross domestic product 2.5%, Imaging Products 4.4 trillion yen, 1.7 trillion yen of the music products, books and periodicals published 5.6 trillion yen, 1.1 trillion yen of the game, more than agriculture, forestry, aquatic production value of 10 trillion yen. Andcommunications, information services, printing, advertising, appliances and other aggregate, it is up to the scale of 59 trillion yen. Only in this way the scope of the animation industry generalized, so as to achieve 10% of the proportion of domestic widespread.The integration of information seems relatively reasonable, "White Paper on digital content 2004 to data released, with some reference value, that is, Japan's animation industry's share of GDP should be between 2-5%. This way, the domestic animation industry is also a lot less pressure, but the runner-up position in the global animation industry, is the total GDP has exceeded Japan's, China is still beyond the reach of being the so-called efforts will be necessary.About 20% of GDP of the U.S. cultural industries, especially following a set of data appear most frequently in a variety of articles: 2006 U.S. GDP was $ 13.22 trillion, the cultural industries for the $ 2.64 trillion; cultural products occupy 40% ofinternational market share. The United States controlled 75 percent of global production and production of television programs; the American animation industry output accounted for almost 30% of the global market to reach $ 31 billion; film production in the United States accounted for 6.7 percent of the world, but occupied 50% of the world screening time; In addition, the total size of the sports industry in the United States is about $ 300 000 000 000, accounting for 2.3% of GDP which only NBA a $ 10 billion. However, we can see that this so-called American culture industry output is included, including sports and related industries, its scope is greater than the domestic cultural industry classification.Last article published on the web on the proportion of cultural industry in the United States, the earliest dating back to the Economic Daily News October 27, 2000 published in the Chinese culture, industry, academic Yearbook (1979-2002 Volume) cultural entrepreneurship space is there much ". Mentioned According to statistics, 18-25 percent of the U.S. cultural industries accounted for the total GDP, the 400 richest American companies, there are 72 cultural enterprises, the U.S. audio and video have been more than the aerospace industry ranks exports trade first. " Since then, the concept of "cultural industries" in the Research Office of CPC Central Committee from 2002 release of "2001-2002: China Cultural Industry Development Report", the official presentation of its background "article is the first official document reference the data. Now, the "Economic Daily News, the data from wherehas been untraceable, however, has passed 10 years, the data are still widely various articles and government documents referenced, just a little floating, such as to 1/3 or dropped to 12%,the value ratio of 72 cultural enterprises "in the past 10 years has never been subject to change. At least the data, has 11 years, there is a problem.The definition of cultural industries, the classification system, statistical methods and cultural enterprises related to the composition. Culture Research Center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, deputy director Zhang Xiaoming, in an interview with reporters: "to a large extent, today's American culture industry is more from multinational companies to operate these multinational corporations majority of United States as the main body. This seems to be one kind of paradox: American culture industry backed by multinational companies to benefit from all over the world, but the ultimate holding company lies in the hands of the merchants of other countries, although the country is still the biggest beneficiary the United States during the GDP statistics still this part of the cross-cultural enterprises to join them. It is reported that, among the most powerful movie studios of Hollywood, Columbia TriStar is a subsidiary of Sony Corporation of Japan, parent company of Fox (Fox) is Australia's News Corporation. Especially in the popular music industry sector, in addition to the WEA, the more money earned in the U.S. market is the Sony of Japan, the Netherlands, Polygram, BMG in Germany, the United Kingdom Thorn EMI companies.China in recent years to increase the development of cultural industries such as animation and game, the seventh international animation festival, the statistics of the number of Chinese animation turnover super-Japan, to become the first in the world. We need more quality to support domestic animation to the world.[1] Marilyn Hugh著, Andrea Jane译外文资料翻译-中文部分中国动画发展的需求中国为什么要发展动漫游戏等文化产业?中国发展动漫游戏产业的榜样是谁?通过下面对日本与美国的调查报告可以看出来,动漫游戏等文化产业给每个国家带来了多大的利益。
文化创意产业,文创产品英文作文

文化创意产业,文创产品英文作文Cultural Diversity and Cultural IntegrationGood Evening,Ladies and Gentlemen! Today, it’s my honor to stand here to give you a speech about cultural diversity and cultural integration。
First, I like to drink Coca-Cola,and almost every two days I would drink a bottle of 500 milliliters。
Just as most American families cannot live long without Chinese products, I also have a sense of dependence on Coca-Cole。
Besides, my major is Japanese and I have learned Japanese for more than one year。
So,I’ve been influenced by the Japanese culture。
For example, when I am talking with other people I always want to nod to agree with other people, even though it is a unique Japanese way of communication。
On the other hand,you must be proud that Chinese Kung Fu and Chinese diets are spreading in the whole world because of the Hollywood movie “Kung Fu Panda”。
文化遗产保护和旅游经济外文文献翻译2019中英文

文化遗产保护和旅游经济外文文献翻译中英文2019英文The Economy of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and ConservationPatin Valery1. The economy of cultural heritage, a recent theoretical approachAwareness of the economic role of cultural heritage is relatively recent. It principally stems from the rapid growth of tourism (roughly 1 billion international tourists worldwide in 2010), which is irrigating this sector intensely. This new approach entails reviewing the traditional status of cultural heritage, which until recently was partly not subject to the usual rules of competition-based economy. Cultural heritage is now considered as a form of enterprise and, especially, is solicited to become a key instrument to increase local development. Beyond direct site revenue (ticketing and ancillary revenue), expenditure on nearby facilities and services provides the most resources. These resources encompass indirect expenditure (purchases to companies working directly with the sites) and induced expenditure (in facilities near the sites, such as restaurants, shops and hotels, on services, and real-estate acquisitions).2. Financing and managing cultural heritage2.1 The new trendsThe relative economic autonomy that cultural heritage recently acquired, paired with broader megatrends (the economic downturn and globalization), has stretched the financial constraints that weighed on cultural assets. The institutions - the largest ones, principally - have embarked on a wide variety of initiatives to generate new resources. Engineering and franchises are two examples. The Louvre Museum, Guggenheim Foundation and Beau Bourg Centre are supporting the creation of new museums that will use their names in exchange for substantial compensation. Others, which are not creating new institutions, are letting outworks of art on long-term leases, either in existing museums (e.g., leases of works of art from the Louvre Museum to the Atlanta Museum, USA) or in newly-built museumsThe obvious increase in admission prices,in particular for temporary exhibitions (which sidestep the rule of free admission for people under 18 in France) is another clear sign. The larger business areas in cultural sites are also driving this movement. Large-scale works in Europe's leading museums (the Louvre, British Museum and Prado) led to noticeable extensions in shop, café and restaurant areas. Managing derived rights (image) more efficiently via international photo banks (Corbis) has also opened up new revenue streams. Large-scale temporary exhibitions, which often generate net profits besides encouraging people to visit the permanent collections as well, are now commonplace.We can also see a concurrent and symmetrical trend as regards the financing practices. French legislation is adjusting itself to promote private-sector financing (laws passed in 2003 and 2008) via patronage and associated management conditions. From this perspective. The use of subsidiary revenue earmarked for cultural heritage is developing, belying the principle that bans allocating tax revenue such as taxes on online gambling (poker), based on a model involving levies in several countries, and in the UK in particular (the Lottery Fund). The para-fiscal option that is already being used to acquire and protect natural areas (Departmental Tax for Sensitive Natural Areas) does not yet seem to be making significant inroads as regards cultural-heritage buildings, in spite of a few attempts (proposition to tax luxury hotels). There are efforts to make old monuments more profitable by building hotels and restaurants. The French Centre des Monuments Nationaux is seriously studying this option. The sacrosanct principle of inalienability is starting to splinter. And, if the market-economy rule takes over, it will not hold for long in current conditions.In the Anglo-Saxon world, where most sites are free of charge for the visitors, it is the opposite: private-sector management (trustees and foundations) are clearly the majority and are calling on public-sector institutions to protect their balance increasingly often.Naturally, earmarking cultural heritage as a real option to reinforce local development has kick-started a flurry of efforts to protect and promote the first to support the second. These operations have worked very well in some cases, but failed to deliver the expected results in others. Failures are often due to an overestimation ofthe expected profits or to projects inappropriate to the local reality.2.2 Conflicts of understandingSince economy has burst into the cultural heritage field, misunderstanding between actors from this sector and economic players has get worse. Their respective formations did not generally prepare them for dialoguing. Whereas the cultural heritage actors understand with difficulty the economic aspect of their activity, with its procession of constraints, the economic players do not still understand all the dimensions of the cultural object (historic, emotional, social, identical, etc.), have difficulty in defining clearly its place as "capital", "resource", or "production", and do not know where to classify its preservation, whether in the "investments" or in the "non-productive expenses"...For the first ones, the cultural heritage, priceless by definition, should escape the trivial contingency of the imperatives of profitability and competition. This collective feeling has been disseminated everywhere in France. The notion of "cultural exception" has maybe also intelligently educated it while inviting it to evolve since in fact it makes the cultural heritage actors get into the boxing ring of the competitive economy, while stressing its specificity and affirming the necessity of regulations, a notion we seem today to rediscover everywhere else...For the second ones, it is urgent to improve the econometric tools and the modelling regarding cultural heritage and the returns expected from enhancement and particularly tourist one. In spite of recent but real progress, as we shall see, the contribution of cultural heritage to a certain quality of life for the usual users of a territory, to its image and to the feeling of belonging, is still insufficiently taken into account.Finally, all share a real difficulty: reconcile the long term of cultural heritage preservation, which has to be passed on, thus preserved infinitely, with the short term of its economic operation and expected profits.2.3 The risksIn this situation and given recent developments, which have not always been properly managed, abuses can sometimes occur. This is at least the case in the light ofthe traditional and essential roles of cultural heritage, namely conservation, scientific research, knowledge dissemination and cementing social links. These abuses can take different shapes. Firstly, the quest for financing may lead to questionable schemes.To pay for refurbishing work on the Doge's Palace in Venice, for instance, the city council rented a section of the monument outside walls and a facade of the Bridge of Sighs to Coca-Cola, which set up massive promotional billboards on them.Poor visitor-flow management can damage sites and the visitor experience. Also in Venice, the city council allowed up to 300 metre long cruise ships to dock in Tronchetto port. These ships pour out several thousand visitors a day, and there is now way of channelling them. This city had managed to stem tourist flows by limiting the number of new hotels in it, but has moved into a new cycle now that it has agreed to plans to build new capacity (turning the former mill on Guidecca Island into an upmarket hotel). On specific days, the visitor crowds in certain sites (Versailles, the Louvre) make visiting conditions unacceptable.Seeking short-term profits can also contribute to deteriorating cultural heritage. Renting out works of art for more or less long exhibitions, shooting films in monuments and renting spaces for events (which is occurring increasingly often) can cause damage to certain objects and places, which restorers do not always have time to prevent or repair.Local populations may feel dispossessed of their cultural environment. Foreigners buying up real-estate en-masse can lead to excess. That is the case in Morocco in general and in Marrakech in particular, where national legislation entitles foreigners to buy freeholds. In that same vein, efforts to protect and promote heritage, in particular in character-filled historical town centres and villages, can lead to speculation on real-estate and land. In both cases, the local populations are faced with very fast and destabilizing changes in their economic and cultural environment.One of the risks that have made the most media headlines is the reproduction of sites and historical monuments. This trend is not new and has to be distinguished from the copying of fragile sites, validated by the scientific community and which contributes to their preservation (Lascaux, Egyptian tombs), whereas reproductionsare more and more often aimed to create attractions and thereby generate quick profits in more favorable conditions than in the original sites. The Japanese, for instance, have reproduced part of The Hague (The Netherlands) in Omura Bay, paired with a large-scale property development and marina, all of which did not turn out to be a great success. The Syrians created a fake Palmyra at the entrance to Damascus, which is on the contrary attracting a large number of visitors - who also flock to the restaurants and cafés around it. It is interesting to note that the international law is really uncertain in that field, which often leads to excesses. Abusive restoration for imperatives of comfort, modernization, or quick profits, constitutes another important risk.Management basically geared to generate short-term profit can also in a way drain meaning out of sites and works. In a number of well-known sites, literature is wanting or unavailable, there are too many visitors, the area is heavily built-up and commercial, the staging modest and the visitor circuits constraining. The Sphinx of Giza (Egypt) is one example.2.4. Sustainable management of cultural heritage: methods and techniques2.4.1 Methods of economic assessment of cultural heritageGiven those risks, authorities have set up a number of assessment methods and systems to step in.One of the first measures involves evaluating as accurately as possible the economic reality of the operations and the resulting proceeds involving culturalheritage. "This approach spurs concerted protection and promotion strategies and partnerships. It sharpens professional skills practices and partnerships between the cultural and tourism realms (coproducing data and pooling resources). Furthermore, highlighting the economic and social stakes associated with cultural heritage is a factor that contributes substantially to the acceptability, appropriation and support for local preservation and promotion strategy".In this area, the most traditional assessment methods combine approaches focusing on land and real-estate value, and on the balance sheet. These approaches are strictly limited to the site itself and to its financial dimension. It is therefore a fairlyrestrictive approach. It considerably undervalues fragile cultural assets that required heavy conservation investment, and pays little if any attention to the social and cultural dimensions.Methods stemming from economic theory nevertheless provide an option to assess cultural assets from a development and investment perspective. These methods are used by international backers, for instance. This is in particular the case for Contingent Valuation Methods (CVMs), which take into account nonmonetary value such as image of the site or the destination. It involves measuring the theoretical contribution that populations are willing to make (whether or not they use the site, and whether they live in the city or country or further away) to protect a component of cultural heritage. Other methods, such as relocation costs, costs versus advantages, hedonic costs and multi-criterion appraisals, are also sometimes used.Lastly, assessing indirect proceeds from cultural-heritage management most often involves the 'impacts' method which gauges the number of jobs, cash flows (wages, taxes) and social impacts (awareness of cultural heritage, the people's contribution to safeguarding and promoting cultural assets, the sense of belonging it nurtures, transmission, citizenship, etc.) generated by what visitors do and what they spend, in the area near the site (i.e. spanning transport, accommodation, restaurants, shops and services), as well as public and private investment to protect and promote cultural heritage.2.4.2 Sustainable management techniquesTo preserve cultural heritage, guarantee visitor comfort and spur indirect returns, managers and administrators use the specific techniques that provide the basis of the Site Management Plan recommended by UNESCO (World Heritage Centre).a) Visitor flow managementVisitor flow management contributes to site preservation and management. Several systems are now up and running, including visitor-number forecast analysis on new sites. This technique makes it possible to assess a site's attendance over time, using a direct approach by analysing the territorial catchment, using a comparative approach, or combining both. The results are generally reliable. This assessment zerosin on "peak days" and peak times (visitor-number snapshots) to provide the maximum visitor numbers. Then it is used to assess daily and hourly visitor numbers during the 30, 40 or 50 busiest days of the year (design days). These estimates provide the raw material we need to devise the protection and promotion programme by calibrating facilities and amenities as effectively as possible. Some of the newly-built museums programming has been made on this basis, as in the Louvre Museum in Lens (France).In existing sites, there are also several techniques to support visitor management: group bookings, individual bookings (increasingly often), tariff schedules, longer opening hours, smaller guided-tour groups, quotas (in very fragile sites such as the Villa Borghese Gallery in Roma) and visit paths to deal with shortstay visitors (tourist groups) and long-stay visitors (groups with specialist lecturers and enthusiasts) separately. These strategies rely on the assessment of the site capacity (acceptable number of visitors depending on the site surface) in exterior as well as interior spaces. Then, a minimum surface per visitor is calculated. This surface can go down to 1,50m2 in very popular exhibitions. Such a technique can be difficult to apply in complex sites (archaeological/natural ones) but can often provide useful elements of management.Providing information before visitors reach the site (via the Internet, smartphone applications, visitor guides) also plays a role. Negative marketing (momentarily withdrawing communication) to contribute to limiting the number of visitors in a site at the same time is very rarely used. Lastly, networking sites into package deals such as the Carte Musées Monuments providing access to 70 museums and monuments in and around Paris, and sharing literature and road signs, can contribute to easing pressure on the main highlights. A beautiful example of this flow-management strategy was used in the Alhambra in Granada (Spain), which combines measures to restrict automobile traffic and visitor numbers, requires individual and group booking, limits group visit time slots, and associates the city's companies working with tourists (taxis, restaurants and hotels), entitling them to distribute top-priority visit bookings. The site attending which rose to 2,8 million of annual visits has come down to a little bit more than 2 millions. In terms of capacity, the average surface per visitor whichwas 3,44m2 has been turned into 5m2.b) Preventive conservation associated with tourist numbersAction on this front is still modest and mainly experimental. As it has been already noted, copies (Lascaux, Valley of the Kings) can contribute to the preservation of very fragile sites and monuments. Copying gets a lot of media attention but is still rare since these techniques are difficult, as the different attempts to reproduce the Lascaux cave has showed it. Reproduction of furniture or decoration occurs more often thanks to the two different techniques of copy and casting. When the copy or catering substitutes to the original in situ, it serves to protect the original value. When this is the original which stays in situ, the copy and catering have a cultural memory value, when the original has lost its representative value or has been destroyed (for instance, Roman copies of Greek works of art or the catering preserved in the Musée des Monuments français, such as the statues of the Reims cathedral or the Roman fresco of Saint-Savin sur Gartempe).Regarding tourism and housing, these trends led to successful economic realizations. New tourist resorts are borrowing local architectural and decorative vocabulary (Le Crouesty in Morbihan and Valmorel in Savoy are two French examples). It is also the case of rebuilt buildings inspired by traditional buildings, for instance in Beirut or Tunis (the Hafsia Quarter). This trend combines traditional charm with modern-day comfort and convenience. Cultural heritage becomes a backdrop stripped of some of its meaning but serves a profitable economic purpose. This also applies to urban revamps that involve keeping nothing but façades (façadism).The most common intervention consists in mapping out visit circuits in sites, and indeed in cities (Strasbourg) to provide tourists with an overview of the highlights while avoiding the more fragile spots by providing visitors with free documentation and informative marking. When this option is unfeasible, the classical measures such as closing off areas to visitors, permanent or temporary embedding objects (mosaics, in particular), adding security systems around attractions and indirectly around visitors (barriers, fences), are used. There are also specific measures for site fringes, inparticular as regards automobile traffic and parking, such as moving them further away from the site, blending them into the natural environment, establishing the principle of non co-visibility (facilities and historical sites should not be visible at the same time) and segregating areas (several little parking areas instead of a big one close to the site and too visible). Human risks can stretch beyond tourism-related concerns to urban issues. Here, it is rarely balanced. Site outskirt protection often involves legal measures that are difficult to apply. They often stem from contracts between site managers and owners (Hadrian's Wall in the UK, Cyrene in Libya).c) Integrating local populationsThis approach concurrently stems from sustainable-development ideology and a more efficient strategy to protect and promote cultural heritage. It contributes to preventive conservation. There are two main trends at work here: one to maintain cultural usage and the other to bolster economic activity. In the first case, it is a question of protecting site traditional use, which can range from mere walks to religious or 'magical' practices. In both cases, measures that do not necessarily rank profit cost-efficiency at the top of the list take precedence. It sometimes entails sidestepping fences (Palmyra in Syria, Petra in Jordan, Dougga in Tunisia) to allow people to cross the site to get to their workplace. In Chellah (Rabat) the site is accessible free of charge on Fridays to allow local people to reach natural springs that, according to local tradition, help women to give birth to their first child. Tour operators are also involved in efforts to raise visitor awareness via codes of conduct prescribing adequate behaviour (). Naturally, school trips and attractions for local people can only strengthen the appropriation bond.Integration, however, necessarily also entails supporting local economic development, which can be done in several ways such as training craftsmen, shopkeepers, hotel staff and innkeepers in visitor expectations, supporting exports, distributing micro-credit to small-scale local producers and, if possible, employing on the site the local population (security, guiding, maintenance).3. The example of the World Bank in Mauritania3.1 The World Bank and the Cultural HeritageThe World Bank is an intergovernmental agency of the United Nations Organization. Its mission is to help states to finance actions of development. Since 1975, the Bank has developed a strategy to support projects in the cultural heritage sector to serve as a basis for local growth. It intervened in Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Honduras, Russia, Mauritania, China, Peru, Ethiopia. It provides loans, which is the most frequent case, or grants, according to the economic level of countries.3.2 Conditions of intervention of the World BankThe recipient countries also give counterparts to the loans provided by the Bank (direct financing, allocation of staff, fiscal adjustments). This financing is used to rehabilitate or create museums or cultural institutions (such as conservatoire of music), to restore and renew historic centres, to produce cultural events, to strengthen the conditions of protection and preservation of cultural assets, to improve the economic and cultural integration of the local populations.3.3. The case of MauritaniaThe case of Mauritania is particular because the Bank intervention focused partly on the protection/enhancement of World Heritage sites (Caravan cities of Ouadane, Chinguetti, Oulata and Tichitt) and partly on the protection of the libraries and the numerous ancient manuscripts present in the country. These surprising libraries were constituted on the occasion of the pilgrimage in Mecca, but also by exchanges between the inhabitants and the caravanners coming from Mali or from Arabia and Egypt.These libraries are not under common law. They are family's properties and cannot be sold or donated. They traditionally go to the leader of the family owner who keeps watch over them and is answerable for them to the main family's members during annual stocktaking. The most important among them, the library of the Habott family in Chinguetti, includes more than 1 500 manuscripts mainly of the XIXth century -some of them are much more ancient (exegesis of the Koran, astronomy, mathematics and logic, law). Some of these libraries are preserved in boxes by the nomad tribes living in the north and east of the country. The intervention of the Bank took place between 2001 and 2005.A project unit gathering Mauritanian specialists was in charge of the onsite actions conception and management. The Bank regularly sent missions of evaluation to follow their progress. Punctually international institutions also provided a scientific and technical support: UNESCO regarding the operations of preservation and training dedicated to the caravan cities. The financing was assured through a subsidy to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania.The strategy adopted by the Project with the support of the Bank consisted in implementing a series of actions of protection intended to strengthen the heritage knowledge and the associated know-how. Complete building surveys and inventories were made in the world heritage cities. Training courses on the restoration of dry-stone buildings were organized for the young local population. In Oualata, famous city for the inside and outside decorations of houses, an emergency action allowed to train girls in painting these very codified patterns and to preserve this knowledge about to disappear.Concerning manuscripts, the Bank financing was used to make an inventory of the private libraries (more than 600 on a total estimated at 700/750) and to catalog more than 40 000 works (on a total estimated at 50 000). These research works allowed to elaborate a computerized data bank of which the BnF (French National Library) has a copy (Department of manuscripts. Service of Arabic manuscripts). The service of restoration of the BnF assured the training of a group of owners of private libraries. Finally the Bank acquired neutral cardboards to distribute in libraries. But the political situation which became unstable in 2005 did not allow to finalize this initiative. A second project of reprinting the ten more important Mauritanian manuscripts suffered the same fate.This first phase of consolidation was completed by the publishing of travel guides in partnership with the Cultural Service of the Embassy of France in Nouakchott, the organization of trainings intended for the caravan cities innkeepers, the realization of a festival of nomadic musics in Nouackchott and punctual actions of support for the craft sector, in particular for the traditional hairdressers who have an exceptional know-how and were gathered within very dynamic associations of womenentrepreneurs. As in any project of the Bank, an important aspect of the program was dedicated to the institutional and legislative framework intensification.This Bank program certainly allowed to produce information and documents essential to the cultural heritage preservation (surveys, inventories, cataloguing, long-term preservation of know-how) and to the information circulation about the country (publishing of travel guides) without durably modifying the situation of the Mauritanian cultural heritage. The tourist flows, directed first and foremost to the visit of the caravan cities of the North (Oudane, Chinguetti), hiking in Sahara and the natural site of the Banc d'Arguin, registered as a world heritage site, benefited from these interventions, but the degradation of the political situation and the security conditions in this zone compromised the project results. On the other hand, the country limited institutional and economic capacities make it difficult to follow up these operations. Mauritania mainly progresses in this domain at the rate of international supports, while many Mauritanians have the skills required to assure a wider development of the cultural and tourism economy.中文文化遗产保护和旅游经济1.文化遗产旅游经济,一种最新的理论方法对文化遗产的经济作用的认识是相对较新的。
文创英文文献

文创英文文献The realm of creative English literature is a vast and captivating domain that has long captured the imagination of readers and writers alike. From the timeless classics of Shakespeare to the cutting-edge works of contemporary authors, the English language has served as a canvas for the expression of human experience, emotion, and imagination.At the heart of creative English literature lies the power of words - the ability to craft narratives, evoke imagery, and convey profound truths that resonate with the human spirit. Whether in the form of poetry, prose, or dramatic works, the written word holds the capacity to transport readers to new worlds, challenge their perceptions, and inspire profound reflection.One of the hallmarks of creative English literature is its diversity. Across the centuries, writers have embraced a wide range of genres, styles, and themes, each offering a unique perspective on the human condition. From the sweeping epics of the Romantic era to the gritty realism of modern urban fiction, the breadth of creative Englishliterature is truly astounding.Take, for instance, the works of William Shakespeare, whose plays and sonnets have captivated audiences for centuries. Through his masterful use of language, Shakespeare delved into the complexities of human nature, exploring themes of love, power, ambition, and the human struggle against fate. His characters, from the tragic Hamlet to the mischievous Puck, have become indelible figures in the collective consciousness, their words and actions echoing through the ages.Similarly, the novels of Jane Austen have enchanted readers with their intricate social commentary, sharp wit, and timeless love stories. Austen's ability to capture the nuances of human interaction and the societal constraints of her era has made her works enduring classics, inspiring countless adaptations and scholarly analyses.In the realm of poetry, the works of T.S. Eliot, Sylvia Plath, and Maya Angelou have challenged and transformed the way we perceive and engage with language. Through their powerful use of imagery, metaphor, and rhythm, these poets have grappled with the complexities of the human experience, from the existential angst of the modern condition to the profound depths of personal and social struggle.The richness of creative English literature is not limited to the past, however. Contemporary authors continue to push the boundaries of the written word, exploring new forms, genres, and perspectives. The rise of diverse voices and perspectives has led to a proliferation of works that challenge traditional narratives and offer fresh insights into the human experience.Take, for example, the works of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, whose novels and short stories delve into the complexities of identity, culture, and the immigrant experience. Her acclaimed novel "Americanah" has been praised for its nuanced exploration of race, class, and the search for belonging in a globalized world.Similarly, the works of Haruki Murakami have captivated readers with their surreal, dreamlike qualities, blending elements of magical realism, existential philosophy, and the exploration of the human psyche. Murakami's novels, such as "The Wind-Up Bird Chronicle" and "Kafka on the Shore," have become beloved classics, inspiring a devoted following of readers who are drawn to the author's unique and enigmatic style.The power of creative English literature lies not only in its ability to entertain and captivate but also in its capacity to challenge, inform, and transform. Through their works, writers have grappled with the most pressing social, political, and philosophical issues of their time,offering insights and perspectives that have the potential to shape the way we understand and engage with the world around us.In an era of rapid technological and social change, the enduring relevance of creative English literature has become increasingly apparent. As we navigate the complexities of the modern world, the written word continues to serve as a powerful tool for self-expression, cultural exchange, and the exploration of the human experience.Whether in the form of a timeless classic or a cutting-edge contemporary work, creative English literature has the power to captivate, inspire, and transform. By engaging with these works, readers and writers alike can unlock new perspectives, expand their understanding of the world, and ultimately, deepen their connection to the shared human experience that lies at the heart of the literary tradition.。
文化软实力外文文献翻译中英文

文化软实力外文翻译中英文英文Soft power, global governance of cultural industries and rising powers: the case ofChinaAntonios VlassisAbstractThis article addresses the importance of cultural industries for the strengthening of the soft power of the rising powers and it seeks to understand how the cultural industries allow rising powers to shape the structures of their international environment. More specifically, studying the cases of People’s Republic of China and of the movie industry, my article focuses on the current evolution of the relationship between the Chinese authorities and the film industry, as well as on the development of the domestic film market. I further aim to draw up an inventory of China’s role within the global governance of cultural industries. Finally, I aim to highlight the global cultural competition that China faces, emphasizing the practices of the US administration and Hollywood. I argue that even if China is the current centre of gravity within the world economy, it still has a long way to go in order to shape the distribution of resources within the global governance of cultural industries and to play a crucial role in the international battle of cultural symbols.Keywords: China; soft power; global governance; cultural industries; US administration and HollywoodThe cultural industries, oscillated between symbolic and material spheres, raise important issues for many involved actors: economic issues because cultural industries are a key sector in terms of growth and employment for the national economies1 ; political issues, given that cultural industries –seen as vehicles of values and collective representations –are resources of the power of States and of their capacity to shape their international environment; finally, identity issues because cultural expressions – distributed by cultural industries – are usually components of a national, regional or local identity and many actors are increasingly worried on cultural dominance.In October 2011, the 17th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party underlined the need for strengthening the Chinese soft power ‘with a view to the overall prosperity of cultural undertakings and sound development of cultural industries’ and for holding ‘fast to the approach of multi-level, extensive international cultural exchanges and continuously improve the international influence of Chinese culture’ (Ministry of Culture of the People’s Republic of China 2013, p. 3). Since the end of the Cold War, the rise of China on the world stage has been one of the most important historical and political phenomena. Its impressive economic growth, its social transformations and its influence on the international affairs force many scholars to question the status of China in the international arena. Is China a rising power that moves on from regional power to global power? Is the desire of the Chinese authorities to challenge the US predominance and to access to the world hegemony? (Johnston 2003, Gipouloux 2006, Cabestan 2010, Shambaugh 2013).On the one hand, recent studies focus on the foreign cultural action of China and its soft power in order to offer useful insights on these tricky questions (Cheow and Chu 2004, Cho and Jeong 2008, Mingjiang 2009, Barr 2010, Wang 2011, Lai and Lulu 2012, Swielande 2012). In their definition on the soft power, they include various areas such as trade, language, values in the broadest sense, religion and education. However, the cultural industries, and especially film industry, are still an unknown factor for highlighting the role that China can and will play on the global stage. Furthermore, it would point out that the analysis on immaterial resources of power came particularly to dominate the discipline of International Relations (IR) during the 1980s debate on the possible decline of US hegemony (Battistella 2013, p. 239). As such, in 1990, Joseph Nye (1990, 2004) developed the concept of soft power in order to highlight the transformations of the components of the State power in the current international relations. As the prominent American scholar put it, if the United States wishes to be the hegemonic power of the 21th century, it would need to strengthen its soft power, based on intangible resources.2 In addition, during the 1980s, Susan Strange elaborated the concept of structural power in order to focus on the tangible and intangible capabilities of the United States to determine theinternational structures and to provide the leadership on the global scale (Strange 1994). While the two scholars identified multiple variables to understand the transformation of power in the era of globalization, the cultural industries were not adequately addressed in their studies. However, the approach of Susan Strange recently inspired analyses (Scott 2004, Laroche and Bohas 2005, Bohas 2010) on cultural capitalism of the United States and on its main vectors, such as the multinational entertainment corporations (Hollywood).On the other hand, while there is a lively academic debate in IR about the configuration of actors and of norms within the global governance of a large number of sectors such as environment, energy, labour, or health, relatively little has been said about the international dimension of governance of cultural industries (Singh 2010, Vlassis 2013, 2014a, 2015, Kozymka 2014). Thus, the action and the political influence of China in this context are absent from the IR literature. More specifically, by global governance of cultural industries, I mean a system for organizing the relations of power and of regulation at the world level (Stocker 1998, Cabrera 2011); it is composed of rules, norms and institutions, affecting several aspects of cultural goods and services (creation, production, distribution, exhibition, etc.) and allowing the involved actors to coordinate their practices in a context of disaggregated sovereignty (Slaughter 2004), of polyarchic authority (Avant et al. 2010) and of absence of global government (Rosenau 1997). The global governance of cultural industries is not so much a harmonious and static approach for the today’s international cultural relations, but rather a continuous process within which a constant game of bargaining, exchanges and political battles is made (Smouts 1998, Muldoon et al. 2011).Collective art, mass art, art of modernity, major industrial art of the contemporary ‘screenocracy’, 3 the cinema is ‘a tool of soft power of nations’ (Dagnaud 2011) and the most significant cultural industry in terms of economic profitability and symbolic influence.4 Even if the cultural external action of a country seeks various and long term objectives that are very difficult to assess their impact (Gilboa 2008, Morin 2013, p. 41), it is worth addressing not only the role of Chinesefilm industry for strengthening the Chinese soft power, but also how this cultural industry allows China to build an active status of world power (Santander 2013, p. 524). In this view, I seek in this article to analyse the evolution of the relationship between the Chinese authorities and the film industry, as well as the development of the domestic film market. I further aim to draw up an inventory of China’s role within the global governance of cultural industries and its international commitments in this area (General Agreements on Trade in Services-World Trade Organization, 2005 Convention on Diversity of Cultural Expressions-UNESCO). Finally, I aim to address the global cultural competition that China faces, focusing especially on the practices of the US administration and Hollywood.China: a major cinema power?Since the end of the Cold War, the development of the ‘electric shadows’ industry5 has become a priority for the Chinese authorities. The China’s State Administration of Radio, Film and Television (SARFT) and the powerful China Film Group manage in a dense and monopolistic way all the components of Chinese movie industry –production, importation, distribution and exhibition –and heavily taxes foreign audiovisual products. The transformation of the Chinese film economy has begun since the 1990s, when the country decided to integrate into the multilateral economic system. In the late of 1980s, the Chinese film industry went through a profound crisis: significant reduction in the cinema attendance and dramatic decrease in the film production (Zhu and Nakajima 2010, pp. 17–33). Chinese authorities then undertook a slow opening of the film market because of the risk of its collapse and of the pressure from the Clinton administration and Hollywood studios in their ambition to open new film markets (Mingant 2010, pp. 49–50). In 1994, SARFT agreed to give a percentage of revenue for ten foreign films per year (revenue-sharing films) and to keep buying the other movies in a fixed price (flat-fee films) and selecting the imported movies. Despite these barriers to trade, since 1996, the foreign films, and especially Hollywood movies, have captured a 40–50% stake in the Chinese market (OEA 1998–2013), showing that the Chinese audience is very receptive to Hollywood pictures unlike other Asian countries such as India.6 Simultaneously, China hasdeveloped a film d’auteur inserted into the international art circuits and receiving many awards in the five major international film festivals (Cannes, Venice, Berlin, San Sebastian and Locarno): without a significant award up until the late 1980s, Chinese films won 19 awards between 1988 and 2014.Since its WTO accession in 2001, China has been committed to increase the number of imported films: the annual quota of foreign films distributed in revenue-sharing has increased from 10 to 20 (Augros and Kitsopanidou 2009, pp. 226–227). Nevertheless, in 2009, following a complaint lodged by the US administration in 2007,8 the WTO condemned China for its trade practices within the cultural sector –books, movies, music –and especially for its strict regulatory measures imposed to the US exporters and distributors of many audiovisual products. Since then, China has sought to soften its quotas system allowing access to a greater number of foreign revenue-sharing films within its cinema market.9 As a result, in February 2012, US and China signed a ‘Memorandum of Understanding on WTO Related Problems in the Film Industry’ and US Vice President Joe Biden announced that China allowed the importation of 14 more Hollywood movies and increased the percentage of sharing-revenues to the foreign operators from 13 to 25% (Vlassis 2012).10 It is obvious that the relations between China and Hollywood are becoming closer, from a mistrust vis-à-vis movies-symbols of American capitalism and of Westernization to a more intense cooperation and to a slow but constant opening of the Chinese film market to the Hollywood products. In this sense, this partnership has become strategic for the future development not only of the Chinese film industry, but also of Hollywood (Jihong and Kraus 2002).During the last decade, the priorities of Chinese policy-makers focus on the impressive domestic expansion of the Chinese film industry and on the encouragement of the private investment as a result of the substantial profit margins of the film industry (Zhu 2003, pp. 142–160). The film market in China has been characterized by impressive growth, four or five times higher than the growth of China’s GDP. In 2004, total film market revenues represent US$ 435 million. By contrast, in 2013, China wa s the world’s second largest film market and generatedUS$ 3.6 billion in box-office revenue (Table 1). If this trend continues, China will overtake the North-American (US-Canada) market and become the world’s first film market by 2020 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics 2013, p. 25). In addition, in 2008, the number of screens was 4.097, while in 2012, this number tripled, reaching 13.118 screens. Finally, in 2012, the Chinese film production reached 745 movies (only 82 movies in 1998).It’s worth mentioning that in September 2013, Wang Jianlin, CEO of the Chinese conglomerate company Wanda –with activities in real estate, tourism and entertainment –announced its plans to build the world’s biggest film studio in the east coast of China. It is one of the most massive investments in the film industry history, reaching US$ 8.2 billion. In parallel, in 2012, Wanda Group agreed to buy AMC Entertainment Holdings Inc. (AMC) for US$ 2.6 billion, expanding into the US to create the world’s biggest cinema owner. The de al marked the largest-ever buyout of a US company by a Chinese firm. The AMC Theatres, founded in 1920, has the second-largest share of the US market, behind Regal Entertainment Group. It reveals that China’s objective for boosting its cultural power is no t only part of the Chinese authorities, but also of industrial companies: in this regard, Wang Jianlin said that ‘in ten years, the Chinese economy will be on way to dethrone US as dominant economic power. But in terms of cultural power, China is still far behind (…) this project is an opportunity to implement a national policy in order to promote cultural power’.China within the international arenas: between modest integration and increasing presenceInstitutional multilateralism occupies a key position in the political strategies of China in order to gain a worthy and outstanding presence within the international cultural affairs. While the normative constraints of the WTO have a clear impact on the structure of the Chinese film industry and they challenge governmental control over cinema industry (as we have noted above), China also seeks to preserve its cultural sovereignty and to play a greater role in the two major issues of the global governance on cultural industries, namely the international recognition of the importance of cultural policies and the international promotion of the culturaldevelopment.China was one of the key-players in the political construction of the Convention on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (CDCE), adopted by UNESCO in 2005 and dedicated to recognize the specificity of cultural goods and services on the international scale and to legitimize the right of governments to adopt policies within the cultural industries sector (Aylett 2010, Vlassis 2011). A year before the adoption, the Chinese authorities organized the seventh ministerial meeting of the International Network on Cultural Policy (INCP),12 held from 14 to 16 October 2004 in Shanghai and attended by Ministers of Culture from 31 countries, by 18 observer countries and by six international organizations. Furthermore, during the negotiations on the CDCE, China supported on the one hand the explicit recognition of the sovereign right of States to implement cultural policies and on the other hand the establishment of an effective Convention vis-à-vis the international regime of the WTO (Vlassis and Richieri-Hanania 2014). In this sense, during the debate on Article 19 of the CDCE draft dealing with the links between the Convention and other international agreements, the Chinese delegation favoured the option A, which provided a non-subordination of the CDCE with trade agreements. China therefore opted for a Convention, which has a legitimate status within the international law, noting in its comments that ‘the Convention s hould become a reference for the WTO and other international bodies. In this regard, all the international regimes would function as a whole (UNESCO 2004, p. 87)’.China ratified the CDCE in 2007 and it remains one of the most active countries about its implementation. Up till now, its contribution to the International Fund for the Cultural Diversity dedicated to support cultural industries in the developing countries amounts US$ 310.000, far more than the contribution of India, Germany, Denmark, South Africa, or of Australia, but less than the contribution of Norway (US$ 1.45 million), France (US$ 1.42 million), or of Finland (US$ 538 450).Note that during the meetings of the panel established by the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the WTO in November 2007 on trade practices of China in the cultural field (as we have seen above), the latter pointed out that its measures arelinked to many exceptions (Neuwirth 2010). In its first written submission, China made explicit reference to the CDCE in order to emphasize that cultural goods and services are different from other products and in this view, the WTO members should provide greater leeway to regulate this type of goods and services (WTO 2009, p. 107). In addition, the Chinese delegation noted that the specificity of cultural goods and services is recognized by the CDCE, requesting that the DSB should be aware of the specific nature of cultural goods (WTO 2009, p. 15).Instead, the members of the panel argued that the reference to the CDCE does not corrobora te the China’s position, insofar as the CDCE should not be used as a legal instrument in order to legitimize any violations to the WTO Agreements. China seeks recently to play an increasing role in international cultural arena to advance its political agenda. In May 2013, in collaboration with UNESCO, it organized the Hangzhou International Congress on ‘Culture: key to sustainable development’, revealing that the Chinese ambitions are no longer limited to its regional area. ‘For the UNESCO, it was better that a rising country organises this Congress. We discussed with the Chinese authorities because they were, in principle, in favour and they wanted to organise a big event’. 13 This Congress has been the first International Congress on the links between culture and development organized since the Stockholm Conference in 1998. The latter has led to the adoption of UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity in 2001 and then to the CDCE in 2005. In Hangzhou, around 400 experts and involved actors from 80 countries, United Nations agencies and 20 national and international non-governmental organizations emphasized the contribution of culture (cultural industries, material and immaterial heritage) within the policies for the sustainable development. As such, Hangzhou Declaration has marked an important step in the advocacy of UNESCO and of China for the recognition of culture in development programs and the inclusion of culture in the post-2015 United Nations Development Agenda. Although China does not have equal resources with United States, its strategy within UNESCO came to fill the economic and institutional gap created by the putting on hold of the US contribution to UNESCO, following the majority vote on making Palestine a full Member of theorganizatio n in 2011.14 It’s worth noting that in June 2012, in collaboration with the Group of 77, China organized a Round Table entitled ‘What Future and What Challenges for UNESCO?’ The organizers have stressed that ‘today, UNESCO lives a serious moral crisis, whose financial difficulties are mere symptoms of the growing decline of our Organization. The UNESCO of the twenty-first century needs to be rebuilt’.China vis-à-vis the global cultural competition However, China is not still regarded as a global, or even regional cultural power, with capacities to change profoundly the balance of power within the global audiovisual economy. The trade balance of the US audiovisual industry has long been positive, although the United States has traditionally recorded a trade deficit. Since 1980s, Hollywood has been one of America’s largest net exporting industries and in 2012, the surplus in audiovisual sector reached US$ 13.5 billion, more than the trade surplus in telecommunication, management/consulting, legal services, medical sector or computer services (United States International Trade Commission 2014).Inspired by the world system theory of the French historian Fernand Braudel, Charles-Albert Michalet pointed out that since 1980s, Hollywood has developed the strategy of cinema-world based on three mechanisms: a world movie, both movie event and global film; a global approach on the market; horizontal cooperation among companies centred on entertainment activities. ‘The cinema-world reflects the economic forces that showed up the global capitalism, namely an economic system that can only be operating in a global dimension’ (Michalet 1987, p. 112). Enjoying main technological developments, the Hollywood film also remains a key product for the main media platforms (DVD, TV and Internet). In addition, the US audiovisual services exports reached US$ 13.5 billion in 2010, whereas those from China totalled only US$ 123 million (WTO 2012). The most remarkable point is that while many US industries have to face trade competition from their international counterparts, Hollywood has no real international competitor. Therefore, even if the financial and regulatory measures for the film industry seek to maintain and to promote a national cinematography such as in France, in South Korea, or even in China (OEA1998–2013),16 they fail to challenge the dominance of Hollywood in terms of attraction capacity and worldwide distribution (Crane 2013, Vlassis 2015). It’s revealing that during the period 2008–2013, the 15 highest film successes, distributed by Hollywood studios, represent about a third of annual worldwide cinema revenues: in 2013, they accumulate about 32% of revenue in the global film market, 34% in 2012, 30.5% in 2010 and 30% in 2008. An additional important point is that on the one hand in 2013, the 15 highest movie successes, distributed by Hollywood, recorded more than half of their revenues in the cinema markets outside the United States and Canada and on the other hand, during the period 2007–2014, 24 Hollywood blockbusters recorded more than 74% of their total box office revenues in the ‘international’ markets (Table 3). As we can see, all these statistics reveal the expertise and the financing and marketing capabilities of Hollywood in terms of worldwide film distribution. Despite their competition with each other, the Hollywood studios are usually connected by a common film language and a strong strategic interdependence (Trumbour 2008, Augros and Kitsopanidou 2009).Most interesting perhaps is that only 18 non-Hollywood movie productions are part of the list of the all-time worldwide box-office grosses including 586 films: European blockbusters: Taken 1 and 2, Lucy, Resident Evil, The Fifth Element; European comedy movies: Four weddings and a funeral, Intouchables, Bean, The Full Monty, Bienvenue chez les ch’tis; Oscar winning movies: The King’s Speech, Slumdog Millionaire, La Vittàèbella; Japanese animation movies: Spirited away, Howl’s Moving Castle and Ponyo, as well as the Chinese production Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon (Tables 4 and 5). Among these movies, only seven are nonAnglophone movies, 13 are British, French, or German productions and only one is a Chinese production.17 To this should be added that over the last twenty-five years and with certain minor movie exceptions, such as Lucy, Taken I and II, Slumdog Millionaire, The King’s Speech, Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon –that recorded important box-office revenue in the US market (over US$ 100 million) – the market share of non-US movie productions is extremely low, going from 2 to 9%. In this regard, the ‘cinema-world’ contributes to increase the imbalance within the globalaudiovisual economy and to establish the Hollywood dominance in two directions: on the one hand, it is used for limiting the access of foreign movies – which do not enjoy the necessary financial and marketing resources such as Hollywood studios – to the US market based on an exclusive deregulation; on the other hand, following the same logic, it grants the advantage to Hollywood movies within th e ‘international markets’, serving to a progressive coordination of national markets and to a convergence of the audience’s preferences (Scott 2004, Laroche and Bohas 2005, Miller et al. 2005, Vlassis 2015).Moreover, since the multilateral negotiations on the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services-WTO) and the debate on exception culturelle (cultural exception), the opening of film markets and the elimination of regulatory and financial measures in the audiovisual sector also has been a major priority of the US trade diplomacy. ‘The US motivation was obvious: replacing national societies of culture with a global society of alleged efficiency’ (Miller and Yùdice 2002, p. 174). In March 2013, 34 WTO members, including China, have agreed to make commitments in the audiovisual services sector. Note that 18 governments of 134 founding members of the WTO took commitments in 1995, whereas during the period from 1996 to 2013, 16 governments of the 25 new WTO members18 agreed to be subject to certain restrictions in the audiovisual sector. This reveals not only the US pressures in favour of the liberalization of the audiovisual sector, but also the fact that a government negotiates its accession to the WTO without being able to build coalitions. ‘All these count ries need the ticket of accession, and this ticket is very high here’. 19 As such, ‘in the WTO, on the one hand, the position of US administration (regarding the audiovisual services) is positive and offensive, while the position of European Union is negat ive and defensive (…) when you negotiate your accession within the WTO, you should please everyone’ and especially the most influential and powerful countries.Following the exhaustion of the WTO negotiation model (Petiteville 2013), the US administration recently promotes a multilateralism à la carte,21 that offers more autonomy and flexibility to negotiators and it could go much further in respect ofcontent and trade disciplines (Deblock 2010, Gagné2011). In the context of recent trade negotiations – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, including 12 countries such as US, Canada, Japan, Mexico and Australia, and the negotiations on the TISA, which currently includes 23 economies,22 being part of the WTO informal group ‘Really good friends of Services’ –one of the major goals of the Obama Administration and of the MPAA is the inclusion of the digital cultural services such as video on demand or catch-up television within the agenda of negotiations. All this means that governments are supposed to maintain their regulatory and financial capabilities in the sector of conventional cultural services (film theatres, video-DVD, conventional TV), but they would be deprived of their ability to implement new policy mechanisms for the digital services, which represent the future of the cultural sector (Vlassis and Richieri-Hanania 2014, Vlassis 2014b).23 It’s worth noting that China wants to join the TISA negotiations in order to develop a more dynamic and efficient services domestic sector and to not isolate itself from the recent evolutions in international trade. The US administration, however, is very reluctant, requiring from China to make further domestic reforms within the services sector, including the cultural services.Likewise, another stumbling block between China and US administration remains the piracy and counterfeiting of cultural products.25 Despite the recent reforms (Dimitrov 2009), for a 10th consecutive year, China is still part of the Priority Watch List of the Special Report 301, prepared by the USTR (United States Trade Representative) in collaboration with several private sector coalitions, such as the MPAA or International Intellectual Property Alliance.Finally, at the regional level, China is also faced with many Asian countries with substantial cultural and symbolic resources. South Korea has a very dynamic film sector and a thriving music industry (K-pop) and the country has also made important investments in new technologies (Courmont and Kim 2013). Manga comics, animation movi es, such as Princess Mononoke (1997), Spirited away (2001), Howl’s Moving Castle (2004) and Ponyo (2009), and karaoke –Japanese form of entertainment – are global symbols related to the Japanese culture. In addition, India。
地方文化创意产业外文文献翻译

文献信息文献标题:Creative Economy, Cultural Industries and Local Development (创意经济、文化产业与地方发展)文献作者:Nicola Boccella,Irene Salerno文献出处:《Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences》,2016,223: 291-296.字数统计:英文3378单词,18355字符;中文5627汉字外文文献Creative Economy, Cultural Industries and Local Development Abstract The purpose of this paper is to draw a clear picture of creative and cultural industries and of the creative economy, as driving factors of economic growth and local development. To this aim, the paper analyzes some recent data on the significance of the creative economies, reflecting on the concepts of creative and cultural industries. In the text, attention is paid to the links between creative economy and local development on one hand, and the concepts of territorial capital and social capital on the other side.In the end, the work focuses on presenting the results of an in-progress study, about the recent literature on the mentioned issues, presenting a brief overview of some significant works.Keywords:Creative economy, cultural economy, cultural indistries, creative industries, local development, social capital, territorial capital.1.Creative economy, cultural and creative industries. Overview on concepts and dataOver the last years, the importance of the so-called cultural economy and of the cultural and creative industries has greatly increased. Today, cultural and creative industries are driving factors for economic growth and according to global demand,also stimulated by the new economy. As it is known, the concept refers not only to the domain of culture in the strict sense, but refers also to cultural goods and services as the core of a new, powerful and vast sector that can be broadly referred to cultural areas.The creative economy is closely related to the creative and cultural industries. The term cultural industries was diffused since the Eighties, and it was referred to those forms of cultural production and consumption, which have at their center a symbolic or expressive element. The concept was then spread around the world by UNESCO just since the Eighties and its definition has gradually incorporated a wide range of industries: music, the industries related to art, writing, fashion and design, media, as well as craft production.Since the Nineties of the Nineteenth Century, however, it is in use also the name of the creative industries; the term refers to a very large production that includes goods and services produced by the cultural industries and those depending on innovation.From the time in which the term “creative economy” was popularized, in 2001, the so-called cultural and creative industries stared generating economic growth at a progressively increasing rate; at global level, as stated in the “Creative economy report” (2013), such economy generated “US$2.2 trillion worldwide in 2000 and growing at an annual rate of 5 per cent”.Concerning the European scenario, Europe has a strong interest in the cultural and creative industries, as they are a source of economic growth: as stressed in the report of the European Creative Industries Summit, “the cultural and creative sectors make up nearly 4.5% of the European economy, thanks to nearly 1.4 million small and medium-sized businesses generating and distributing creative content all over Europe. The cultural and creative sectors have shown great resilience during the crisis – they actually continued to grow – while stimulating creativity and innovation spill- overs in other sectors. About 8.5 million people are employed in creative sectors across Europe – and many more if we take into account their impact on other sectors such as tourism and information technology”.Focusing, more in detail, on the Italian situation, here in 20142 the enterprises of the cultural and creative sectors produce 78.6 billion of added value and stimulated other sectors of the economy so as to generate the 15.6 % of the whole national added value, equal to 227 billion euro including the incomes of that part of the national economy that is directly activated by culture (e.g. tourism).According to recent data of the UnionCamere-Symbola Report (2015), between 2012 and 2014 despite the global crisis, companies that have invested in creativity have increased their turnover by 3.2%; companies that have invested in creativity were rewarded with a 4.3% increase in exports. Moreover, the 443,208 enterprises in the cultural production system, accounting for 7.3% of domestic enterprises, reaches 5.4% of the wealth produced in Italy, equal to 78.6 billion of euros. Arriving at about 84, equivalent to 5.8% of the national economy, if we include public institutions and organizations in the non-profit organization active in the field of culture.Particular attention has to be paid to the multiplier effects generated by the economy of culture and the positive impact on the employment: in fact, the cultural and creative industries as well as the sectors of historical, artistic and architectural heritage, performing arts and visual arts, are actually employing 1.4 million people, that means the 5.9% of whole Italian employment – and over 1.5 million, equal to 6.3% of the whole employment rate if we include also the public and no-profit sector.2.Cultural and creative industries as driver factors for local development: Relationships with territorial and social capitalThe significance from an economic point of view, of the creative economies, mentioned in the previous chapter, imposes a reflection on the necessary national and international policies that will enhance the deep bonds between the various fields of culture, territories and the socio-institutional tissue, in order to give the cultural and creative sectors their role in the economy of the territories and make it the heart of the local economic development patterns, even in underprivileged territories.As stressed in the European Creative Industries Summit (2015), “The creative economy is also associated with large cities and/or dominant regions within countries,or even concentrated within cities where a prosperous creative industry sector may be a small enclave surrounded by poverty and social deprivation. The creative economy tends to concentrate today in great world cities that are already central places of financial capital, investment and power or have significant historical legacies of social and cultural mixing. What is more, the centripetal forces have intensified because of convergence and acquisitions at the global corporate level. Emblematic in this regard are the television, media, film and publishing industries. Moreover, more dispersed organizational forms, which are also characteristic of the sector, tend to have their major value-added activities located and/or controlled in the global North. Thus, many forms of creative-economy investment and growth can amplify existing divisions between rich and poor both across and within countries. […] Yet, development of a creative economy can form an integral part of any attempt to redress inequality, provided that the process also brings about broader structural changes to ensure that creative workers are themselves not disadvantaged in relation to other workers”.To address these problems, the European Union has launched several measures and has allocated funds for the cultural and creative industry development and the creation of capillary networks in support of the economies of disadvantaged areas. Emblematic is the case of the Structural Funds in the period 2014-2020, aimed at strengthening the links among creative industries, multi-disciplinary environments and other industries. European funding programmes have been designed to answer to these challenges, such as the Creative Europe programme imprimis, but also other EU funding programmes like the ERASMUS PLUS that supports skills development through education and training; the COSME programme that promotes entrepreneurship, access to finance and markets for small and medium enterprises; the HORIZON 2020 which aims at promoting research and innovation in the field of culture and cultural heritage.At national level, to strengthen creative and cultural industries it is mandatory to encourage the development of the territorial network, and policies to support local economy and the relationships among privates, and between public and private sectors.In all the assessments of the creative economy, developing countries appear lacking, in fact, in key institutional and/or regulatory conditions.Developing such networks and relationships means to have in mind a clear picture of the deep links among the creative and cultural industries development and the so-called “territorial capital” of a country; the concept of territorial capital relates, furthermore, to the concept of “social capital”.As it is known, for both the terms several definitions are available; the terms refers to the system of territorial assets of economic, cultural, social, environmental nature, that ensures the potential development of places. The latter, in order to succeed, have to exploit this complex set of factors.The territorial capital has a strong influence on economic growth. The quality of the institutions and cohesion are elements of great importance to create conditions so that the territorial capital can fully express its potential. This means that it is essential to direct national policies, looking at the specificity of each territory, boosting the institutional quality. It also means investigating the deep relations with the registered capital of a given context (Brasili, 2014).Closely related to the concept of territorial capital and in relation with local development, is the other concept of social capital. The concept of social capital has been extensively used since the Eighties of the Twentieth Century in sociology, economics and political science; today, there are numerous definitions of it and it is not possible to identify a universally accepted one (Abbafati, Spandonaro, 2011). In this context and to the aims of this work, it can be definied as a profitable resource based on the existence of some kind of relations and/or social norms, namely, as a collective, indivisible resource, and as a public good (Cartocci, 2007). The level of social capital, in conclusion, determines the degree of social cohesion, the horizontal links and the nature of relations with institutions. It therefore refers to the spontaneous sharing of a value system that establishes and determines the quality of civil society and the links between its members, which is reflected directly on the quality of institutions and ethical tissue (Abbafati & Spandonaro, 2011). Hence, in order to develop creative economies related to the goods of a certain territory, it is necessary tostimulate and strengthen the network of values and relationships between social and institutional actors and to promote policies in support of local development, based on new paradigms taking into account the importance of the territorial capital and focused on increasing the social capital of a human collectivity, located in a certain territory. This is especially noticeable in the case of countries like Italy, for example, where there is no strong strategical, unique policy: culture and creative industries policies, in fact, have been developed mainly by the regions. This caused the of lack sustainability and consistency of the approaches and practices pointed out.3.An overview on literatureStarting from the issues pointed out in the previous chapters, this paper aims at drawing a quick picture of the recent international literature on creative and cultural industries in Europe and worldwide.Some interesting work are: Creative Economy and Culture Challenges, Changes and Futures for the Creative Industries (2014) by John Hartley, Wen Wen, Henry Siling Li; Key Concepts in Creative Industries (2013) by John Hartley, Jason Potts, Stuart Cunningham, Terry Flew, Michael Keane and John Banks; Introducing the Creative Industries: From Theory to Practice (2013) by Rosamund Davies and Gauti Sigthorsson; The Creative Industries: Culture and Policy (2011) by Terry Flew; The Cultural Industries (2012) by David Hesmondhalgh; Creative Industries and Innovation in Europe. Concepts, Measures and Comparative Case Studies (2014) by Luciana Lazzeretti; Careers in Creative Industries (2015) by Chris Mathieu; Entrepreneurship for the Creative and Cultural Industries (2015) by Bonita Kolb; Managing situated creativity in cultural industries (2015), edited by Fiorenza Belussi and Silvia Sedita; Creative Industries and Urban Development: Creative Cities in the 21st Century (2014) edited by Terry Flew; Creativity in Peripheral Places: Redefining the Creative Industries (2014) by Chris Gibson; Theorizing Cultural Work: Labour, Continuity and Change in the Cultural and Creative Industries (2013), edited by Mark Banks, Rosalind Gill and Stephanie Taylor.Finally, we want to mention three in-printing works: Tourism and the CreativeIndustries: Theories, policies and practice, edited by Philip Long and Nigel D. Morpeth; Rethinking Strategy for Creative Industries: Innovation and Interaction by Milan Todorovic and Ali Bakir, and Marketing Strategy for Creative and Cultural Industries by Bonita M. Kolb.We want, in this paper, to focus on the description of a few of such books, that can be regarded as having and innovative point of view.Concerning the general concept of creative economy, a recent, interesting work is the publication by Hartley, Wen and Siling Li, Creative Economy and Culture Challenges: Changes and Futures for the Creative Industries (2014).The first book investigates the concept of “creative industries” extending the idea of creative innovation as a global phenomenon. Creative Economy and Culture pursues the conceptual, historical, practical, critical and educational issues and implications. It looks at conceptual challenges, the forces and dynamics of change, and prospects for the future of creative work at planetary scale. Authors focus on the so-called “three bigs”, which are: the creative industries are not confined to an elite of trained artists or firms; they encompass (or could encompass) everyone; they are not confined to one sector of the economy; they characterise (or could characterise) everything; they are not a feature of advanced or wealthy countries; they are (or could be) everywhere.The authors analyse in depth some key concept, such as population, technologies, culture, just to quote the most important ones.Concerning the concept of “population”, they note that “The most important element missing from current conceptualisations of creative industries is everyone –the general population, who, since the emergence of digital technologies, social networks and user-created content, can be seen (not just claimed) to be engaging in mass creative productivity, which we call microproductivity, that is a major driver of economic development”.On the concept of technology, indeed, they highlight that creativity is not to be located in the individual person, but in systems: “[…] culture and the economy as systems too, albeit more complex and multiple (systems of systems) than anytechnology to date. Because of their scale and va riability, ‘natural’ cultural systems are hard to study. Technological systems, on the other hand, are an empirical form of human connectedness that can be studied (Arthur, 2009). Of these, we think two are more important than others. One is very old: cities. The other is very new: the internet. We see urban and digital technologies, their productivity and capacity to create new ideas and to distribute them across whole populations, as a proxy for those same qualities in human culture. It follows that we think the predominant conceptualisation of creative industries has not integrated ‘creative production’ sufficiently with ‘digital networks’ or with what we call ‘urban semiosis’”.About the concept of “Culture”, the authors state that according to their vis ion, the concept of “ ‘culture’ is misunderstood and restricted in most public thought about the creative industries. […] we see culture as a human invention whose function is to produce groups or ‘demes’ – groups which can survive where individuals do not […] We argue that what binds these groups is knowledge; and that the ‘output’ of culture is not heritage, customs, art, or even artefacts (goods and services), but innovation: culture is the mechanism for ‘producing newness’ in conditions of uncertainty[…]. Thus, for us, culture faces the future. It is the driver of economy, and not the other way around. It needs to be reconceptualised and integrated into economic thought and policy; equally, those devoted to culture and the arts as presently configured ne ed to understand its role in economic evolution”.In our opinion, particularly interesting is then the attention that authors pay to the need to integrate discipline and approaches in reflecting on creative economies in its relationships with human development. Such refection is rooted on the concept of “planet”: “[…] we think something rather larger than the proverbial ‘elephant in the room’ is missing from most accounts of creative industries, and creativity more generally, whether in its cultural or economic dimension: the planet. It is only since the mid-nineteenth century that ‘we’ (humans in general) have even known the extent of the planet and what it is made of, where its land and sea masses are located, what its geological, biological and human resources comprise, and how its systems interact. […]. Among the slowest disciplines to ‘globalise’ their view of their subject matterare the humanities (culture) and social sciences (economics), which retain a local, sectarian or national perspective, rather than seeking ways to understand their object of study as a planetary phenomenon. It would be weird if geologists, oceanographers, environmental scientists, meteorologists or even miners restricted themselves to this or that corner of the world without seeking to understand how and where it connects with others. But the study of meaning-creation and the study of wealth-production (i.e. cultural studies and economics; which this book will treat as integrated) have both remained aggressively parochial. The idea of a planetary cultural system, or creative economy, is almost unthinkable in current circumstances, except by visionaries from other disciplines like Jared Diamond (geography) or E.O. Wilson (biology). […] In this book, in contradistinction to that, we treat culture as a ‘semiosphere’ (Lotman, 1990), a dynamic system of differences whose local peculiarities (identities and expression, values, artefacts, actions) can only be explained by means of the dynamics and interactions of the systems that generate them”.Another notable work is “Creativity in Peripheral Places: Redefining the Creative Industries” by Chris Gibson (2014). This book is dedicated to further exploring the creative industries outside major cities in places that are physically and/or metaphorically remote. The publication aims at exploring and re-defining the concept of creativity as both economic and cultural phenomenon, on the basis of the analysis of several examples such as postcard design, classical music, landscape art, tattooing, Aboriginal hip-hop, rock sculpture and so on. It is interesting to note that according to the authors, creativity is related to a specific “geography”, being evident in suburban, rural and remote areas. Another valuable aspect of this book is that it is based on a multi-disciplinary approach; in fact, it puts together the point of view of communications experts, sociologists, cultural studies experts with the point of view of geographers and historians, with the objective to explore creativity in diverse places outside major cities, e.g. in small places in terms of population or in term of productive, social marginality.The author states “Examining new industries in previously ignored cities required economic geographers to explore how market logics both similar to anddifferent from traditional manufacturing shaped the geographical distribution of economic activities. On the one hand, new industries such as music, film and fashion were vertically distintegrated, and relied on dense inter-firm transactions. The size, structure and interdependent relationships between creative industry firms encouraged spatial agglomeration in particular districts, usually in large cities […]other academics (including Allen Scott himself writing recently about the English Lake District) have sought to explore how cultural and creative industries emerge from small, suburban, rural and remote places and are implicated in a range of social. Exploring creative industries in rural and remote places, in socio-economically disadvantaged and suburban places, means researchers cannot take context for granted, unlike in cities where urbanity is a given”.The last publication we want to focus on is “Creative Industries and Developing Countries: V oice, Choice and Economic Growth” by Barrowclo uigh and Kozul-Wright.The book can be regarded as an interesting work as it focuses on the strategies to develop countries for a better and greater economic growth. Made of three sections, the work analyses the potential impact that creative industries, integrated into global economy, can have to human development.Particularly interesting is, in our opinion, part two of the book, as it introduces an accurate analysis of theory, illustrating several case studies – starting from the study of example in developed countries- and policy analyses that can be useful to developing countries starting from creative energies.中文译文创意经济、文化产业与地方发展摘要本文的目的是对创意文化产业和创意经济作为经济增长和地方发展的驱动因素有一个清晰的认识。
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性,平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益,请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间:9:00-18:30)。
文献信息:文献标题:Creative China must find its own Path(中国要有自己的创新之道)国外作者:Justin 0'Connor文献出处:《Zhuangshi》, 2009, 199:1-4字数统计:英文2082单词,10526字符;中文3519汉字外文文献:Creative China must find its own Path It is commonly said that China needs to ‘catch-up’ with ‘the west’ or the ‘developed world’. This phrase implies a singular path; there may be short cuts and ‘late-comer advantages’ but the destination –a modern, developed country –is the same. But just when it seems China is within touching distance, the ‘developed world’ changes the definition of what it is to be ‘developed’ and puts more obstacles in the path of those trying to catch-up. In English we call this ‘moving the goal-posts’. After manufacturing, services and high-technology seemed to present clear goals for China, the cultural creative industries arrive as the new ‘value-added’ product and service sector, posing yet more problems for the country’s policy-makers. Many in the West have argued that China will take a long time to catch-up in these areas and that this provides a new source of competitive advantage to the West. Indeed, for some, the absence of a competitive cultural creative industries sector is evidence that China is not, and maybe can never be, fully ‘developed’.Much of this can be dismisse d as another example of the West’s superiority complex; however, there can be no doubt that the cultural creative industries present great possibilities but also great challenges for China. These industries – from visual and performing arts, to recorded music, film and TV, to digital animation and new media services, through to fashion, design and architecture – are highly creative andinnovative products and services, relying on complex flows of knowledge and intellectual property. They are also cultural or symbolic products that reflect and influence our pleasures and ambitions, and our individual and collective sense of meaning and identity. For these reasons all nations have sought to protect and develop their own national culture and traditions by investing in cultural infrastructure and expertise. In the second half of the twentieth century this was expanded beyond ‘the arts’ – galleries, museums, opera houses, universities, arts schools, journals etc. - to include broadcast media, film, publishing and recorded music. In the last 20 years the emphasis has shifted from building economic infrastructures for reasons of national cultural identity to mobilizing culture and creativity for reasons of economic development.The cultural creative industries are now strongly linked with the knowledge economy, which emphasizes high levels of research, knowledge transfer and, above all, innovation. In the West artists or ‘cultural producers’ have long been associated with dynamic, often unpredictable creative innovation. Now the innovative capacity of the cultural industries is extended to a new range of creative products and services and is also seen as a catalyst for innovation right across the economy. In China this agenda has also meant moving beyond the idea of a better industrialization or marketisation of existing cultural products towards a more systematic approach to the idea of cultural and creative innovation and its wider economic impacts. This demands the ability to anticipate new products and services, finding new audiences, differentiating rather than imitating what already sells. It requires new kinds of ‘soft skills’ that are hard to acquire as they are often ‘tacit’, demanding experience rather than formal education (though this is also necessary). It demands understanding different models of production, complex value chains and the interaction between cultural, creative and business skills.In the last few years the central driving force behind cultural and creative industries policies has been the idea of ‘cluster’. Starting from a few isolated examples in Beijing, Shanghai and other smaller coastal cities the concept has now become a central policy platform. Cultural and creative clusters exist in the West,though these terms cover extremely diverse developments. There are some good reasons why China would choose this policy platform above others. In many large cities experiencing de-industrialisation there are empty factories that seem ripe for this kind of development. The model of concentration to facilitate rapid development also fits well with China’s history of collectivization and more recently its development of high-tech and other R&D parks. Clusters are also attractive to policy makers because they are highly visible - successful ones give publicity to them and the city. At the same time they offer clear and concrete steps to support a sector that is very new and not very well understood. However, there are some real problems to be overcome if these clusters are to deliver what is expected of them.Many clusters emerged organically, with artists looking for cheap workspace; but in China, as in the West, they soon drew attention from property developers. The first big problem faced by clusters is that cultural and creative producers raise the profile of a place and this is very quickly translated into rent rises, typically driving out the first occupants. This is a complex problem, but my main point would be that policy cannot be driven by the dynamics of real estate. Some have said that if creative industries are so economically important we should let the market decide. There is some truth in this; it is very easy to subsidise bad artists and creative producers.However, the dynamics of real estate markets and the creative economy are very different, especially at the early stages. Cultural profile can raise rents much more rapidly than with other kinds of occupancy, often from a low base, and can provide good profit. But these rent rises are often too fast for a slowly emerging sector, which is no t just to be seen as individual companies but as a complex emerging ‘creative ecology’. The real estate market measures ‘good’ or ‘bad’ creatives by their ability to pay the rent, not on their long-term effect on innovation. There are easy measures for real estate success –higher rent yield –but how are we measuring the innovative capacity of the local economy? In general, local governments should not give tax breaks to real estate companies and then allow them to apply pure market rules to rents. More subtle intelligence and policy instruments are needed if government is find a productive balance in this area.Clusters are often conceived as places for the ‘industrialisation’ of cultural products –that is, mass production and marketing. The need for innovation is forgotten in the process. There are many visual art clusters that are very much like factories, reproducing extremely outdated products for the lowest end of the art market. This might provide jobs in the short term but simply confirms China as the world’s low value producer. Similar things could be said about traditional crafts, which are extremely repetitive and are usually only protected by inter-provincial tariffs. These products might inflate the statistics – according to one report China is third largest exporter of cultural products – but they are very misleading; most of the products counted do little to enhance the innovation capacity of the cultural creative sector.Better understanding and governance of clusters is necessary. Clusters deliver benefits for many but not the entire cultural creative sector. Computer games, for example, does not benefit from clusters because more or less everything is produced in-house in great secrecy. They go to clusters because of tax and rent subsidies, not to be in proximity to others. Visual artists benefit from cheaper rents, the reputation of a ‘cool’ place and from space to work in quiet; they do not necessarily engage in intensive networking and knowledge transfer. Other project based industries, such as new media, want the networking possibilities provided by clusters, what economists called ‘untraded interdependencies’. There are thus different requirements for the different branches, and both the mix of companies and the quality of the space need to be carefully understood.There is real scope for informed government policy here. In general they should look to raise the quality of production as well as developing new audiences and markets. Clusters can have a role in this, but they have to form part of a wider policy strategy. For example, universities are vital to building new human capital - they have to be encouraged to look to creative skills not just teaching from established models, . Local television stations can be encouraged to pay more for high quality content – at the moment the purchase is a one size fits all approach which often pays the worst and the best exactly the same. The design of urban spaces can be enhancedto support the city as a ‘creative milieu’. More directly, the cultural creative industries need new creative attitudes and mentalities that take some time to come through; they also demand a range of ‘soft skills’ associated with project management, brand development and marketing which have to be learned ‘on the job’. But th ey find it hard to learn these skills when they are mostly delivering services at the lowest part of the value chain, where innovation effects and intellectual property go abroad. Talent is wasted in servicing when it should be focused on developing original content. Local governments have to realize that though the cultural creative industries have strong economic benefits they are also about quality – high values which demand the long term view not the quick return of the ‘bottom line’. This push for high quality and higher levels of innovation is something that demands a more holistic approach to policy; and clusters can play a crucial role in this.Rather than be seen as convenient containers for cultural creative producers they need to become focal points for targeted development. Universities and art schools need to be more involved, as do their cultural creative industry research centres. Real knowledge transfer can be encouraged and facilitated by intelligent cluster managers. The skills to run a cluster are just emerging and there are some good exemplars – but much of it is just real estate management as in any other sector and this is a wasted opportunity. Networking events, joint marketing, seminars with foreign companies, spaces and occasions for experimentation, a carefully managed programme for the general public (too much tourism can destroy a cluster, as in Tianzi fang in Shanghai), intelligent links to other clusters and larger creative companies –all these demand specific skills to deliver. These skills also should be disseminated and improved across between the clusters.China does need to look to foreign experts and models; but it has also shown time and again that it can also find its own way, and in ways that have astonished outsiders. It can do this with the cultural creative industries but it has to look long term, beyond immediate economic gain (including rent increases) to the long-term creative and innovative capacity of the country. It has to recognize that it is catching up at a time when western creative industry corporations are more global than ever,looking to penetrate local Chinese markets just when the country is trying to develop its own creative sector. This presents a real challenge, but I would say that rather than try and use policy tools derived from the West, China should look to its own traditions and strengths. I do not just mean its traditional culture in terms of calligraphy or opera or ink painting; I mean its resources for social and economic development that uses, but is not subservient to, the ‘free’ market. In fact the UK, closely associated with the creative industries agenda, has very little capacity to deliver industry support, relying on demands that people be more ‘entrepreneurial’ rather than deliver systema tic and intelligent sectoral strategy. This is why it has let a 250-year-old world famous ceramics company – Wedgewood – go bankrupt. China has some things to learn from the UK, but its deep resources of intelligent and pragmatic policy will be ultimately decisive. Most important, policy makers should not loose sight of the importance of culture for collective meaning and identity. This is much more diverse, fluid and open to new influences, and the Chinese government has increasingly stood back from direct intervention. In the search for the new economic benefits of the cultural creative industries their deeper cultural contexts should not be neglected.中文译文:中国要有自己的创新之道人们总是说中国需要赶超西方或发达国家,这似乎意味着是唯一的道路。