2014年北二外日语翻译硕士考研参考书,状元笔记,考研参考书笔记
2014年北二外翻译硕士考研参考书及解析
育明教育【温馨提示】现在很多小机构虚假宣传，育明教育咨询部建议考生一定要实地考察，并一定要查看其营业执照，或者登录工商局网站查看企业信息。
目前，众多小机构经常会非常不负责任的给考生推荐北大、清华、北外等名校，希望广大考生在选择院校和专业的时候，一定要慎重、最好是咨询有丰富经验的考研咨询师！2014年翻译硕士考研参考书推荐《百科知识考点精编与真题解析》，光明日版出版社，2013年版《英汉翻译简明教程》庄绎传著，2002年，外语教学与研究出版社。
《高级英汉翻译理论与实践》叶子南著，2001年，清华大学出版社《非文学翻译理论与实践》，李长栓著，中国对外翻译出版公司。
《英译中国现代散文选》张培基（三册中至少一册）两汉时期：辞赋乐府民歌历史散文辞赋是中国古代文学样式之一。
（育明教育注：四川外国语学院2010年真题，单选）辞因产生于战国楚地而称楚辞；赋即铺陈之意，以“铺采摛文”“直书其事”为特点。
两者都兼有韵文和散文的性质，是一种半诗半文的独特文体。
其结构宏大，辞藻华丽，讲究文采、韵律，常用夸张、铺陈的手法。
具体代表人物和作品如下：1.司马相如（约公元前179年—前118年）字长卿，汉族，巴郡安汉县（今四川省南充市蓬安县）人，西汉大辞赋家。
司马相如是中国文化史文学史上杰出的代表，是西汉盛世汉武帝时期伟大的文学家、杰出的政治家，其代表作品为《子虚赋》。
作品词藻富丽，结构宏大，使他成为汉赋的代表作家，后人称之为赋圣和“辞宗”。
他与卓文君的爱情故事也广为流传。
鲁迅的《汉文学史纲要》中还把二人放在一个专节里加以评述，指出：“武帝时文人，赋莫若司马相如，文莫若司马迁。
”（育明教育注：四川外国语学院2012年真题，单选）2.贾谊世称贾生，西汉政治家、文学家。
主要文学成就是政论文，有“疏”7篇，《新书》10卷58篇；代表作有《吊屈原赋》、《鵩鸟赋》。
《新书》是我国最早的一部政论文总集。
3.司马迁字子长，夏阳（陕西）人，太史令司马谈之子。
2014年北京外国语大学翻译硕士二外俄语考研真题,考研经验
北京外国语大学考研育明教育孙老师整理，更多信息可以咨询育明教育孙老师。
政治【学科概述】不用因为政治纷繁复杂的知识点而担心政治会不过线，只要肯下功夫，60分是很容易达到的。
但对于想考名校的朋友，如果期望考到75分左右的高分，你们就需要仔细做选择题，认真地理解重点了。
政治在2010年，大纲作了大幅修订，有了如今大纲的基本结构。
总体上来说，考研政治降低了专业难度，给没怎么学习过政治专业知识的同学越来越多的机会。
政治总分100分，50分客观选择，50分主观简答。
先说主观题，一共5道大题，分别对应政治的五个部分，考点很难预料，但是实际能得到分数不少。
感觉上，只要你能紧贴题目的意思写上两百来字言之成理的话，25分应当毫无悬念。
这里需要说明，考北京区的朋友（北京是最大的旱区，所以主观答题都会被压分），你们政治的主观题大部分都在30上下，33分以上属于个别现象。
在一些竞争相对没那么激烈的地区，主观题的分数会高得多。
所以主观题不但出题点难以控制，可操作性也不强。
相对而言，客观选择题可控性很强，是我们在政治科目的主要精力所在。
【辅导材料选择】目前，考研政治的辅导书最好还是选择肖秀荣老师的一系列书。
我曾对比过几本市面上的不同类别的政治辅导材料，无论是从内容与考研的契合度还是从认真负责的态度来讲，肖老师的都是我见到的书中最好的。
肖老师每年都会在网上提供免费的访谈资料，介绍他对考生的复习建议。
肖老师的微博也每天都为广大考研学子开放，我就在上面问过问题，得到了肖老师的回复。
不过到10月之后，老师会很忙，所以有问题要早问。
政治这门课，大纲极其复杂，内容信息量极大，而考试常考的内容大约只占大纲内容的3成。
所以政治辅导书是很必要的，可以为你找到重点、理清脉络、节省时间。
A：一本纲领性的大纲解析政治学习没有课本（大学里的五本政治书，切不可作为复习纲要），所以主要的复习就靠大纲解析。
推荐1：《考试大纲解析》教育部考试中心每年考试前都会编写该书（这几年都是9月中旬上市），一般为红色，故又称红宝书，这是最正宗的大纲解析，是政治科目命题的直接蓝本。
2014年北京第二外国语大学翻译硕士英语考研真题,考研参考书,考研招生信息,答案解析
1/11【育明教育】中国考研考博专业课辅导第一品牌官方网站： 12015年考研指导育明教育，创始于2006年，由北京大学、中国人民大学、中央财经大学、北京外国语大学的教授投资创办，并有北京大学、武汉大学、中国人民大学、北京师范大学复旦大学、中央财经大学、等知名高校的博士和硕士加盟，是一个最具权威的全国范围内的考研考博辅导机构。
更多详情可联系育明教育孙老师。
第二外国语大学（原题）翻译硕士英语一、完形填空（全文录入，题目省略）：During the first many decades of this nation’s existence,the United States was a wide-open,dynamic country with a rapidly expanding economy.It was also a country that tolerated a large amount of cruelty and pain —poor people living in misery,workers suffering from exploitation.Over the years,Americans decided they wanted a little more safety and security.This is what happens as nations grow wealthier;they use money to buy civilization.Occasionally,our ancestors found themselves in a sweet spot.They could pass legislation that brought security but without a cost to vitality.But adults know that this situation is rare.In the real world,there’s usually a trade-off.The unregulated market wants to direct capital to the productive and the young.Welfare policies usually direct resources to the vulnerable and the elderly.Most social welfare legislation,even successful legislation,siphons money from the former to the latter.Early in this health care reform process,many of us thought we were in that magical sweet spot.We could extend coverage to the uninsured but also improve the system overall to lower costs.2/11【育明教育】中国考研考博专业课辅导第一品牌官方网站： 2That is,we thought it would be possible to reduce the suffering of the vulnerable while simultaneously squeezing money out of the wasteful system and freeing it up for more productive uses.That’s what the management gurus call a win-win.It hasn’t worked out that way.The bills before Congress would almost certainly ease the anxiety of the uninsured,those who watch with terror as their child or spouse grows ill,who face bankruptcy and ruin.And the bills would probably do it without damaging the care the rest of us receive.In every place where reforms have been tried —from Massachusetts to Switzerland —people come to cherish their new benefits.The new plans become politically untouchable.But,alas,there would be trade-offs.Instead of reducing costs,the bills in Congress would probably raise them.They would mean that more of the nation’s wealth would be siphoned off from productive uses and shifted into a still wasteful health care system.The authors of these bills have tried to foster efficiencies.The Senate bill would initiate several interesting experiments designed to make the system more effective —giving doctors incentives to collaborate,rewarding hospitals that provide quality care at lower cost.It’s possible that some of these experiments will bloom into potent systemic reforms.But the general view among independent health care economists is that these changes will not fundamentally bend the cost curve.The system after reform will look as it does today,only bigger and more expensive.Rather than pushing all of the new costs onto future generations,as past governments have done,the Democrats have admirably agreed to raise taxes.Over the next generation,the tax increases in the various bills could funnel trillions of dollars from the general economy into the medical system.Moreover,the current estimates almost certainly understate the share of the nation’s wealth that will have to be shifted.In these bills,the present Congress pledges that future Congresses will impose painful measures to cut Medicare payments and impose efficiencies.Future Congresses3/11【育明教育】中国考研考博专业课辅导第一品牌官方网站： 3rarely live up to these pledges.Somebody screams “Rationing!”and there is a bipartisan rush to kill even the most tepid cost-saving measure.After all,if the current Congress,with pride of authorship,couldn’t reduce costs,why should we expect that future Congresses will?The bottom line is that we face a brutal choice.Reform would make us a more decent society,but also a less vibrant one.It would ease the anxiety of millions at the cost of future growth.It would heal a wound in the social fabric while piling another expensive and untouchable promise on top of the many such promises we’ve already made.America would be a less youthful,ragged and unforgiving nation,and a more middle-aged,civilized and sedate one.We all have to decide what we want at this moment in history,vitality or security.We can debate this or that provision,but where we come down will depend on that moral preference.Don’t get stupefied by technical details.This debate is about values.二、阅读理解，回答问题：Obama Loses a RoundWhile the jury is still out on what President Obama’s China visit has achieved for the long term,the president has most decidedly lost the war of symbolism in his first close encounter with China.In status-conscious China,symbolism and protocol play a role that is larger than life.U.S.diplomatic blunders could reinforce Beijing’s mindset that blatant information control works,and that a rising China can trump universal values of open,accountable government.During Mr.Obama’s visit,the Chinese outmaneuvered the Americans in all public events,from the disastrous town hall meeting in Shanghai to the stunted press conference in Beijing.In characteristic manner,the Chinese tried to shut out the public,while the U.S.unwittingly cooperated.The final image of President Obama in China that circulated around the world is telling:A lone man walking up the steep slope of the Great Wall.The picture is in stark contrast to those of other U.S.presidents who had their photographs taken at the Great Wall surrounded by flag-waving4/11【育明教育】中国考研考博专业课辅导第一品牌官方网站： 4children or admiring citizens.Maybe Mr.Obama wanted a quiet moment for himself before returning home.But a president’s first visit to the wall is a ritual that needs to be properly framed.Mr.Obama could have waited until the next visit,when he could bring the first lady and the children.Instead,he went ahead by himself to pay tribute to China’s ancient culture.In return,the Chinese offered nothing,no popular receptions,not even the companionship of a senior Chinese leader.The trouble for the U.S.started at the town hall meeting two days earlier —a more scripted event than those organized with students for earlier U.S.presidents.There was no real dialogue,as a programmed audience,most of them Communist League Youth members,asked coached questions.The Chinese also rejected the U.S.request for live national coverage and defaulted on a promise to live-stream the meeting at ,the online version of China’s state-owned news agency.Mr.Obama scored a point when he managed to address the issue of Internet freedom after the U.S.ambassador,Jon Huntsman,fielded him the question from a Chinese netizen submitted online.Meanwhile,Chinese officials garnered from the meeting generous quotes from Mr.Obama affirming China’s achievements and America’s expressions of good will,which were turned into glowing headlines for the Chinese media.In this round of the propaganda skirmish,the U.S.scored one point while China reaped a handful.Mr.Obama was similarly shut out from addressing the public in Beijing.At the Beijing press conference,President Hu Jintao and President Obama read prepared statements and would not take questions from reporters.“This was an historic meeting between the two leaders,and journalists should have had the opportunity to ask questions,to probe beyond the statements,”protested Scott McDonald,the president of China’s Foreign Correspondents Club,but to no avail.In a final dash to break through the information blockade,the Obama team offered an exclusive interview to Southern Weekend,China’s most feisty newspaper,based in Guangzhou.Once again,journalists’questions were programmed and the paper censored.In protest,the paper prominently displayed vast white spaces on the first and second page of the edition that carried the interview.Propaganda officials are investigating this act of defiance.5/11【育明教育】中国考研考博专业课辅导第一品牌官方网站： 5Only the Obama team knows for sure how they allowed themselves to be outmaneuvered.Unwittingly,the U.S.helped to produce a package of faux public events.Pundits argued that the visitors were not supposed to impose the “American way”on China and that America needs to respect Chinese practices.The argument is both patronizing and condescending.Increasingly,the Chinese public has been clamoring for greater official transparency and accountability,while the Chinese government has been making progress on these fronts.No one in his right mind would ask Mr.Obama to lecture Beijing on human rights.But the Chinese public deserves better accounting,no less than Americans citizens.To their credit,U.S.officials did try to get their message out online.But it was the Chinese bloggers who were most active in challenging official information control.They at least fought the good fight with growing confidence,a fight the Americans seem unable to wage effectively.三、写作。
2014年北京大学日语翻译硕士考研参考书及笔记
育明教育
【温馨提示】
现在很多小机构虚假宣传，育明教育咨询部建议考生一定要实地考察，并一定要查看其营业执照，或者登录工商局网站查看企业信息。
目前，众多小机构经常会非常不负责任的给考生推荐北大、清华、北外等名校，希望广大考生在选择院校和专业的时候，一定要慎重、最好是咨询有丰富经验的考研咨询师！
2014年翻译硕士硕士考研推荐必看教材
《高级英汉翻译理论与实践》叶子南著，2001年，清华大学出版社。
《英译中国现代散文选》张培基（三册中至少一册）
《百科知识考点精编与真题解析》，光明日报出版社，2013年版
《翻译硕士常考词汇精编》，育明教育主编，2013年版
《英汉翻译简明教程》庄绎传著，2002年，外语教学与研究出版社。
综合之概况（150/50）
一、题型分析：
二、备考方法概述：
反复熟读全书、分章节重点记忆；
具备一定的归纳能力，将知识点串接整合起来；
具备一定的分析能力，答题时注意条理清晰；
三、参考书目：
《日本概况》江新兴等旅游教育出版社；
（亦可参考其他中文版的日本概况的书籍，作为分析题的参考。
）四、资料提供
概况——第一章知识点分析（11）&第三章知识点分析（9）
概况——09年主观题分析（1）
概况——近五年年试卷大题整理（差06年）（2）。
育明考研：北京第二外国语学院翻译硕士真题参考书复试线
2014年翻译硕士考研全套视频2500元翻译硕士全套考研资料(十几所院校考研真题+笔记+百科精编资料)=598元百科押题命中率高达98%以上订购热线400-6998-626 梁老师徐老师小陈老师朱老师李老师大强老师薛老师岳老师小吴老师大陈老师育明教育包揽北二外近三年翻译硕士第一名！第二外国语大学（原题）翻译硕士英语一、完形填空（全文录入，题目省略）：During the first many decades of this nation’s existence, the United States was a wide-open, dynamic country with a rapidly expanding economy. It was also a country that tolerated a large amount of cruelty and pain — poor people living in misery, workers suffering from exploitation. Over the years, Americans decided they wanted a little more safety and security. This is what happens as nations grow wealthier; they use money to buy civilization.Occasionally, our ancestors found themselves in a sweet spot. They could pass legislation that brought security but without a cost to vitality. But adults know that this situation is rare. In the real world, there’s usually a trade-off. The unregulated market wants to direct capital to the productive and the young. Welfare policies usually direct resources to the vulnerable and the elderly. Most social welfare legislation, even successful legislation, siphons money from the former to the latter.Early in this health care reform process, many of us thought we were in that magical sweet spot. We could extend coverage to the uninsured but also improve the system overall to lower costs. That is, we thought it would be possible to reduce the suffering of the vulnerable while simultaneously squeezing money out of the wasteful system and freeing it up for more productive uses.That’s what the management gurus call a win-win.It hasn’t worked out that way. The bills before Congress would almost certainly ease the anxiety of the uninsured, those who watch with terror as their child or spouse grows ill, who face bankruptcy and ruin.And the bills would probably do it without damaging the care the rest of us receive. In every place where reforms have been tried —from Massachusetts to Switzerland —people come to cherish their new benefits. The new plans become politically untouchable.But, alas, there would be trade-offs. Instead of reducing costs, the bills in Congress would probably raise them. T hey would mean that more of the nation’s wealth would be siphoned off from productive uses and shifted into a still wasteful health care system.The authors of these bills have tried to foster efficiencies. The Senate bill would initiate several interesting experiments designed to make the system more effective — giving doctors incentives to collaborate, rewarding hospitals that provide quality care at lower cost. It’s possible that some of these experiments will bloom into potent systemic reforms.But the general view among independent health care economists is that these changes will not fundamentally bend the cost curve. The system after reform will look as it does today, only bigger and more expensive.Rather than pushing all of the new costs onto future generations, as past governments have done, the Democrats have admirably agreed to raise taxes. Over the next generation, the tax increases in the various bills could funnel trillions of dollars from the general economy into the medical system.Moreover, the current estimates almost certainly understate the share of the nation’s wealth that will have to be shifted. In these bills, the present Congress pledges that future Congresses will impose painful measures to cut Medicare payments and impose efficiencies. Future Congresses rarely live up to these pledges. Somebody screams “Rationing!” and there is a bipartisan rush to kill even the most tepid cost-saving measure. After all, if the current Congress, with pride of authorship, couldn’t reduce costs, why sh ould we expect that future Congresses will?The bottom line is that we face a brutal choice.Reform would make us a more decent society, but also a less vibrant one. It would ease the anxiety of millions at the cost of future growth. It would heal a wound in the social fabric while pilinganother expensive and untouchable promise on top of the many such promises we’ve already made. America would be a less youthful, ragged and unforgiving nation, and a more middle-aged, civilized and sedate one.We all have to decide what we want at this moment in history, vitality or security. We can debate this or that provision, but where we come down will depend on that moral preference. Don’t get stupefied by technical details. This debate is about values.二、阅读理解，回答问题：Obama Loses a RoundWhile the jury is still out on what President Obama’s China visit has achieved for the long term, the president has most decidedly lost the war of symbolism in his first close encounter with China. In status-conscious China, symbolism and protocol play a role that is larger than life. U.S. diplomatic blunders could reinforce Beijing’s mindset that blatant information control works, and that a rising China can trump universal values of open, accountable government.During Mr. Obama’s visit, the Chinese outmaneuvered the Americans in all public events, from the disastrous town hall meeting in Shanghai to the stunted press conference in Beijing. In characteristic manner, the Chinese tried to shut out the public, while the U.S. unwittingly cooperated.The final image of President Obama in China that circulated around the world is telling: A lone man walking up the steep slope of the Great Wall. The picture is in stark contrast to those of other U.S. presidents who had their photographs taken at the Great Wall surrounded by flag-waving children or admiring citizens. Maybe Mr. Obama wanted a quiet moment for himself before returning home. But a president’s first visit to the wall is a ritual that needs to be properly framed. Mr. Obama could have waited until the next visit, when he could bring the first lady and the children. Instead, he went ahead by himself to pay tribute to China’s ancient culture. In return, the Chinese offered nothing, no popular receptions, not even the companionship of a senior Chinese leader. The trouble for the U.S. started at the town hall meeting two days earlier — a more scripted event than those organized with students for earlier U.S. presidents. There was no real dialogue, as a programmed audience, most of them Communist League Youth members, asked coached questions.The Chinese also rejected the U.S. request for live national coverage and defaulted on a promise to live-stream the meeting at , the online version of China’s state-owned news agency. Mr. Obama scored a point when he managed to address the issue of Internet freedom after the U.S. ambassador, Jon Huntsman, fielded him the question from a Chinese netizen submitted online. Meanwhile, Chinese officials garnered from the meeting generous quotes from Mr. Obama affirming China’s achievements and America’s expressions of good will, which were turned into glowing headlines for the Chinese media. In this round of the propaganda skirmish, the U.S. scored one point while China reaped a handful.Mr. Obama was similarly shut out from addressing the public in Beijing. At the Beijing press conference, President Hu Jintao and President Obama read prepared statements and would not take questions from reporters. “This was an historic meeting between the two l eaders, and journalists should have had the opportunity to ask questions, to probe beyond the statements,” protested Scott McDonald, the president of China’s Foreign Correspondents Club, but to no avail.In a final dash to break through the information blockade, the Obama team offered an exclusive interview to Southern Weekend, China’s most feisty newspaper, based in Guangzhou. Once again, journalists’ questions were programmed and the paper censored. In protest, the paper prominently displayed vast white spaces on the first and second page of the edition that carried the interview. Propaganda officials are investigating this act of defiance.Only the Obama team knows for sure how they allowed themselves to be outmaneuvered. Unwittingly, the U.S. helped to produce a package of faux public events.Pundits argued that the visitors were not supposed to impose the “American way” on China and that America needs to respect Chinese practices. The argument is both patronizing and condescending. Increasingly, the Chinese public has been clamoring for greater official transparency and accountability, while the Chinese government has been making progress on these fronts. No one in his right mind would ask Mr. Obama to lecture Beijing on human rights. But the Chinese public deserves better accounting, no less than Americans citizens.To their credit, U.S. officials did try to get their message out online. But it was the Chinese bloggers who were most active in challenging official information control. They at least foughtthe good fight with growing confidence, a fight the Americans seem unable to wage effectively.三、写作。
北京外国语大学日语翻译硕士考研状元笔记,考研参考书笔记
育明教育官网
北大、人大、中财、北外 、中传教授创办 集训营、一对一保分、视频、小班 2014年视频课程+近三年真题+笔记+最后押题三套卷+公共课阅卷人一对一指导
=2500元 7月1日前报名，8折优惠！8月1日前9折优惠！
育明教育，7年专注考研辅导，北大、北外、中财、北外教授领衔辅导！
2014年北京外国语大学翻译硕士百科知识考研参考书
《百科知识考点精编与真题解析》，光明日报出版社，2013年7月版
百科知识—文化
文化常识（1）
1. 唐代被称为 “诗魔”的是白居易
2. 第一位女词人是：李清照
3. 第一部词典是：尔雅
4. 第一部大百科全书是：永乐大典
5. 第一部诗歌总集是：诗经
6. 第一部文选：昭明文选
7. 第一部字典：说文解字
8. 第一部神话集：山海经
9. 第一部文言志人小说集：世说新语
10. 第一部文言志怪小说集：搜神记
11. 第一部语录体著作：论语
12. 第一部编年体史书是：春秋
13. 第一部断代史：汉书
14. 第一部兵书：孙子兵法
15. 文章西汉两司马：司马迁．司马相如
16. 乐府双璧：木兰词 孔雀东南飞，加上《秦妇吟》为乐府三绝
17. 史学双璧：史记 资治通鉴
18. 二拍： 初刻拍案惊奇 二刻拍案惊奇 （凌蒙初）。
2014年北外北二外翻译硕士日语考研状元笔记,考研参考书笔记
2014年视频课程+近三年真题+笔记+最后押题三套卷+公共课阅卷人一对一指导=2500元 7月1日前报名，8折优惠！8月1日前9折优惠！育明教育，7年专注考研辅导，北大、北外、中财、北外教授领衔辅导！2014年北京第二外国语学院考研参考书《百科知识考点精编与真题解析》，光明日报出版社，2013年7月版山口百恵蒼い時第一回ある朝、「あお」を感じた。
春の終わりのある夜、なぜだか眠れず一人部屋でただ時が過ぎて行くことだけを感じながら坐っていた。
こんな夜は静かに自分のすべてを時の流れの中に投げだしていたい。
何気なく見上げた窓がほんの少しだけ夜よりも明るい色に変わっていった。
見つめていると、窓ガラスを一枚隔てた外の色がどんどん変化して行った。
小烏たちのさえずりが聞こえた。
目覚めたのだろう。
聴覚から視覚へ意識を戻した時、窓全体があおかった。
そのあおは、私にとっては「青」ではない、「蒼」と言う字のそれだった。
その色はまたわずかな間に次の朝の色に変わっていった。
ほんの一瞬といってもいいほどの蒼い時、一日のできごとの終点であり、また新たなる一日の始まりの時である。
まさにいま、私の時である。
いまこの時を私はどうすごしていけばいいのだろうか。
この時までの私がほんとに確実に生きていたと言う証はあるのだろうか。
おそらくこれは人々が私について残してくれたものではなく、自分の中に一つ自分を認めて置きたいという気持ちなのだろう。
いまこの時に、私は私の歩んだ二十一年の日々、そして芸能界と言うある意味では特殊な世界に生きた約八年の日々を自分の手、自分の言葉で書き記して置きたかったのである。
横須賀。
誰かがこの名前を呟いただけで、胸を締め付けられるような懐かしさを覚える。
横須賀を離れて八年。
私はあの町で生まれたわけではない。
小学校二年の終わりから中学二年の終おりまで、六年間を過ごしただけなのに、この思いはいったいなんなんだろう。
恋い焦がれる人を思う気持ちと違う、かといって、人が故郷を思う気持ちとも違う。
北京第二外国语学院2014年硕士研究生招生参考书目
北京第二外国语学院2014年攻读硕士学位研究生参考书目美学010106参考书目：622美学原理：《美学原理新编》，杨辛、甘霖主编，北京大学出版社，1996。
822中西美学史：《西方美学史》，朱光潜著，人民文学出版社，2002。
《美的历程》，李泽厚著，天津社会科学院出版社，2001年修订。
金融学020204参考书目：821国际贸易与国际金融：《国际贸易》（第五版）薛荣久等，对外经济贸易大学出版社。
《国际金融学》（第三版）杨长江、姜波克等，高等教育出版社，2008年。
国际贸易学020206参考书目：821国际贸易与国际金融：《国际贸易》（第五版），薛荣久等，对外经济贸易大学出版社。
《国际金融学》（第三版）杨长江、姜波克等，高等教育出版社，2008年。
国际文化贸易0202J1参考书目：821国际贸易与国际金融：《国际贸易》（第五版），薛荣久等，对外经济贸易大学出版社。
《国际金融学》（第三版）杨长江、姜波克等，高等教育出版社，2008年。
国际文化贸易（英语）0502J1参考书目：611基础英语：水平测试，无指定参考书811综合考试（英1）：《新编英国文学选读》（第二版）罗经国，北京大学出版社，2005年。
《美国文学选读》（第二版）陶洁，高等教育出版社，2005年。
《美国文学简史》（第三版）常耀信，南开大学出版社，2008年。
《英国文学简史》（第二版）常耀信，南开大学出版社，2006年。
《语言学教程》(第三版)(英文) 胡壮麟，北京大学出版社，2006年。
《英语国家社会与文化入门》（第二版）朱永涛等，高等教育出版社，2005年。
语言学及应用语言学050102“中文专业基础”参考书目：叶蜚声、徐通锵：《语言学纲要》，北京：北京大学出版社，1997年版。
“中文综合考试”参考书目：黄伯荣：《现代汉语》，北京：高等教育出版社，1991年版。
郭锡良：《古代汉语》北京：商务印书馆，2004年版。
朱栋霖主编：《中国现代文学史1917—2000》（精编版），北京：北京大学出版社，2011年版。
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三、经济复兴政策（美 &日） （一） 倾斜式生产方式 a) 背景：战后日本经济破灭，面临能源工业原材料不足、粮食不足等多重问题，处于缩小再生产状态。 过程： 1947 年，东大有沢広已 提出用有限的石油投入钢铁生产，将增产的钢铁投入煤矿生产，在将增产的煤 炭投入钢铁业。保证重点产业的煤炭供应。 b) c) 建立复兴金融金库：向重点产业提供资金，实现有限资金的高效利用，把资金和能源集中投进大企业。 政府向企业提供补助金：价格差补助金&工资补助金等 问题：为促进海外输出，政府高价买进商品低价卖向海外，引发通货膨胀，物价上涨。
女，推进劳动组合建立，学校教育自由民主化，废除恐怖制度，日本经济机构的民主化） 。 a) b) c) a) b) c) d) 劳动三法： 劳动组合法：劳动者的团结权，团体交涉权，游行示威权，保障劳动组合的自由结成以及团体行动 劳动基准法：为保护劳动者，制定劳动条件的最低基准 劳动关系调节法：自主预防和促进劳动争议的解决 影响： 国内组合组织率增高； 切断战前企业和国家之间的联系，为战后日本经济健全发展整顿好条件 日本的组合运动主要内容是确保终身雇佣，所以被认为是日本经营三大支柱之一的萌芽。 由于工资谈判，使得劳动者收入增加，扩大了国内市场。
第一节
经济复兴期（ 194 年 ~1955 年）
一、战后日本经济状况（废墟） 1. 2. 3. 失业人员问题： （军需产业崩溃、士兵复原、从中国回国的人） 农业歉收严重，粮食不足 住宅及生计问题
二、经济民主化 育明教育官网 北大、人大、中财、北外 、中传教授创办 集训营、一对一保分、视频、小班
2014 年视频课程+近三年真题+笔记+最后押题三套卷+公共课阅卷人一对一指导 =2500 元 7 月 1 日前报名，8 折优惠！8 月 1 日前 9 折优惠！
育明教育，7 年专注考研辅导，北大、北外、中财、北外教授领衔辅导！ 2014 年北京第二外国语学院考研参考书 《百科知识考点精编与真题解析》，光明日报出版社，2013 年 7 月版
第三章 日本经济
江户中期：商业发展，封建经济崩解。 欧美来航促进日本近代化发展。 19C80y~90y 明治维新， “富国强兵” “增产兴业”产业革命高涨：工业是以军工业为首，纺织工业为中心发 展起来的；国内市场狭小，为求得原料和市场，目光转向中国和朝鲜，引发战争。 一战中，日本大量输出军需品和日常生活用品。 一战后，以造船业为首，重化学工业大力发展起来。 二战中，经济破灭。 二战后，基于和平宪法及美国和保护伞之下，专心发展经济。国际形势非常有利，国内政府也制定适应的 政策。 1978 年，人均收入同西德相当，经济成就世界瞩目。 1990 年之后，陷入长期低迷，金融破产，日本式的经营模式遭到质疑 现在虽仍然低迷，但由于日本在贸易中有很多黑字，被认为处于经济构造的调整期。
（二） 经济安定九原则和道奇方针（ ドッジライン：ドッジ来日后实行的一系列安定经济的政策) a) b) 背景： 1946 年， GHQ“经济安定总部” ：为抑制通货膨胀，是日本经济朝着自主自立的方向发展。 1948 年“经济安定九原则” ：均衡预算、强化征税、限定金融机构向外贷款、稳定工资、稳定物价、强 化对汇率的管理、促进出口、增产工业制品、强化食品供给制度等； c) a) b) 竹马经济论：政府补助金（見えざる補給金）&美国政府 内容：财政&金融 1949 年超均衡财政预算 固定汇率 1 美元=360 日元（ 1971 年） 育明教育官网 北大、人大、中财、北外 、中传教授创办 集训营、一对一保分、视频、小班
特点： 贸易立国，带来大量外汇，但对国外依存度高（19;国外（欧美没有视日本为竞争对手；美国还有正在发展中的亚洲各国为日本提供了大量的市场）
c) a) b)
具体政策：停止复兴金融金库向外贷钱，削减废止政府补助金；废止隐形的贸易补助金 作用： 实现均衡财政，抑制膨胀 由于 1949 年及 1950 年的连续均衡财政政策导致通货紧缩，不过由于废止了政府补助金，促进了企业 经营合理化。
第二节
高度经济成长期（ 1956~1972） （10%高速发展）
波茨坦宣言要求日本实现非军事化和民主化，因此战后以美国为首的 GHQ 对日本实行间接统治，为实 现经济民主化进行三大改革： (一 ) 财阀解体 背景： 财阀是日本战争的潜在力量，维持劳使间的半封建关系，阻碍中产阶级的发展。 给予日本军事以心理和制度上的打击 三井、三菱、住友、安田 4 大财阀占日本财阀对外投资总额的 8 成。 a) 过程： 对 4 大财阀在内的 15 家财阀进行资产冻结，令其解体。 （解体内容：公开股价；将财阀的指导人（或 家族）从经济活动中驱逐出去） b) c) a) b) 1947 年 4 月独占禁止法（银行所持股份限定在 5%以内） ； 12 月过度经济力集中排除法（分割独占企业；但是银行免遭分割） 问题： 银行免遭分割 1984 年之后，美对日政策发生变化，集中排除政策没有执行到底，不过实施的一连串政策促进战后日 本企业内部展开竞争，为企业竞争发展整顿经济环境。 (二 ) 农地改革 背景：明治政府实行地租改正，实际上承认寄生地主制，导致土地成为高利贷投资对象，大量土地不 在从事农业生产的人手里（不在地主） 过程：实行了两次改革；重点是由国家收购、转让地主所有土地。 作用： 农村地主失去经济社会地位，农民握有土地； 农民生产积极性高，积极引入新的技术， 生产力增高，农民收入增加，确保国内市场 问题： 不彻底，没有触及山林土地 (三) 劳动民主化 背景： 战前禁止一切劳动争议，战后劳动民主化政策得到积极推进。マッカサー元帅提出 5 大改革（解放妇 育明教育官网 北大、人大、中财、北外 、中传教授创办 集训营、一对一保分、视频、小班