小额信贷扶贫资金【外文翻译】
小额信贷的承诺【外文翻译】

外文翻译原文The microfinance promiseMaterial Source: Wharton Financial Istitution Author: Jonathan Morduch About one billion people globally live in households with per capita incomes of under one dollar per day. The policymakers and practitioners who have been trying to improve the lives of that billion face an uphill battle. Reports of bureaucratic sprawl and unchecked corruption abound. And many now believe that government assistance to the poor often creates dependency and disincentives that make matters worse, not better.Moreover, despite decades of aid,communities and families appear to be increasingly fractured, offering a fragile foundation on which to build.Amid the dispiriting news, excitement is building about a set of unusual financial institutions prospering in distant corners of the world-especially Bolivia, Bangladesh, and Indonesia. The hope is that much poverty can be alleviated-and that economic and social structures can be transformed fundamentally-by providing financial services to low-income households. These institutions, united under the banner of microfinance, share a commitment to serving clients that have been excluded from the formal banking sector. Almost all of the borrowers do so to finance self-employment activities, and many start by taking loans as small as $75, repaid over several months or a year. Only a few programs require borrowers to put up collateral, enabling would-be entrepreneurs with few assets to escape positions as poorly paid wage laborers or farmers.Some of the programs serve just a handful of borrowers while others serve millions. In the past two decades, a diverse assortment of new programs has been set ur, in Africa. Asia. Latin Ainerica, Canada,and roughly 300 U.S. sites from New York Sari Diego (The Economist,1997). Globally, there are now about 8 to 10 million llouseholds served by microfinance programs, and some practitioners are pushing to expand to 100 million poor households by 2005.As James Wolfensohn, the president of the World Bank, has been quick to point out, helping 100 million households means that as many as 500-600 million poor people could benefit. Increasing activity in the United States can be expected as banks turn tomicrofinance encouraged by new teeth added to the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 (Timothy O'Brien 1998).The programs point to innovations like "group-lending" contracts and new attitudes about subsidies as the keys to their successes. Group-lending contracts effectively make a borrower's neighbors co-signers to loans, mitigating problems created by informational asymmetries between lender and borrower.Neighbors now have incentives to monitor each other and to exclude risky borrowers from participation, promoting repayments even in the absence of collateral requirements.The contracts have caught the attention of economic theorists, and they have brought global recognition to the group-lending model of Bangladesh's Grameen Bank.The lack of public discord is striking.Microfinance appears to offer a "winwin" solution, where both financial institutions and poor clients profit. The first installment of a recent five-part series in the San Francisco Examiner, for example, begins with stories about four women helped by microfinance: a textile distributor in Ahmedabad, India; a street vendor in Cairo, Egypt; an artist in Albuquerque, New Mexico; and a furniture maker in Northern California.The story continues: From ancient slums and impoverished villages in the developing world to the tired inner cities and frayed suburbs of America's economic fringes, these and millions of other women are all part of a revolution. Some might call it a capitalist revolution . . . As little as $25 or $50 in the developing world,perhaps $500 or $5000 in the United States,these microloans make huge differences in people's lives . Many Third World bankers are finding that lending to the poor is not just a good thing to do but is also profitable(Brill ,1999).Advocates who lean left highlight the "bottom-up" aspects, attention to community,focus on women, and, most importantly,the aim to help the underserved.It is no coincidence that the rise of inicrofinance parallels the rise of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in policy circles and the newfound attention to "social capital" by academics (e.g.,Robert Putnam ,1993). Those who lean right highlight the prospect of alleviating poverty while providing incentives to work, the nongovernmental leadership,the use of mechanisms disciplined by market forces, and the general suspicion of ongoing subsidization.There are good reasons for excitementabout the promise of microfinance,especially given the political context, but there are also good reasons for caution. Alleviating poverty through banking is an old idea with a checkered past.Poverty alleviation through the provision of subsidized credit was a centerpiece of many countries' development strategies from the early 1950s through the 1980s, but these experiences were nearly all disasters. Loan repayment rates often dropped well below 50 percent; costs of subsidies ballooned;and much credit was diverted to the politically powerful, away from the intended recipients (Dale Adams, Douglas Graham, and J. D. von Pischke ,1984).What is new? Although very few programs require collateral, the major new programs report loan repayment rates that are in almost all cases above 95 percent. The programs have also proven able to reach poor individuals, particularly women, that have been difficult to reach through alternative approaches.Nowhere is this more striking than in Bangladesh, a predominantly Muslim country traditionally viewed as culturally conservative and male-dominated.The programs there together serve close to five million borrowers, the vast majority of whom are women, and, in addition to providing loans, some of the programs also offer education on health issues, gender roles, and legal rights.The new programs also break from the past by eschewing heavy government involvement and by paying close attention to the incentives that drive efficient performance.But things are happening fast-and getting much faster. In 1997, a high profile consortium of policymakers,charitable foundations, and practitioners started a drive to raise over $20 billion for microfinance start-ups in the next ten years (Microcredit Summit Report ,1997).Most of those funds are being mobilized and channeled to new, untested institutions, and existing resources are being reallocated from traditional poverty alleviation programs to microfinance.With donor funding pouring in,practitioners have limited incentives to step back and question exactly how and where monies will be best spent.The promise of microfinance was founded on innovation: new management structures, new contracts,and new attitudes. The leading programs came about by trial and error.Once the mechanisms worked reasonably well, standardization and replication became top priorities, with continued innovation only around the edges.As a result, most programs are not optimally designed nor necessarily offering the most desirable financial products.While the group-lending contract is the most celebrated innovation in microfinance,all programs use a variety of other innovations that may well be as important, especially various forms of dynamic incentives and repayment schedules. In this sense, economic theory on inicrofinance (which focuses nearly exclusively on group contracts) is also ahead of the evidence.A portion of donor money would be well spent quantifying the roles of these overlapping mechanisms and supporting efforts to determine less expensive combinations of mechanisms to serve poor clients in varying contexts. New management structures, like the stripped-down structure of Bangladesh's Association for Social Advancement, may allow sharp costcutting.New products, like the flexible savings plan of Bangladesh's Safesave,may provide an alternative route to financial sustainability while helping poor households. The enduring lesson of microfinance is that mechanisms matter:the full promise of microfinance can only be realized by returning to the early commitments to experimentation,innovation, and evaluation.The microfinance movement has made inroads around the world. In the process, poor households are being given hope and the possibility to improve their lives through their own labor.But the "win-win" rhetoric promising poverty alleviation with profits has moved far ahead of the evidence, and even the most fundamental claims remain unsubstantiated.Even if the current enthusiasms ebb,the movement has demonstrated the importance of thinking creatively about mechanism design, and it is forcing economists to rethink much received wisdom about the nature of poverty,markets, and institutional innovation. In the end, this may prove to be the most important legacy of the movement.In particular, the movement has shown that, despite high transactions costs and no collateral, in some cases it is possible to lend profitably to low-income households. The experiences have shown as well that many relatively poor households can save in quantity when given attractive saving vehicles; this suggests that one way to address the borrowing constraints faced by poor households may be to address saving constraints instead of addressing just the credit side. But the experiences have also confirmed how difficult it is to create new institutions, even those that are ultimately profitable. In Bolivia,Bangladesh, and Indonesia it took strong leadership and special legal accommodations.Elsewhere, it has taken persistent prodding by donors and microfinance advocates. Demonstration effects and subsidized experimentation have also been integral.The microfinance movement has also lifted the profile of NGOs. While government failures become increasingly evident, NGOs have had the energy,dedication, and financial resources to pursue required legislative changes and institutional experimentation. Increasingly,NGOs can be expected to take over social tasks once the exclusive domain of state ministries, and international organizationslike the World Bank are adapting accordingly.This is all new, but some received wisdom holds. Most important, all else the same it remains far more costly to lend small amounts of money to many people than to lend large amounts to a few. As a result, the programs are highly cost-sensitive, and most rely on subsidies. Initiating a serious discussion about next steps necessitates first facing up to the exaggerated claims for financial performance that have characterized some leaders in the movement.If the movement plans not to abandon the promise of substantial poverty alleviation through finance, it must make hard choices. One avenue is to take another hard look at management structures and mechanism design in order to lower costs while maintaining outreach. Doing so will be far from simple,and it is hard to imagine substantial progress without a second major wave of innovation. Donors can contribute by encouraging further experimentation and evaluation, rather than just replication and adherence to a narrow set of "best practices" based on existing programs.The other path is to reopen the conversation on ways that ongoing subsidies can benefit both clients and institutions. The movement has shown some successes in coupling efficient operations with subsidized resources, and these lessons can be expanded. Some observers speculate that if subsidies are pulled and costs cannot be reduced, as many as 95 percent of current programs will eventually have to close shop. The remaining 5 percent will be drawn from among the larger programs, and they will help fill gaps in financial markets.But, extrapolating from current experience,the typical clients of these financially sustainable programs will be less poor than those in the typical program focused sharply on poverty alleviation.No one argues seriously that financebased programs will be the answer for truly destitute households, but the promise remains that microfinance may be an important aid for households that are not destitute but still remain considerably below poverty lines. The tension is that the scale of lending to this group is not likely to permit the scale economies available to programs focused on households just above poverty lines.Subsidizing may yield greater social benefits than costs here, and a framework for integrating competing arguments.This prospect is exciting, especially given the dearth of appealing alternatives,but the promise of microfinance should be kept in context. Even in the best of circumstances, credit from microfinance programs helps fund selfemployment activities that most often supplement income for borrowers ratherthan drive fundamental shifts in employment patterns. It rarely generates new jobs for others, and success has been especially limited in regions with highly seasonal income patterns and low population densities. The best evidence to date suggests that making a real dent in poverty rates will require increasing overall levels of economic growth and employment generation.Microfinance may be able to help some households take advantage of those processes,but nothing so far suggests that it will ever drive them.Still, by forging ahead in the face of skepticism, microfinance programs now provide promise for millions of households.Even critics have been inspired by this success. The time is right for assessing next steps with candor-and better evidence.译文小额信贷的承诺资料来源: 沃顿金融金融作者:Jonathan Morduch 全球大约有10亿人在家庭人均收入每天少于一美元的情况下生活。
小额贷款外文翻译文献

文献信息文献标题:An empirical investigation of the interplay between microcredit, institutional context, and entrepreneurial capabilities (小额信贷、制度环境与创业能力之间相互作用的实证研究)文献作者:Jonathan Kimmitt, Mariarosa Scarlata,Dimo Dimov文献出处:《Venture Capital》 ,2016,18(3):257–276字数统计:英文3661单词,21609字符;中文6504汉字外文文献An empirical investigation of the interplay between microcredit, institutional context, and entrepreneurial capabilities Abstract Understanding under which conditions microcredit is used by new, growing ventures is becoming increasingly pertinent to scholars. This paper investigates the interplay of the use of microcredit with entrepreneurial capabilities and the moderating role of institutional development in sub-Saharan Africa. Our findings show that higher constraints to entrepreneurial capabilities are associated with higher use of microcredit. In addition, we find that new, growing ventures use microcredit more where either economic or political institutions are less developed. Our findings suggest the importance of the existence of some type of institutional strength that must be in place to form the basis for microcredit activity. This allows for speculation as to whether microcredit works as the literature currently assumes.KEYWORDS: Capabilities; entrepreneurial finance; institutions; microfinance1.IntroductionEntrepreneurial activity is strongly influenced by the context it is embedded in (Baumol 1990, 1993; Autio and Acs 2010; Welter 2011). Particularly in emerging markets, entrepreneurs face a number of challenges, such as the mixed success ofinnovation (Bradley et al. 2012), weak institutions (Acemoglu 2003), and low human capital levels (Acs and Virgill 2010). One particular challenge for these entrepreneurs is access to finance (Honohan 2007) which can lead them into “poverty traps” (Berthelemy and Varoudakis 1996), ultimately undermining their ability to freely choose among options (Gries and Naudé 2011) and pursue the goals they value (Alkire 2005). A financial sector that is well developed, on the contrary, would give them the instrumental capability to more adequately participate in economic exchange (Sen 1999; Beck, Demirgüç-Kunt, and Levine 2007).To respond to funding challenges that particularly characterize developing economies, the provision of microfinance to entrepreneurs has been regarded as an important part of the strategy through which livelihoods could be improved (Mair and Marti 2006; Peredo and Mclean 2006; Khavul 2010). Microfinance institutions (MFIs) pursue profit-making strategies that facilitate and support the ongoing activity of capital provision to entrepreneurs while also trying to extend their services and drive outreach (Morduch 1999; Fernando 2006). By providing microcredit, savings, insurance, and retirement plans, individuals are able to obtain capital which can be used to finance the creation and the survival of new ventures (Campbell 2010; Khavul 2010). As such, microcredit allows entrepreneurs to build assets and economic resources, while creating employment opportunities and services for local communities (Helms 2006). This can ultimately have an effect on individuals’ capabilities and the contexts entrepreneurs operate in (Mair and Marti 2009).Current debates in the microcredit and microfinance literature have focused on the dynamics through which microcredit is deployed, particularly to women, as well as its effectiveness (cfr. among others Mair, Marti, and Ventresca 2012; Milanov, Justo, and Bradley 2015; Chliova, Brinckmann, and Rosenbusch 2015), how microfinance institutions function (cfr. among others, Morduch 1999; Armendariz and Morduch 2007) as well as their level of sustainability (cfr. among others, Gonzalez-Vega 1994; Morduch 2000), and their ability to shape the context they operate in (cfr. among others, Mair and Marti 2006; Khavul, Chavez, and Bruton 2013). Research has also indicated that institutional quality determines theperformance of MFIs in periods of financial crisis (Silva and Chávez 2015) and that institutions influence how entrepreneurial finance is channeled to entrepreneurs in developing economies (Eid 2005). However, Beck (2007) and McKenzie and Woodruff (2008) indicate that small and medium-sized businesses, often called “missing middle,” offer high returns on investments in these contexts. Yet, they remain underserved financially and overlooked by researchers. We also know that empirical access to finance is a critical issue for firms in developing economies and microcredit is a particular type of high-risk debt which may not always be sought after (Hulme 2000; George 2005).In addition, if context shapes entrepreneurship and sets the boundaries for entrepreneurial action (Welter 2011), it is not clear (a) whether ventures using microcredit are those whose capabilities are constrained the most by the environment they operate in and (b) under which institutional conditions these ventures actually use microfinance to fund their business needs. The question about when and where entrepreneurs decide to pursue or forgo the option of using microfinance loans still remains unanswered (Khavul 2010). In this paper, we ask the following question: How do formal institutions shape the use of microcredit by firms with varying entrepreneurial capabilities? To answer these questions, our empirical analysis focuses on the use of microcredit by firms in sub-Saharan Africa, characterized as a context with a high level of constrained capabilities. Often viewed as institutionally homogenous (Rivera-Santos et al. 2015), we highlight the institutional heterogeneity of this context and the varying capabilities associated with it. We test predictions using data from the World Bank’s Enterprise Survey, the Economic Freedom of the World Report index (2011), as well as the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report (2008). Our findings indicate that microcredit is indeed used in areas where individuals’ entrepreneurial capabilities are more constrained. At the same time, in these contexts, microcredit tends to be mostly used where there is either a well-developed market or a well-functioning political–judicial system which guarantee a minimal“rule of game”. It is only under those institutional conditions that firms, constrained by their capabilities, are prone to/can use microcredit to financetheir business activities.2.Theoretical backgroundSen’s (1999, 2005) “capabilities approach” introduced the notion that development should be conceptualized as freedoms, i.e., how and why individuals are able or constrained in their ability to act. Because individuals have ideas about the type of lives they want to live, they act in accordance with such aims (Sen 1999). Following the capabilities approach, antecedents and consequences of individual circumstances can be highlighted using non-monetary indicators: Capability constraints need to be understood with respect to the individual’s freedom, i.e., how and why individuals are able or constrained in their abilities to do or to be (Alkire 2005). In the capabilities approach, a person’s freedom refers to the genuine opportunity to realize whatever it is that they are trying to achieve (Alkire 2005). This, in turn, determines“what they do” (Anand et al. 2009). Building on Sen’s (1999) argument, Nambiar (2013) further reports that capabilities are synonymous with individuals feeling constrained or enabled by their immediate circumstances, whereas Robeyns (2005), Sen (2005) and Nussbaum (2000) indicate that it is an individual’s environment which creates heterogeneities in capabilities. Severely restricted capabilities are therefore associated with an inability to act in accordance with ones’ aims.Prior work shows that context is particularly important in shaping entrepreneurial capabilities: By setting boundaries, it can be the space for the emergence of opportunities while also placing limitations upon them (Welter 2011; Estrin, Korostelevab, and Mickiewiczc 2013). Context influences enterprising activities at the intersection of different levels of analysis, situating theories, and empirical patterns within their natural settings (Zahra, Wright, and Abdelgawad 2014). Evans (2002) and Sen (1999), among others, indicate that the institutional context indeed influences capability development. Both Sen (2005) and Nussbaum (2000) explain that expanding individual freedoms are central to advancing capabilities; this expansion is guided by institutional frameworks. The proposition here is thatinstitutional development impacts freedoms, such as those related to economic opportunities, property, finance, and other basic services (Stiglitz 1998; Nussbaum 2000), and this impacts capability development. On the one hand, as Robeyns (2005) reports, the capabilities of entrepreneurs require appreciating that there are heterogeneities in their abilities to achieve their aims. On the other hand, institutional failure can increase transaction costs which limit the appropriability of entrepreneurial rents, reducing the perceived attractiveness of entrepreneurial opportunities and leading to suppression of entrepreneurial activity (Baker, Gedajlovic, and Lubatkin 2005).The development of financial institutions, which provide adequate financial services, is categorized by Sen (1999) as an instrumental capability. Contexts where financial institutions are underdeveloped contribute to the creation of“poverty traps” (Berthelemy and Varoudakis 1996) as it reduces the perceived attractiveness of entrepreneurial opportunities. This, in turn, hinders the ability of individuals to adequately participate in economic exchange and overall capabilities (Sen 1999). Microcredit developed in contexts characterized by limited access to resources (Peredo and Chrisman 2006) as a solution for individuals who are constrained by the environment, which inhibits the pursuit of lucrative opportunities (Sen 2005). As such, microcredit acts as a means toward the expansion of entrepreneurs’ capabilities (Ansari, Munir, and Gregg 2012) who can incrementally improve their capabilities of achieving small-scale solutions to macro social problems (Moyo 2009). This leads to the formulation of the following hypothesis:Hypothesis 1. New ventures are more likely to use microcredit where capabilities are constrained.Hypothesis 2. New ventures are more likely to use microcredit where economic institutions are less developed.Hypothesis 3. New ventures are more likely to use microcredit where political-judicial institutions are less developed.Hypothesis 4. New ventures are more likely to use microcredit in environments characterized by high constrained capabilities where economic institutions are more(less) developed and political-judicial institutions less (more) developed.3.MethodologyTo test our hypotheses, we used data by the World Bank through its annual Enterprise Survey. We focused on countries in sub-Saharan Africa since this has been consistently depicted as one of the areas with seriously restricted capabilities. In particular, the World Bank (2012) reports an increase in sub-Saharan urban population by 114% between 1990 and 2009, and an increase in people living with less than $1 a day by 183%; also, the average life expectancy at birth results to be 52.5 years, compared with 71.5 years for North Africa and 69.2 years for the world. Still, the prevalence of HIV for people aged 15–49 is nearly 7 times the world’s average (World Bank 2012).Twenty-seven sub-Saharan countries were included in the survey. The enterprise surveys collect firm level information on the business environment, how it is perceived by individual firms, how it changes over time, and the various constraints to firm performance and growth (World Bank 2011). Firm-level data are available from 2002; however, since data prior to 2006 were collected by different units within the World Bank and employed different survey questions for different countries, our analysis focuses on data collected from 2006. In addition, the enterprise survey is addressed to operating businesses that employ a minimum of five employees; this eliminates most of the subsistence-driven and self-employment forms of entrepreneurship, something that Karnani (2007) has defined as “misguiding” in that the focus on subsistence entrepreneurship does not help us in understanding and/or explaining economic development. Similarly, Mead and Liedholm (1998) have shown that within an African context, small and medium-sized enterprises generate significantly more jobs than larger scale enterprises yet remain chronically underfunded. By concentrating on ventures with five or more employees, we are able to focus on the“missing middle” of the microfinance sector which have the greatest potential for driving economic growth and is consistently under-researched (Sleuwaegen and Goedhuys 2002). To date, this is a group of entrepreneurs who havereceived sparse attention within the microfinance literature, which has heavily focused on microfinance institutions themselves rather than on recipients of their services (cfr. among others, Mair and Marti 2006; Moss, Neubam, and Meyskens 2015; Silva and Chávez 2015).For what concerns our conceptualization of entrepreneurship as new ventures, consistent with prior research in both developed and developing countries, we limited our analysis to those firms that were not part of larger firms and were less than 10 years old (Benson 2001; Fadahunsi and Rosa 2002; Reuber and Fischer 2002; Barnir, Gallaugher, and Auger 2003; Park and Bae 2004; Bhagavatula et al. 2010). Based on these parameters, our sample size for analysis was 5255 of the 16847 firms in the original Enterprise Survey data set.4.Discussion, limitations, and future researchScholars have consistently linked entrepreneurial activity with economic growth. However, in developing countries, individuals often lack the capabilities to access the market and obtain capital to fund new business opportunities. Acknowledging these challenges, microcredit developed to provide small amount of loans to allow such individuals to efficiently engage in economic exchange and build their ventures, thus making wider economic contributions (Mcmullen 2011). However, entrepreneurship researchers have argued that contextual factors, both at the individual and institutional level, augment entrepreneurial activity (Baumol 1990; Estrin, Korostelevab, and Mickiewiczc 2013).This paper highlights the contextual conditions under which new, growing ventures use microcredit. These ventures are classified as the“missing middle” and have been overlooked by mainstream academic research and practitioners’ work, where a focus has been on individuals receiving microcredit for subsistence purposes and/or to develop micro-enterprises (Beck 2007). Yet, we know that microcredit developed as a solution to offer individuals the necessary financial instruments that would enable building entrepreneurial capabilities by developing new businesses. As such, this “missing middle” represents smaller firms within developing economiesthat have limited financial options even though they may offer returns on investments in these contexts (McKenzie and Woodruff 2008) and potentially provide much more significant economic externalities in terms of job and wealth creation (Karnani 2007). Although the term “missing middle” has been used for some time, there is very little research on this group of firms even though they are becoming a more prominent part of the microfinance picture and have a more significant economic impact than their micro counterparts (Khavul, Chavez, and Bruton 2013).Because sub-Saharan Africa is a region characterized by high constraints to individual capabilities and little attention has been paid to heterogeneity of capabilities across the continent (Rivera-Santos et al. 2015), our empirical analysis focuses on the use of microcredit in“missing middle” ventures in such countries. Specifically, we examine the degree to which microcredit is utilized by new ventures as a function of the country’s institutional environment, measured as the development of economic and political institutions, and of the degree of constraints to a firm’s capabilities, measured by the fruitfulness of the commercial environment. We then argue that microcredit is more likely to be used by those ventures that have higher restrictions to their capabilities only when there is some institutional arrangement, either at an economic or political–judicial level that sets “the rules of the game.”Our empirical results suggest that microcredit is indeed used by these new, missing middle ventures in contexts that present challenges both at the firm and institutional level of analysis. The identification of a positive effect between the use of microcredit and the constraints to entrepreneurial capabilities reinforces Sen’s (1999) view and the notion that microcredit facilitates access to capital for those entrepreneurs that operate in regions with the most restricted capabilities. However, our results also show this happens only when there are appropriate supporting institutional mechanisms, further suggesting that contextual features of the institutional environment shape microfinance activity. Particularly, the use of microcredit by the“missing middle” increases in contexts characterized by restricted capabilities and either (a) well (less) developed economic (political–judicial) institutions or (b) less (well) developed economic (political–judicial) institutions. Theunderdevelopment of economic institutions can prevent entrepreneurs from forming contracts, ultimately increasing business uncertainty and compounding their ability to create wealth (Seelos and Mair 2007). This is theoretically consistent with the Mair and Marti (2009) argument who assert that MFIs act as institutional entrepreneurs in contexts of institutional weakness left open by underdeveloped economic institutions. Similarly, contexts where political–judicial institutions are characterized by high levels of corruption raise the fundamental threat of rent and asset expropriation, generating uncertainty in the business environment. This uncertainty undermines entrepreneurial aspirations of individuals and has a stronger effect on new ventures than on established ones (Kahneman and Tversky 1979). In such contexts, institutions in charge of transferring resources to one party to another, and designed to serve on behalf of the government or the people (including, thus, the government itself ), may not be answerable to their principals.However, our results also do show that we should consider the interaction between development of economic and political institutions to fully understand the use of microcredit by new, growing firms and that heterogeneity of capabilities drives such relationship. Particularly, microcredit may help shape institutional contexts characterized by heterogeneous capabilities, but foundational institutional support is needed in order to tackle such capability problems. Whereas prior work (Mair and Marti 2006; Mair, Marti, and Ventresca 2012; Khavul, Chavez, and Bruton 2013) has indicated that microcredit is used in contexts where only economic institutions are to be developed, our work shows that there must be some formal institutional political framework in place for entrepreneurs to use microcredit in such contexts. Without it, the developmental role of microcredit may be overstated.At the same time, we also show that microcredit is used in contexts where there is development of economic institutions. Yet, we identify that the use of microcredit is to be found in contexts with stronger economic institutions and weak political ones. It is precisely this interaction between developed economic institutions and underdevelopment of political ones that the literature has not addressed this far. Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) draw the distinction between extractive and inclusiveinstitutions, arguing that extractive contexts (e.g., autocratic rule/weak governance) can have strong economic institutions. However, because these are less open politically, they may deter potentially novel businesses that spur economic growth. If microcredit is utilized by capability-constrained firms in potentially extractive contexts, this suggests that the entrepreneurial activity being stimulated, even within the “missing middle”, may be less productive for economic development (Baumol 1990). Our work, therefore, highlights the institutional conditions within which microcredit is used to fund the development of new entrepreneurial opportunities: if less favorable political contexts may lead entrepreneurs to capture opportunities which are less conducive to the overall development of the economy, the impact of microcredit in these nations may be somehow minimalistic. Conversely, in more politically inclusive economies, microcredit may help spur the creation of more competitive and innovative markets which can help diversify markets beyond the basic services (e.g., food goods, provisions) often provided (Banerjee 2007). As such, the relationship between the nature of the institutional environment and the type of business opportunity pursued in the microfinance industry would be an interesting avenue for further study. Indeed, further study needs to dig deeper into the role of informal institutions in this process.Overall, this encourages us to consider whether the relationship between microcredit, entrepreneurship, and capabilities works as the literature currently assumes – microcredit is used by entrepreneurs in the most resource constrained environments where only economic institutions are to be shaped. As such, our findings suggest a more complex picture than extant research currently suggests and contribute to a better understanding of the use of microcredit at the level of the firm receiving it (Silva and Chávez 2015), with a need to consider institutional heterogeneities both within and across developing countries (Roth and Kostova 2003) and the interaction between a complex constellation of factors of institutions and capabilities (Nambiar 2013). It is therefore of key importance for future work to understand the dynamics through which microcredit is developed in contexts characterized by political institutional weakness. From a political perspective, mostresearch has focused on the role of regulation in the microfinance sector (Cull, Demirgüç-Kunt, and Morduch 2011) without considering the other aspects of political institutions we have theorized, and empirically identified, here. This would help scholars and practitioners alike in gaining a better understanding how microcredit works in varying political environments.From a policy perspective, our findings which suggest that new ventures need some level of institutional support to be able to pursue and fulfill their entrepreneurial aspirations, something that has strong implications given the recent political upheaval in North Africa, the Middle East, and parts of sub-Saharan Africa. In post-conflict contexts, often characterized by the lowest level of capability development, and where political institutions (or economic ones) are still in the process of being redefined and shaped, the intervention of MFIs may be of key importance in stimulating entrepreneurial activity and the economy in some of the most challenging contexts. Emerging evidence suggests that many nations in sub-Saharan Africa and beyond are developing the appropriate institutions through which financial institutions can stimulate the private sector (Naudé 2010). Microcredit could be an appropriate tool for augmenting entrepreneurial activity in those environments where individuals lack the basic individual and institutional infrastructure to fulfill their aspirations. As such, the ability of entrepreneurs to have access to improved instrumental capabilities is likely to be shaped by how varying institutional arrangements support them, determining where investors see scalable operations and therefore the diversity of financial services at the disposal of entrepreneurs.Aside from the contribution and further reflection that our results stimulate, there are limitations to our study that need to be considered in any further extrapolation from our results. First, the study was cross sectional in nature and, as such, cannot make a reliable inference on the direction of the interplay between the effectiveness of the provision of microcredit on capabilities or on the institutional development over time. The nature of our data enabled us to study only the use of microcredit as a function of capability constraints, but a promising and much needed extension of the work concerns the reverse relationship, i.e., how the use of microcredit helps inimproving entrepreneurial capabilities. Second, while large-scale data are difficult to collect on this topic, the availability of the enterprise survey has enabled us to throw a glimpse at the use of microcredit across a large group of African countries. At the same time, as is true for any secondary data set, the data offer limited insight into the conditions and rationale under which microcredit was (or was not) obtained. We hope that our insights can stimulate further research that would seek to elucidate this mechanism through more suitable research designs.中文译文小额信贷、制度环境与创业能力之间相互作用的实证研究摘要学者们越来越多关注,在哪种条件下,小额信贷才会被新的、成长中的企业所使用。
农村金融小额信贷中英文对照外文翻译文献

农村金融小额信贷中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)RURAL FINANCE: MAINSTREAMING INFORMAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONSBy Hans Dieter SeibelAbstractInformal financial institutions (IFIs), among them the ubiquitous rotating savings and credit associations, are of ancient origin. Owned and self-managed by local people, poor and non-poor, they are self-help organizations which mobilize their own resources, cover their costs and finance their growth from their profits. With the expansion of the money economy, they have spread into new areas and grown in numbers, size and diversity; but ultimately, most have remained restricted in size, outreach and duration. Are they best left alone, or should they be helped to upgradetheir operations and be integrated into the wider financial market? Under conducive policy conditions, some have spontaneously taken the opportunity of evolving into semiformal or formal microfinance institutions (MFIs). This has usually yielded great benefits in terms of financial deepening, sustainability and outreach. Donors may build on these indigenous foundations and provide support for various options of institutional development, among them: incentives-driven mainstreaming through networking; encouraging the establishment of new IFIs in areas devoid of financial services; linking IFIs/MFIs to banks; strengthening Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) as promoters of good practices; and, in a nonrepressive policy environment, promoting appropriate legal forms, prudential regulation and delegated supervision. Key words: Microfinance, microcredit, microsavings。
小微企业融资外文文献翻译

小微企业融资外文文献翻译the XXX credit to small and medium enterprises (SMEs)。
However。
micro enterprises (MEs) which are smaller than SMEs。
have been XXX。
using a path XXX finance。
such as family and friends。
due to the lack of access to formal finance。
Path dependence is also evident。
XXX finance.翻译:乌干达的小微企业融资:路径依赖和其他融资决策的决定因素XXX:Winifred XXX-XXX博士摘要:发展中国家的融资文献主要关注正规金融机构向中小型企业(SMEs)提供信贷的角色。
然而,小微企业(MEs)比SMEs更小,却被忽视了。
本文使用路径依赖框架,研究了乌干达小微企业的融资决策,识别了影响它们获得融资的因素。
研究发现,由于缺乏正规融资渠道,小微企业严重依赖非正规融资来源,如家人和朋友。
路径依赖也很明显,过去的融资决策和与非正规融资来源的关系影响了当前的融资决策。
本研究建议政策应着重改善小微企业获得正规融资的渠道,并促进金融素养,减少对非正规融资来源的依赖。
Access to credit is crucial for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and micro enterprises。
as they are considered to be the main drivers of economic growth。
In e countries。
XXX role than SMEs。
XXX-agricultural self-XXX。
XXX due to the way they are XXX。
刘颖会 外文翻译原文及译文

大连民族学院国际商学院英文翻译2007级毕业论文外文翻译资料Microfinance's Latest Growing Pains小额信贷业的发展阵痛《Knowledge Wharton》February 2nd 2011《沃顿知识》杂志 2011年2月2日译者:刘颖会大连民族学院国际商学院国际经济与贸易072班2011年6月小额信贷业发展阵痛近期的小额信贷危机源于印度南部城市安得拉邦,当地过度负债、暴力催款和借款者被迫自杀等问题引发了民众对小额信贷行业的广泛指责,并强烈呼吁政府加强监管。
10月,印度政府对损害信贷、强行控制回款天数并拖累印度最大的盈利性小额信贷公司SKS股价暴跌的小额信贷机构实施管制。
1月19日,印度储备银行发布Malegam委员会报告,建议对印度小额信贷机构施加一系列新的监管措施,包括设置利率上限、贷款限额以及对借款人的收入进行规定。
有些观察家对此表示欢迎,而悲观人士则认为此举难以避免信贷紧缩和行业崩溃。
尽管现在要分析行业前景还为时尚早,但安得拉邦的危机着实引发了民众对全球小额信贷行业的热烈讨论和深刻反省。
近期在沃顿阿瑞斯高级管理教育学院小额信贷管理培训班上,讨论的焦点集中在过度信贷、高速的行业增长以及如何在追求利润的同时更好地实现小额信贷的设立宗旨。
小额信贷业经历了一场由坏账“大地震”所引发的“痛苦的觉醒”,26名来自全球各地的社会财富计划参与者之一Kamran Azim在一堂主题为小额信贷业的增长与可持续发展的讨论中如此比喻道。
Azim是创立于1996年的巴基斯坦拉合尔小额信贷机构Kashf 基金的运营总监。
他指出,过去20到30年间,小额信贷的方式方法几乎都没有发生过变化。
但现在,突然之间,这个行业经历了一场地震。
正如该培训计划中一门课程的导言所说:“面对不断加速的变革,人们趋向于依赖传统的方式进行商业发展。
然而,正是在这样的时刻,创新方显得尤为重要。
”此外,几名学员也指出,小额信贷行业必须在兼顾客户需求的同时通过创新的方式来巩固发展。
小额贷款与创业能力中英文对照外文翻译文献

小额贷款与创业能力中英文对照外文翻译文献1. 简介创业活动受到其所处环境的强烈影响(Baumol,1990,1993;Autio 和Acs,20XX年;Welter,20XX年)。
特别是在新兴市场,企业家面临着诸多挑战,例如创新成败参半(Bradley 等,20XX 年)、制度薄弱(Acemoglu,20XX年)和人力资本水平低下(Acs 和Virgill,20XX年)。
这些企业家面临的一个特别挑战是获得资金的机会(Honohan,20XX年),这可能导致他们陷入“贫困陷阱”(Berthelmy 和Varoudakis,1996),最终削弱了他们自由选择的能力(Gries 和Naudé,20XX年)和追求价值目标的能力(Alkire,20XX年)。
相反,一个发展良好的金融部门将使他们有能力更充分地参与到经济交流中(Sen,1999;Beck、Demirgüç-Kunt 和Levine,20XX年)。
为了应对发展中经济体特有的融资挑战,向企业家提供小额信贷已被视为可以改善生计战略的一个重要组成部分(Mair 和Marti,20XX年;Peredo 和Mclean,20XX年;Khavul,20XX年)。
小额信贷机构(MFIs)追求盈利战略,促进和1/ 7支持向企业家提供资本的持续活动,同时努力扩大服务范围,并推动外联(Morduch,1999;Fernando,20XX年)。
通过提供小额信贷、储蓄、保险和退休计划,个人能够获得资金,用于资助新企业的创建和生存(Campbell,20XX年;Khavul,20XX 年)。
因此,因此,小额信贷使企业家能够建立资产和经济资源,同时为当地社区创造就业机会和服务(Helms 20XX年)。
这最终可能会对个人能力和企业家的经营环境产生影响(Mair 和Marti,20XX年)。
目前关于小额信贷和小额融资的文献中的辩论侧重于小额信贷的部署动态,特别是对女性的小额信贷及其有效性(参见Mair、Marti 和Ventresca,20XX年;Milanov、Justo 和Bradley,20XX年;Chliova、Brinckmann 和Rosenbusch,20XX年),小额信贷机构如何运作(参见Morduch,1999;Armendariz 和Morduch,20XX年)小额信贷的可持续发展水平(参见Gonzalez-Vega,1994;Morduch,20XX年),以及小额信贷塑造其运作环境的能力(参见Mair 和Marti,20XX年;Khavul、Chavez 和Bruton,20XX年)。
小额贷款公司经营风险外文文献翻译最新译文

文献出处:M Swan. The study on the operating risk prevention of small Loan Companies [J]. Decision Support Systems, 2015,12(4): 828-838.原文The study on the operating risk prevention of small Loan CompaniesM SwanAbstractSmall Loan Company is still in its infancy. Just in the process of its establishment and continuously explore, suffered a lot from themselves and the environment problems. As the regulators in the financial markets and relevant scholars, on how to locate small loan companies, how to make small loan companies play a real role in the national economy is full of concern. Small loan company capital source channel is narrow. Mechanisms involved in microfinance planning period is not long, after internal personnel practice survey, random diffusion time or disturbing both inside and outside conditions. Whether internal standard units or departments, professional analysis for such enterprises in the financial markets of rapid infiltration and perpetuate problems have been attached great importance to. As folk further liberalization of the capital market, therefore, small loan companies the management risk and financial risk is increasingly highlighted.Keywords: Small loan companies; Risk management; Control to prevent1 IntroductionIn the operation of small loan companies in the various risk, especially in its operation risk management tends to bring to the company a lot of difficult to estimate the trouble, so how to discover, to summarize these appear in running the root cause of the risk management, it is more important, after find out root cause, according to the scientific and effective methods for these problems existing in the management risk of classified division, to make small loans in the operation of the company's future operation and management of risks for effective, systematic, scientific prevention. Most scholars, according to the theory of small loan companies run the risk and prevention countermeasures of research, mainly concentrated in all kinds of risk and risk analysis is put forward, put small loan companies this new industrycompared with other financial industry environment, in the concrete for small loan companies on risk management in the operation of the fundamental problems, and how to guard against these problems has not conducted detailed discussed and countermeasures, and only in small loans risk aspects of problems in the operation of the company in theory emphasizes the overall risk of small loan companies and prevention. In the operation of small loan companies in the various risk, especially in its operation risk management tends to bring to the company a lot of difficult to estimate the trouble, so how to discover, summed up in these. The root cause of the risk management in the operation of, is all the more important, after find out root cause, according to the scientific and effective means to these problems existing in the management risk of classified division, to make small loans in the operation of the company's future operation and management of risks for effective, systematic, scientific prevention.2 Risk and risk managementSo-called hidden risks in small loan companies operating activities, mainly in the specific planning period internal profit performance on derivatives with the default index of conflicting phenomenon, especially given risk loss of effect. Combining normative power relatively broad regulatory body Angle of observation, the symptoms mainly joint mechanism disorders, loss events and the concrete performance of the amount of loss data. Under the background of this kind of developing system management, strategic planning can be established targets more completely, which along with all the fluctuations of will appropriate to eliminate, or make the disturbing factors have condition remains inside the company can accept the reasonable space structure, so as to strengthen the organization interest charge ability. Set of small loan companies, this article mainly emphasized by supervision, legal person or organization in the society structure transition to reverse the operation, one for the public deposits were rejected, hope to be able to operate in microfinance project implement profit motive for a long time under the control indicators. Need special attention is, the need to accept the country specific regulatory legal department, under the premise that the arrangement of all business, profit and loss or risk ofconflict will be borne by the company leadership comprehensive, and any shareholder will direct retain significant asset management personnel selection and accurate maintenance right content such as earnings results. After all these there is essential difference between companies and Banks, not synchronous open deposit business, will therefore shall be regarded as more formal financial management unit.The so-called risk management problem, that is, any enterprise during the period of Foreign Service accordingly to keep conflict prediction results and the prevention and control means, excluding the above factors still excessive crisis situation. Now comprehensive perfect the internal financial market regulation system in our country, but such risks does not2.1 Market riskIn its depth of stress is that when a specific enterprise marketing mode hidden conflicts hidden premise for market competition, the core area and actual occupy the share of late will produce certain gap preset indexes and as a result, under this background, a specific commodity technology innovation preparation procedure will breed a disorder or scale effect, which is difficult to cause the public recognition. Question on this part of the risk detailed analysis the following contents: first, the demand for consumer self satisfaction biased forecast results. Actually in such trouble enterprise product styles are different, but the late consumer activity development would be struggling, as for when to break free from the shackles of established the shackles of thinking is much more difficult to provide accurate answers. Second, the distortion of market core competitive power. In this kind of technology challenges of the corporate sector are often consumers and market regulators to double review, including the internal capital adequacy, executive’s comprehensive technical ability and moral quality level and finally improve the quality of our products means. At a particular stage based on enterprise competitive potential certification is trouble until trouble troubles you. Finally, the market demand curve from time to time. Market and product structure change activities must maintain synchronization effect, through heterogeneous mechanism connotation lap joint debugging, technical personnel will be left arbitrary cope with habits problem because of the weak.2.2 Technical riskRelative technical risk problems during the implementation of product shape transition depth, if you don't on any technical content cohesion, can make innovation activities. Such technical achievement to run from the initial transmission process through three levels, including scientific research experiments, quality testing and industrial structure promotion and so on, but the legacy of the potential risks will be more severe. During scientific research projects, the unit can content to cater to the preset standards are often difficult to conclude that negligence often because the operation subject facing failure situation. Mid-term test link, even the innovation product has production, but the public response to the information collection is not comprehensive, including side effects or ecosystem destruction in the planning process, etc. On this basis, to realize commercialization of research results will not be so easy. And large-scale production and sales stage, because the high-tech content in succession process has rough surface, make the products within the market to gain a foothold, especially under the condition of life is not long by the rest of the technology to replace the possibility is very high. So any a product no matter from the initial development stage for internal promotion is to the market and involving internal process is filled with all kinds of risk. In particular, technical risk mainly covers the detailed aspects: first, technology research and development activities extend range is not accurate verification; Second, the late in response to population fluctuations from time to time. Third, the market competition activity is participating in the lack of persistence.2.3 The financial riskIs mainly refers to project funding cannot achieve reasonable dredge out and make the result of the failure mechanism of innovation activities. Information funds for the financial position at risk enterprise how important, but in reality such enterprise expansion fund tends to have the following characteristics. First of all, the capital demand range is larger; Second, the concrete financing way too narrow. Late for venture enterprises economic benefits inherent fluctuation, makes any unit in to invest in its early after a long period of psychological war, so, its implementingoverall financing is still not enough reality. Financial control activities related to performance of the risk elements as follows: first, the financing sources and the number are difficult to textual research. Fortunately when such companies to adapt to the development stage, especially along with the expansion of business scope, make internal capital demand quantity full boom, if still can not get money as it should be within the prescribed period of time the number of support, will lose industry competitive advantage, eventually be eliminated by times. Second, money supply timeliness position shakes. Risk enterprises need to rely on money supply mechanism transition reform task, especially in well-funded, aging characteristics influence premise, despite the results spectacular gains phase, but may also be because cash shortage and make both industrial chain break, enabling enterprises to edge back intoa rout.2.4 Manage riskSpecific enterprise due to the default response mechanism in the process of implementation of the project planning result error and influence department reputation foundation, makes the development prospect of the late of blank, this kind of phenomenon also is late investment risk control activities need to focus on the core of the comprehensive technical problems. Combined with the morphology of risk enterprises, mismanagement signs are spreading, for enterprise management in the future bring depth limit crisis. Specific breeds reasons are: first, the enterprise established imbalance effect management organization structure design, especially with the field of technology transition entrepreneurial subject, often because under the background of knowledge management lack of license enterprises effect diffusion mechanism shortcomings; Secondly, the enterprise cohesion cooperation organizations cannot complete and enterprises in a task, even if is the size of the business situation is good, but neglected will derive more prominent contradiction, further into the root cause of risk management. About this part of the risk situation presents the following rules: (1) specific management thinking innovation main body is not strong enough, most of the internal rectification technology innovation risk firms simply focus on details, for the daily work of team quality form and technicalapplication ability almost unnoticed, makes the process structure, management content is difficult to meet the demand of era, it is bound to make enterprise strategy presents simplification feature in the future.(2) management experience is inadequate. In Chinese with the innovation of technology to realize the development of the corporate sector, will be because manager’s lack of personal ability makes it hard for business activities smoothly. (3) The personnel position structure arrangement conflict. Retain risk disadvantages enterprise position and corresponding matching, always involuntarily handover odds and enterprise development, has repeatedly let will only make the internal structure of high quality talents to pieces, make the business activities in the future as well as usual.3 Management risk control and prevention3.1 Strengthen the internal controlMost of the small loan companies will face professional’s scarce status, because small loans company belongs to the emerging of financial industry, industry system is not perfect. Therefore, the company's employees determine the small loan company can survive in the fierce market, and can be continuous development. Small loan company first to employ the persons with specialized knowledge and rich experience as executives, make financial institutions work and rich management experience of personnel to conduct regular training, less experienced practitioners organization personnel system to study the laws and regulations, familiar with financial knowledge of business and finance case, improve the staff's work ability and business level, strengthen the awareness of risk prevention.3.2 Open up the financing channels, the realization of diversified sources of fundingFirst of all, for subsequent insufficient funds become the greatest threat to the large-scale promotion in the future. At present, the company can only by the shareholders of a company constantly additional investment or developing new east and solve the problem of loan able funds, this makes the how to develop and maintain business steadily to become the biggest challenge. Second, countries to promote small loan credit, be in namely to promote the development of "agriculture, rural areas and farmers", small enterprises. Let go of small loan companies financing channels, togive financial institutions such as identity, fiscal and tax reduction policy support to process, small companies have the funds to solve legal channels, which naturally will not desperate to go "deposits" and off-balance-sheet financing illegally, this is the fundamental problem of small loan company funds source, as well as the development of basic problem, but as a small loan companies this is not the short-term investors, operators may change the status.3.3 Optimize the company's internal and external environment, strengthen the management of loansFirst of all, on the premise of guarantee its own environmental benign circulation, with the deepening of the company's business do more big, can slowly to such as Banks and other financial industry such as type of organization, benchmarking learning successful case of financial institutions, to further clear the requirement of the mortgaged property and improve the mortgaged property to accept mortgage threshold, so that we can effectively control the mortgaged property depreciation causes losses to the company. Secondly, establish and perfect the restraint mechanism with capital management as the core, and the traditional mainly denotation expansion of extensive growth mode to give priority to with connotation improve gradually intensive growth mode transformation. At the same time, small loans companies should adhere to market-oriented, commercial orientation, by high interest rates to reduce transaction risk and transaction costs, ensure that the company's earnings and normal operation. In risk control department and business department can through the establishment of "firewall system", strengthen the monitoring of loan risk, to timely feedback of loan quality deterioration, the loan provision for risk provisions for bad enough value. Give full play to the functions of small loan company's industry association, improve the industry self-discipline consciousness, and strengthen the financial accounting system, management personnel, registered capital of supervision and management, promoting its healthy development. Positive use of internal ratings and small credit has more mature technology, and through the way of market research, analysis of the demand for loans, and thus to develop a business strategy, so can make small loan co., LTD for the issuance of loans more tend to be more reasonable, and ismore practical and effective to control the loan risk.译文小额贷款公司经营风险防范M Swan摘要小额贷款公司目前仍处于起步阶段。
外文翻译-----小额信贷的可持续发展问题

中文3132字原文The Question of Sustainability forMicrofinance Institutions1.PrefaceMicroentrepreneurs have considerable difficulty accessing capital from mainstream financial institutions. One key reason is that the costs of information about the characteristics and risk levels of borrowers are high. Relationship-based financing has been promoted as a potential solution to information asymmetry problems in the distribution of credit to small businesses. In this paper, we seek to better understand the implic ations for providers of ―microfinance‖ in pursuing such a strategy. We discuss relationship-based financing as practiced by microfinance institutions (MFIs) in the United States, analyze their lending process, and present a model for determining the break-even price of a microcredit product. Comparing the model’s results with actual prices offered by existing institutions reveals that credit is generally being offered at a range of subsidized rates to microentrepreneurs. This means that MFIs have to raise additional resources from grants or other funds each year to sustain their operations as few are able to survive on the income generated from their lending and related operations. Such subsidization of credit has implications for the long-term sustainability of institutions serving this market and can help explain why mainstream financial institutions have not directly funded microenterprises. We conclude with a discussion of the role of nonprofit organizations in small business credit markets, the impact of pricing on their potential sustainability and self-sufficiency, and the implications for strategies to better structure the credit market for microbusinesses.2.The MFI Lending Model in the United StatesMarketingMarketing drives the business model in terms of the volume of potential borrowers that an MFI is able to access and the pool of loans it can develop. Given that MFIs do not accept deposits and have no formal prior insight into a freshpotential customer base, they must invest in attracting new borrowers. Marketing leads are generated from a variety of sources: soliciting loan renewals fromexisting borrowers, marketing to existing clients for referrals, ―grassroots‖ networking with institutions possessing a complimentary footprint in the target environment, and the mass media.At the outset of operations, before a borrower base is developed, portfolio growth is determined by the effectiveness of marketing through network and mass media channels. Once a borrower pool is established, marketing efforts can be shifted toward lower-cost marketing to existing borrowers and their peer networks. Even so, loans will likely attrite from a portfolio at a faster rate than renewals and borrower referrals can replenish it—new leads must continue to be generated through other, less effective channels.The Loan Application ProcessIn economic terms, the loan application process represents an investment at origination with the aim of minimizing credit losses in the future. All else being equal, a greater investment in the credit application process will result in lower subsequent rates of delinquency and default; conversely, a less stringent process would result in greater rates of credit loss in the future. Setting the appropriate level of rigor in a credit application process is an exercise in analyzing loanapplicant characteristics and forecasted future behaviors while being cognizant of the cost of performing these analyses.Three steps characterize the loan application process.Preliminary Screen. The applicant is asked a short set of questions to establish the applicant’s eligibility for credit under the MFI’s guidelines. This is sufficient to determine the likely strength of an application and whether an offer of credit could, in principle, be extended.Interview. At the interview stage, due diligence is performed to ensure that the loan purpose is legitimate and that the borrower’s business has sufficient capacity and prospects to make consistent repayments. Cash-flow analysis is the core of the MFI due diligence procedure and for microfinance borrowers the data is often insufficiently formal, hindering easy examination of cash flow stability and loanpayment coverage. As a result, this is a less standardized, more timeconsuming task than its equivalent in the formal lending markets.Underwriting and Approval. If a loan is recommended by an officer following the interview the application is then stresstested by an underwriter, who validates the cash flow and performs auxiliary analysis to ensure that the loan represents a positive addition to the lending portfolio.The dynamics of loan origination illustrate the trade-offs to be made to ensure an efficient credit process. Improved rigor could lead to a higher rate of declined applicants, and so higher subsequent portfolio quality, but at the expense of increased processing costs. For medium and larger loans, as application costs increase past an optimal point, the marginal benefit of improved portfolio quality is outweighed by the marginal expense of the credit application itself. However, for small loans there exists no such balance point—the optimal application cost is the least that can be reasonably achieved. This motivates a less intensive credit application process, administered when a loan request falls beneath a certain threshold, typically a principal less than $5,000. MFIs can disburse such loans more quickly and cheaply by fast-tracking them through a transaction-based process and context learning.Loan MonitoringPost-loan monitoring is critical toward minimizing loss. In contrast to the credit application process, which attempts to preempt the onset of borrower delinquencyby declining high risk loans, monitoring efforts minimize the economic impact of delinquency once a borrower has fallen into arrears. In addition to the explicit risk to institutional equity through default, managing delinquent borrowers is an intensive and costly process.When dealing with repeat clients, there exists the opportunity to leverage information captured through monitoring on previous loans, enabling the MFI to shorten the full credit application without materially impacting the risk filter. In short, there is an opportunity to reduce operational costs without a corresponding increase in future loss rates. Repeat borrowers enable the information accrued during the relationship to be leveraged to mutual benefit of MFI and borrower. In this case, much of the information required to validate a loan application has been gathered during theprevious lending relationship. An MFI will also possess the borrower’s payment history, a more accurate indicator of future performance than an isolated financial snapshot taken during the standard application process. The challenge, however, is that for many MFI, a part of their mission is to graduate customers into mainstream commercial banking, which would not allow the MFI to collect additional interest payments from those customers.Overhead CostsFor an MFI to sustain itself, each outstanding balance must contribute a proportional amount to institutional costs. Institutional costs are driven primarily by the size of the portfolio being maintained. The necessary staff, tools, technology, work environment, and management are functions of portfolio scale.We outline in Table 2 the institutionallevel costs of five MFIs with varying portfolio sizes to identify the proportional cost loading necessary to guarantee that central costs are compensated for. The table shows that institutional costs increase at a slower rate than the rate at which the loan portfolio grows, so that the overhead allocation declines as an MFI achieves scale. We find that an MFI with a $500,000 portfolio will incur indirect costs of 26 percent, while an MFI with a $20 million portfolio will experience a much lower indirect cost loading of 6 percent. In the United States, the largest institution engaging solely in microfinance presently has a portfolio of $15 million.3.Discussion and ConclusionsContinued subsidization of credit also has implications for the long-term sustainability of MFIs. Our high-level analysis of projected self-sufficiency levels of various MFI sizes shows the importance of pricing appropriately. Even a modest deviation from the value-neutral price has a significant impact on the amount of subsidies needed to sustain the institution. As a consequence, it is imperative that MFIs rigorously analyze the true costs and review their pricing structures accordingly.It has yet to be demonstrated that microfinance can be performed profitablyin the United States. Nondepository MFIs may not have better information and/or technology to identify and serve less risky microbusinesses than formal institutions. Itwould therefore appear that formal institutions are acting rationally in choosing not to serve this market at present. However, MFIs have succeeded in channeling capital to microbusinesses. Still, MFIs often operate with certain public and/or private subsidies. Ultimately, more research is needed to ascertain whether the provision of microfinance offers a societal benefit in excess of economic costs. This paper is oneof the first to document a very wide dispersion in the difference between value-neutral and actual pricing for a sample of MFIs. This suggests a wide dispersion in the economic subsidies inferred by these MFIs. More specifically,these subsidies are not being allocated on a consistent basis.If subsidies are required to serve the market at palatable interest rates for lenders and borrowers, it is incumbent on the microfinance industry to demonstrate that theirs is an efficient mechanism for delivering such subsidies. Once a subsidy is justified, institutions must be motivated to improve their operational efficiency so that they may offer microfinance borrowers the lowest possible equitable prices while not jeopardizing institutional viability.外文题目:The Question of Sustainability for Microfinance Institutions 出处:Journal of Small Business Management 2007 45(1), pp.23–41.作者:J. Jordan Pollinger, John Outhwaite,and Hector Cordero-Guzmán译文:小额信贷的可持续发展问题(一)前言微型企业从主流金融机构获得资金有相当大的困难,其中的一个重要原因是对了解借款者所花费的信息费以及风险等级是很高的。
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外文翻译FINANCING MICROFINANCE FOR POVERTY REDUCTION1byDavid S.Gibbons and Jennifer W.MeehanII.THE NEED FOR A NEW FINANCING PARADIGMDemand for Micro Finance ServicesThere is no doubt that strong demand exists for microfinance services,among the poor around the world.Recent statistics on the global outreach of microfinance institutions(MFIs)report that as of December 31,2000,over 30 million families had access to microfinance services,of which more than 19 million qualified as poorest.This is both encouraging and daunting.Encouraging because the number has increased substantially since 1997,when the Microcredit Summit Campaign was launched.Daunting because that still leaves 81 million poorest families to be reached by 2005 if the Campaign target of 100 million of the poorest is to be achieved.On a regional basis,coverage remains extremely low.In Asia,where almost 15 million poorest families have access to microfinance services,still only 9.3%of all poorest families are being reached.And in Africa and Latin America,only 6%of all poorest families have access to financial services.2It is not surprising,therefore,that NGO-MFIs wanting to increase their outreach to the poorest,having the necessary institutional capacity and access to the necessary funding,have no difficulty in1The authors would like to thank the Microcredit Summit for inviting them to write the paper and for extending full co-operation in the process.V aluable comments were received from a large number of readers to whom an earlier draft was circulated by the Summit Secretariat.Particularly valuable comments were received from CIDA,Ramesh Bellamkonda,Brigit Helms,Dushyant Kapoor,John Lewis,Benji Montemayer,as well as participants in the CASHPOR-PHILNET Financing Microfinance for Poverty Reduction Workshop in Manila,the Philippines,from June 5 th to June 7 th.We thank all commentators for the time they have taken out of their busy schedules.We have done our best to incorporate your suggestions,and feel the paper is much stronger because of them.Helen Todd proof-read the final draft and made valuable suggestions.Nevertheless,we take final responsibility for what we have written.2State of the Microcredit Campaign Report 2001,p11.attracting new clients3.The failure of MFIs outside of Bangladesh to reach significant numbers of poor households in their own countries is not because of a shortage of MFIs.As of December 2000,over 1,600 MFIs(mostly NGO-MFIs)were reporting to the Microcredit Summit Campaign.However,the significant majority of these MFIs are very small,serving less than 2,500 clients each.43Good examples are SHARE in India,CARD in the Philippines,FINCA in Uganda and CRECER in Bolivia.4Efforts of CGAP World Bank(CGAP)to"massify"microfinance,through such intermediaries as rural post offices and even public telephone kiosks,are welcome.But these efforts are new and it would be unwise to neglect the institutions that to date have provided most of the micro finance for the poor,that is, MFIs.If only 10%of the MFIs currently serving the poorest,or approximately 162,could be scaled-up to serve an average of 500,000 very poor households,or 324(approximately 20%)to 250,000 clients,then the goal of the Microcredit Summit of reaching 100 million could be achieved.It is important to acknowledge up front that not all MFIs want to grow to reach truly large numbers(say 250,000-500,000)and certainly some will not be able to build the necessary institutional capacity.But there are many that do and can–certainly more than 10%of all the MFIs reporting to the Microcredit Summit Campaign.Capacity Building as an Ongoing TaskThe MFIs around the world that are interested in scaling-up their outreach to large numbers of poor households are already seeking the institutional capacity to do so.This is easier today than ever before because of the pioneering work of service providers in the industry,like CGAP World Bank,SEEP,the Microfinance Network, Women’s World Banking,ACCION,FINCA,the Grameen Trust and CASHPOR,among others.Much of the training materials needed can be downloaded from the web sites of these organizations.New,more cost-effective management tools are being developed and disseminated continually and MFIs are being required to build the capacity to utilize them.Capacity for scaling-up is being built,and more will be built.There is little,if any, human resource constraint 5.Donors and other funders are also requiring more and better information from the MFIs,whether NGOs or formal financial intermediaries,that they finance.They are asking for greater financial AID,for example,requires not only externally audited financial statements,but also that they be converted into the CGAP standard international format to make possible accurate financial analysis.So MFIs are having to build the institutional capacity to do this.Recognizing Capital 6as a Critical ConstraintWhile we recognize the on-going importance of capacity building,we do not see it as the only constraint.Even when capacity is built,lack of capital blocks rapid expansion.CGAP recently published an interesting and provocative Viewpoint titled Water, Water Everywhere but Not a Drop to Drink,which undertook an assessment of the funding environment for MFIs.It recognized that funding to the microfinance sector is on the rise,with donors and governments participating,often through apex and wholesale facilities as well as private investors.But then it asked the critical question;"With all the funds pouring into the sector,why do MFIs find it difficult to5In most poor countries,certainly in the bigger ones like India and Indonesia,there are huge pools of under-employed,educated youth.Experience tells us that within three months most of them can be trained to identify and motivate poor women to see micro finance as a good opportunity for themselves,and to manage the provision of micro finance services to them.We know also that educated young people in the rural areas,who have never touched a computer,can learn to use efficiently a user friendly software for purposes of data entry at the branch-level.The manpower is waiting for micro finance,at least in the poorer countries.6The term“capital”as used in this section refers to all sources of financing available to microfinance institutions.Please see Glossary,definition a.access needed financing?" Why do"managers of many high-potential MFIs face serious funding constraints"?The answer CGAP provided:"Much of the supply of funds to microfinance is ineffective–narrowly targeted and poorly structured."The first problem is that while donors played a critical role in building the microfinance industry by providing early support to pioneers,they seem reluctant to graduate a new generation of industry leaders.Everyone wants to fund the established "winners,"rather than take the risk of funding and helping to build new winners from among the hundreds of smaller MFIs looking for funding.This means that profitable MFIs get subsidized funding,crowding out the commercial investors who do have the vast resources to allow for rapid scaling-up.The venture capital role of the grant funding donors should instead be directed at potential winners,those with the vision to reach large numbers of the poorest,strong management teams,a commitment to transparency and professionalism and a drive towards efficiency and sustainability.As the CGAP Viewpoint states"…the principal task of donors should be to identify and bet on promising MFIs and leave the known winners to commercial investors."A second problem is that donors have a hard time moving money–funding is not designed to meet the needs of the MFIs,but rather the priorities of donors or governments.These can include country or regional priorities and/or an unhelpful insistence that the funds be used only for onlending.Limitations can be compounded by internal organizational concerns–country-level vs.global programming–and a lack of local knowledge.CGAP's current Peer Review exercise among its member donors,aimed at disseminating best-practice financing for microfinance,should result in a significant reduction of the current funding mismatch.However,it is not directed specifically at the main funding problem of MFIs,the dearth of equity and equity-like financing for microfinance institutions at any stage of maturity.In fact,this is the major funding problem in the industry and will remain so for the foreseeable future–an issue that has yet to be accepted broadly by its non-practitioner actors.The Primary Obstacle is EquityIn the lively discussion that followed the posting of the CGAP Viewpoint on the internet,it became clear that it is not just a lack of supply in general,which ishindering growth in outreach,but rather the type of financing being made available.Practitioners in particular focused on this point.Nejira Nalic,Executive Director of MI-BOSPO in Bosnia and Herzegovina noted that"our decision making processes are lead by our environment and we are in a way suppressed by lack of capital base…"Roshaneh Zafar,Managing Director of Kashf Foundation in Lahore,Pakistan also expressed the need for"socially motivated equity funds."Our experience in Asia,through CASHPOR,reaffirms these views.A recent workshop in the Philippines,Financing Microfinance forPoverty Reduction7,attended by leading MFIs from across the region,indicated that 72% of those attending were constrained in their growth specifically by a lack of funds to cover operating losses,prior to break-even of the expansion.As we are targeting 81 million new clients,and if we assume an average loan outstanding of US100,then around$8.1 billion would be needed in onlending funds.Assuming a capital adequacy requirement of 8%,about US$650 million would be needed as capital for leverage.International financier George Soros,in his book George Soros on Globalization,observes that:…The difficulty[of microlending]is in scaling it up.Successful microlending operations,although largely self-sustaining,cannot grow out of retained earnings,nor can they raise capital in financial markets.To turn microlending into a big factor in economic and political progress,it must be scaled-up significantly.This would require general support for the industry as well as capital for individual ventures8.We agree–even when MFIs become profitable,accumulated profits will not support the kind of large-scale growth required to reach large numbers.Until now,many MFIs have utilized grants from donors to support their operations both in the early years and as they scale up.Yet such grants,already limited in size and availability,are becoming harder to come by as the pool of global MFIs grows.Unfortunately,beyond donors,there really are no private sources of equity financing available to MFIs around the world,particularly those working with the poorest.We must start thinking more innovatively–as most commercial businesses do–about our financing strategies.This will require the microfinance industry to embrace the concept of quasi-equity,to adjust their financial statements to reflect a truer and fairer picture of their financial strength,to challenge prevailing standards7CASHPOR-PHILNET workshop from June 5th–7th,Manila,the Philippines.8George Soros on Globalization,George Soros,pp.83 and 84.for calculating capital adequacy and to set levels appropriate for different MFIS,according to their risk profiles.III.COVERING OPERATING DEFICITSTwo decades ago pioneers such as Muhammad Yunus of the Grameen Bank showed the world that poor,rural women without collateral were bankable.It is time that we recognize that microfinance institutions working with the poor,but lacking conventional capital adequacy,are also bankable.The reason is the same:most poor women,supplied with capital on reasonable terms,will invest it profitably and repay the loans,plus interest,faithfully in full on time.Just as this makes poor women bankable so too does it make MFIs servicing them bankable.The problem is not onlending funds.Local commercial banks are being persuaded that MFIs are worthy,if somewhat unconventional,customers;experience and Asia and Latin America prove this true.Apex institutions have been established in some countries,particularly in Asia,with the support of the World Bank(PKSF in Bangladesh) and the Asian Development Bank(PCFC in the Philippines and RMDC in Nepal),offering financing to MFIs on semi-or near-commercial terms.And social investors and large international NGOs still play an important role in financing loans for onlending.Savings,where MFIs are able to use this as a source of funds,can also play a critical role.Operating deficits to break-even are typically covered by grants,and where possible,private investment.After that,gradual expansion can be covered by retained profits.But few MFIs working with the poor have been able to attract much investment.And few donors are keen to sink funds into what they see as the bottomless pit of operational losses.Some donors insist that their grants be used only to finance onlending,ignoring the reality that onlending costs money.Even were this to change,none of these traditional sources–grants,investment(for non-NGO MFIs)and profits--are available in anywhere near enough supply to propel MFIs to meet the massive demand for microfinance that exists.Given the potential of microfinance to reduce poverty,we must look for prudent alternatives to traditional equity that would allow for faster growth of its outreach to the poor.小额信贷扶贫资金9资料来源:小额信贷扶贫资金,2002(06)作者:大卫·S·吉本斯,詹妮弗·瓦特米汉二、需要一种新型的融资范例小额信贷服务的需求毫无疑问,小额贷款服务在贫困世界存在着强劲需求,据全球外展小额贷款机构(MFIs)的报告,2000年12月31日,有超过30万的家庭有权申请小额信贷服务。