杜鲁门主义的英文演讲稿
杜鲁门总统就职演讲1949全稿(中英版)
杜鲁门总统就职演讲1949：四项主要的行动方针Inaugural Address of Harry S. TrumanTHURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor, which the American people have conferred upon me. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith, which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achievea decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and in adequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations. We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten back despair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice. We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize fourmajor courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations what are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program. We are confident of the success of this major venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status ofself-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter. Each country participating in the se arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with over whelming force, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations that will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques. The material resources that we can afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help the mrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democraticfair dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world's human and natural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery, and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文译文】：四项主要的行动方针哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲星期四,1949年1月20日我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。
罗斯福英文励志演讲稿
It is with great honor and immense pride that I stand before you todayto address this assembly. As we gather here, we are all part of a nation that has faced its fair share of challenges and hardships. However, itis in these moments of adversity that we find our true strength and resilience. Today, I want to talk about the indomitable spirit of the American people and how we can overcome any obstacle that stands in our way.My fellow citizens, we are the descendants of a great nation that has always believed in the power of the individual. From the foundingfathers who drafted the Constitution to the unsung heroes who fought for freedom, our nation has been built on the principle that every personhas the right to pursue happiness and achieve their dreams. But let us not forget that this journey has not been without its trials and tribulations.In the past, our country has faced numerous crises—economic depressions, world wars, and social injustices. Yet, time and time again, we have risen to the occasion, proving that the American spirit is indeed unbreakable. Today, I want to pay tribute to that spirit and encourage each and every one of you to embrace it in your own lives.First and foremost, let us remember that perseverance is the cornerstone of our nation's success. When we encounter difficulties, we must not be deterred but rather find the strength to press on. The Great Depression of the 1930s was a period of immense hardship, but it was also a time when our country's resilience was put to the test. It was during this period that President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced the New Deal, a series of programs designed to lift our nation out of economic despair. His unwavering determination to improve the lives of the American people serves as a powerful reminder that we, too, can overcome adversity if we stay true to our values and commit ourselves to the betterment of our nation.The New Deal was not just about economic recovery; it was aboutrestoring hope. President Roosevelt understood that when people are united in their struggle, they can achieve the impossible. Similarly, we must come together as a nation, supporting one another through thick andthin. In times of crisis, it is our collective strength that will see us through. Whether it is a natural disaster, a public health emergency, or an economic downturn, we must stand side by side, united in our resolve to overcome.Moreover, we must never underestimate the power of innovation and creativity. Throughout history, it has been our ingenuity that has allowed us to push the boundaries of what is possible. Take, for instance, the technological advancements that have transformed our lives in the past century. From the invention of the internet to the development of renewable energy sources, our nation has always been at the forefront of progress. As we move forward, let us continue to embrace innovation and push the limits of what we can achieve.Education is another critical factor in our nation's success. It is through education that we equip ourselves with the knowledge and skills necessary to thrive in a rapidly changing world. A well-educated populace is the backbone of any prosperous society. Therefore, it is imperative that we invest in our children's education, ensuring that they have access to quality resources and opportunities. By doing so, we are not only preparing them for the future but also fostering a generation of leaders who will shape the course of our nation.Furthermore, we must never lose sight of the importance of equality and justice. Our nation was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, yet we have not always lived up to this ideal. Throughout history, we have seen the struggle for civil rights, women's suffrage, and LGBTQ+ rights. These battles have been fought and won by people who were willing to stand up for what is right, even in the face of adversity. As we move forward, let us continue to fight for equality and justice, ensuring that every individual has the opportunity to reach their full potential.In conclusion, my fellow citizens, the American spirit is a powerful force that has driven our nation forward through countless challenges.It is a spirit of perseverance, innovation, education, and justice. As we face the future, let us not be afraid to embrace this spirit and use it to overcome any obstacle that may come our way.Remember, the road to success is often paved with adversity. It is through our struggles that we find our true strength. So, let us stand together, united in our resolve to build a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and our great nation.God bless America.Thank you.。
1_杜鲁门主义的英文演讲稿
杜鲁门主义的英文演讲稿The Truman Doctrine speech by Harry S Truman Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members o f the Congress of the United States.The gravity of the situation which confronts theworld today necessitates my appearance before a jointsession of the Congress. The foreign policy and thenational security of this country are involved.One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of theGreek Government.Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficientnatural resources has always forced the Greek peopleto work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, andbitter internal strife.When f orces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was ableto create political chaos which, until now, has madeeconomic recovery impossible.Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances the people ofGreece cannot make progress in solving their problemsof reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need offinancial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel and seeds.These are indispensable for the subsistence of itspeople and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restoreinternal order and security so essential for economicand political recovery.The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectivelyin creating a stable and self-sustaining economy andin improving its public administration.The very existence of the Greek state is todaythreatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government’s authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations SecurityCouncil is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontier between Greece on the onehand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to copewith the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is torestore authority to the government throughout Greekterritory.Greece must have assistance if it is to become aself-supporting and self-respecting democracy.The United States must supply this assistance. Wehave already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid but these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aidafter March 31. Great Britain finds itself under thenecessity of reducing or liquidating its commitmentsin several parts of the world, including Greece.We have considered how the United Nations mightassist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgentone requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.It is important to note that the Greek Governmenthas asked for our aid in utilizing effectively thefinancial and other assistance we may give to Greece,and in improving is public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece, in such a manner that eachdollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy inwhich a healthy democracy can flourish.No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointedout and corrected. The government of Greece is notperfect. Nevertheless it represents 85 percent of themembers of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.The Greek Government has been operating in anatmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made m istakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned inthe past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We h ave in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.Greece’s neighbour, Turkey, also deserves our attention.The future of Turkey as an independent and economically sound state is clearly no less importantto the freedom-loving peoples of the world than thefuture of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkeyfinds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disastersthat have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.Since the war Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernizationnecessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.The British Government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.I am f ully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece andTurkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions inwhich we and other nations will be able to work out away of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victorywas won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.To ensure the peaceful development of nations, freefrom coercion, the United States has taken a leadingpart in establishing the United Nations. The UnitedNations is designed to make possible lasting freedomand independence for all its members. We shall notrealize our objectives, however, unless we are willingto help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frankrecognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace andhence the security of the United States.The peoples of a number of countries of the worldhave recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, inPoland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state thatin a number of other countries there have been similar developments.At the present moment in world history nearly everynation must choose between alternative ways of life.The choice is too often not a free one.One way of life is based upon the will of themajority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.The second way of life is based upon the will ofa minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled pressand radio, fixed elections, and the suppression ofpersonal freedoms.I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.The world is not static, and the status quo is notsacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quoin violation of the Charter of the United Nations bysuch methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges aspolitical infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principlesof the Charter of the United Nations.It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbour, Turkey, would be immediateand serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect uponthose countries in Europe whose people are strugglingagainst great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damagesof war.It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long againstoverwhelming odds, should lose that victory for whichthey sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not onlyfor them but for the world. Discouragement and possible failure would quickly be the lot of neighbouring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in thisfateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to theWest as well as to the East.We must take immediate and resolute action.I therefore ask the Congress to provide authorityfor assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of$400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum a mount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which Irecently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countriesdevastated by the war.In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and militarypersonnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction,and for the purpose of supervising the use of suchfinancial and material assistance as my be furnished.I recommend that authority also be provided for theinstruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.If further funds, or further authority, should beneeded for the purposes indicated in this message, Ishall not hesitate to bring the situation before theCongress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of Government must work together.This is a serious course upon which we embark.I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment inworld freedom and world peace.The assistance that I am recommending for Greeceand Turkey amounts to little more than 1/10 of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that weshould safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured bymisery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.We must keep that hope alive.The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world – and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this Nation.Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.。
美国总统杜鲁门的就职演讲稿
美国总统杜鲁门的就职演讲稿美国总统杜鲁门的就职演讲稿我满怀谦恭接受美国人民赋予我的荣誉时，同时也深深地下定决心，要为我国人民的幸福与世界的和平鞠躬尽瘁。
美国人民坚守自建国以来就一直激励着这个国家的信念。
我们相信，在法律面前人人平等，在分享同等福利时则拥有均等的机会。
我们认为，人人都享有思想和言论自由的权力。
我们相信人人生而平等，因为他们都是上帝按照自己的形象所创造。
凭此信条,我们坚定不移。
美国人民盼望一切国家和一切人民都按照自己的意愿自由地进行自治，自由的获得一种体面而愉快的生活，并且决心为建设这样一个世界而努力。
美国人民尤其期望并决心致力于基于平等自愿公正和持久的和平。
在追求这些目标的过程中，美国和其他志同道合的国家发现，他们直接遭到另外一种与我们正好相反，其生活观念也截然不同的社会制度的抵触。
这种社会制度信奉一种谎称能给人类带来自由、安全和更多机会的荒谬哲学。
许多民族在这种哲学的引导下，已经牺牲了他们的自由，结果不过是悲观的发现,得到的仍是欺骗和愚弄，仍是贫困和暴政。
而民主则奠基于这样一种信念之上——人类不仅拥有不可剥夺的权利，借助道德和智力，来借助理性和正义进行自治。
而民主制度则坚持认为，政府乃是为了个人的裨益而建立的，它有责任保护人的各种权力和发挥自己的各项才能的自由。
共产主义和民主制度之间存在的这些分歧，决不仅仅与美国一个国家有关。
世界各地的人民都在逐渐认识到，这一切所涉及的问题，乃在于物质生活的丰厚、人类尊严和信仰与崇拜上帝的权力。
自敌对局面结束以来，美国业已投入物资与精力，为在全世界恢复和平、稳定和自由而开展伟大的建设性工作.我们既未取人寸土，也没有把自己的意愿强加于人；我们既没有索取任何特权，也不会赋予任何人这种特权。
我们已尽了一切努力达成协议，对我们拥有的威力无比的武器实行了有效的国际控制；我们亦已为限制和控制所有军备开展了不断的工作。
我们正和其他国家一起前进，以建设一座更加坚固的国际秩序和正义的大厦。
杜鲁门演讲英语分析
The Analysis of the Truman DoctrineHarry S Truman was born in Lamar, Missouri, in 1884. He used the letter S in the middle in honor of his grandfather. On April 12, 1945, Truman became the 33rd president of the USA. He said: “if you can not stand the heat, get out of the kitchen.” So till now, many academics consider him as one of the most excellent presidents. In domestic and foreign affairs, he was already providing his most effective leadership. Under his guidance, America releases the damage from the economic crisis efficiently! Internationally, He went to France during World War I as a captain in the Field Artillery and was always proud of his background of military service. In the World War Two, He ordered atomic bombs dropped on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. On March 12, 1947, Truman made a speech---- The Truman Doctrine. Afterwards, Cold War started and North Atlantic Treaty Organization established.After the World War Two, Italy, German and Japan were defeated absolutely, and Britain, as well as France, was weakened in the war. In February of 1947, Britain informed the U.S. State Department that they could no longer help the Greek and Turkish regimes. The British government asked the United States to step in so that the Soviets would not gain control. American diplomats on the scene as well as State Department and military leaders in Washington feared that Communist victories in Greece and Turkey would open the door for Soviet expansion into the Middle East, Asia, Africa, and Western Europe. Accordingly, on March 12, 1947, the president Truman made a strongly worded speech to Congress. It stated that the U.S. would support Greece and Turkey with economic and military aid to prevent their falling into the Soviet sphere. Truman described the world situation as grave but maintained that the Greek government could win its civil war if it received aid. He argued that the United States was the only nation that could supply it. Linking his proposal with World War II, he portrayed world history as now dominated by a struggle between free and unfree ways of life. American policy, he declared, should "support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or outsidepressure." Suggesting that this could be done primarily through economic and financial aid," he asked for $400 million for Greece and Turkey. These ideas were the main elements of what was quickly labeled the Truman Doctrine. Historians often use it to mark the starting date of the Cold War.As a political and persuasive speech, Truman stated his opinions and hopes from two aspects, Greece and America, to obtain the support from the Congress by tactful speech..Firstly, Truman clearly analyzed the Greece current situation, mainly from the Greek people’s hardship to emphasize the need of financial and economic assistance. Some statistics from his speech could totally explain Greek’s crisis：”four years of cruel enemy occupation” and “More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular”. All these figures indicated that Greek needs help right now. Besides that, He made further emphasize that “I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government”, which implied if regardless of the need of Greece, America would be condemned. Here, Truman used the irony which was effective to point out that the necessity to give the Greece aid.Secondly, as for the United States, Truman insisted that if Greece and Turkey did not receive the aid that they needed, they would inevitably fall to Communism with consequences throughout the region, which was a threat to international peace and the national security of the United States. Therefore, he used the inversion of subjunctive mood (Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East. ) to indicate this potential threat. Meanwhile, he also reasoned that “The f ailure of the West to prevent communist takeover in Greece would not only put the Russians on a particularly dangerous flank for the Turks, but strengthen the Soviet U nion’s ability to cut off allied supplies and assistance in the event of war.". This direct statement enhances his forcefulness and made further explanation of threat. Furthermore, Truman compared the communism to The seeds of totalitarian. Here, use of metaphor undoubtedly showed that Americancongress could no longer stand by.(加？in case)Thirdly, Truman persuaded congress from the responsibilities of America. He said:” We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance no w.” The contrast of duties between past and now explained that USA can’t set it aside. Then he used 3 “I believe” in the form of parallel structure (I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes. ) . Not only did it reinforce the oration’s momentum, but told the specific aids to Greece and Turkey from spirit and action. Three separated sentences showed America’s so-called international aid clearly and potently. However, who knows his real intension (against communism) hidden from the words?From the crisis of Greece and Turkey to Americ a’s duties, from the international situation to the aftermaths, Truman comprehensively analyzed the necessity of giving funds. And with the perfect use of various devices, he successfully applied for ﹩400 million to help Greece and Turkey in the end.。
美国杜鲁门主义的英语作文
美国杜鲁门主义的英语作文Title: The Truman Doctrine: Shaping American Foreign Policy。
The Truman Doctrine, articulated by President Harry S. Truman in 1947, marked a pivotal moment in American foreign policy. It emerged as a response to the geopolitical challenges posed by the spread of communism in Europe, particularly in Greece and Turkey. This doctrine outlined a new approach for the United States, one that aimed to contain the expansion of Soviet influence and uphold democratic principles worldwide.At its core, the Truman Doctrine represented a departure from the traditional isolationist stance that characterized American foreign policy before World War II. With the onset of the Cold War, Truman recognized the need for a more assertive and interventionist approach to safeguarding American interests and promoting stability abroad.Central to the Truman Doctrine was the concept of containment. Truman articulated that the United States would provide political, economic, and military support to nations threatened by communism, effectively containing its spread. This commitment was particularly evident in Greece and Turkey, where the United States provided substantial aid to prevent communist insurgencies.The Truman Doctrine also had broader implications beyond its immediate application in Greece and Turkey. It laid the groundwork for American interventionism in subsequent decades, shaping policies such as the Marshall Plan and NATO. By committing to the defense of democratic nations against external aggression, the United States positioned itself as the leader of the free world and the primary counterforce to Soviet expansionism.Furthermore, the Truman Doctrine established a precedent for the United States to intervene in conflicts beyond its immediate borders in the name of protecting its national security interests. This principle would beinvoked in numerous instances throughout the Cold War era, including the Korean War and the Vietnam War.Critics of the Truman Doctrine argue that it contributed to the militarization of American foreign policy and the perpetuation of global conflicts. They contend that the doctrine's focus on containment led to unnecessary interventions and prolonged conflicts, with repercussions that extended far beyond the original scope of the policy.However, supporters maintain that the Truman Doctrine was a necessary response to the geopolitical realities of the time. They argue that without American intervention, communist forces would have gained a foothold in strategically vital regions, posing a direct threat to global peace and security.In conclusion, the Truman Doctrine represented a fundamental shift in American foreign policy, marking the beginning of an era of interventionism and containment during the Cold War. While its legacy remains the subjectof debate, there is no denying its significant impact on shaping the course of twentieth-century history.。
尼克松演讲英文原稿
Richard M. Nixon: The Great Silent MajorityGood evening, my fellow Americans.Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first placeHow has this administration changed the policy of the previous AdministrationWhat has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on the battlefront in VietnamWhat choices do we have if we are to end the warWhat are the prospects for peaceNow let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was beyond [behind] schedule. Five hundred and forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as thepeacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson's war to become Nixon's war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson's war becomes Nixon's war. The great question is: How can we win America's peaceWell, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson's decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end itIn January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.For the United States this first defeat in our nation's history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said,"We want to see a stable Government there," carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence." We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we're going to stay there." President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of worlds conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed a cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force. And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicatedthat we're willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements.I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum. That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement. Hanoi's replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of State Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger, Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started. In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks. I spoke directly in this office, where Im now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh. I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.Let me read from that letter to you now:Dear Mr. President:I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of fouryears of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face toward peace rather than toward conflict and war."I received Ho Chi Minh's reply on August 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that I have referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam's chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions. And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on January 20th, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, who's at fault It's become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side's absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace. And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi 's deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously. I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front. It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25. Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to preventfuture Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we're an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy. In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the arms, and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggression.Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen. He said: When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, . policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward Asia. First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea, other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybody's business -- not just America's business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird's visit to Vietnam in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces. In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abrams's orders, so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies. Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam. After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home. By December 15 over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces. The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they've been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year. And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all . combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which Im sure you will understand. As Ive indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the Paris talks. An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces. And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal. As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid. Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly.However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point. At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was anunderstanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war. I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action. Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamization, if necessary -- a plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right. I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading, Lose in Vietnam, bring the boys home.Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has a right to reachthat conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office if I allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street. For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now, I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war. I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam. It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. But I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world.And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now wont matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now wont matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then wont matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate at Paris.Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: This is the war to end wars. His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this: I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which -- to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace.As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.Thank you and good night.。
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,I am honored to speak to you today about a topic very dear to me –the four freedoms that are essential to a free and democratic society. These freedoms, which were articulated by the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt in his famous speech on January 6, 1941, have served as an inspiration to generations of Americans and people all over the world. Today, I would like to share with you my thoughts on each of these four freedoms.First and foremost, there is freedom of speech. This freedom is vital to the functioning of a democratic society. When individuals are free to speak their minds, they can hold those in power accountable and bring about change. But freedom of speech is not just about criticizing those in power. It is also about allowing different voices to be heard, even if they are unpopular or controversial. We must always remember that our freedom to speak does not give us the right to harm others, and we must respect the rights and dignity of others even as we express our own views.Secondly, there is freedom of worship. This freedom ensures that all individuals are able to worship as they see fit, without fear of persecution or discrimination. It is a fundamental human right that must be protected. In a diverse society such as ours, it is important that we respect the religious beliefs of others, and that we remain committed to the idea that all individuals have the right to practice their faith without interference from the state.Thirdly, there is freedom from want. This freedom recognizes that all individuals should have access to the basic necessities of life –food, shelter, healthcare, and education. It is not enough to simply protect individuals from harm; we must also work to create a society that provides opportunities for all. This means creating policies and systems that address poverty, inequality, and social exclusion. Only then can we truly say that we are a society that values freedom and social justice.Finally, there is freedom from fear. This freedom recognizes that all individuals have the right to live without fear of violence, persecution or oppression. It requires that we work to promote peace and security, both at home and abroad. It means fighting against racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of discrimination. We must also work to ensure that our legal systems are fair and just, and that they protect the rights of all individuals, regardless of their race, gender, or socio-economic status.In conclusion, the four freedoms articulated by President Roosevelt remind us that our freedom is not just about individual rights, but also about the collective responsibilities that we share as citizens of a free and democratic society. We must work to build a society that values these freedoms and that seeks to protect them for all individuals, regardless of their race, gender, or socio-economic status. Only then can we truly say that we are a country that values freedom, justice, and equality for all. Thank you.。
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）
经典英文演讲肯尼迪TowardsaStrategyofPeacekennedy（最终版）第一篇：经典英文演讲肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy（最终版）Modern History Sourcebook:President John F.Kennedy:Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963------------------Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963[]I have...chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time..First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.T oo many think it unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as be wants.No problem of human destiny isbeyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionsincluding this nation's closest alliesmore than enough-of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.第二篇：肯尼迪演讲就职演说今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。
著名企业英语演讲稿
著名企业英语演讲稿篇一：著名英语演讲目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：XX民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：XX大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会篇二：领导力英语演讲稿A good leadership is indispensable for any government, business ororganization. Qualities of a Good Leader and Leadership Abilities are essential to actuate others and achieve the desired goals. Different strategies and leadership styles are used to achieve the goals oforganization. A leader or executive directs and guides its subordinates to achieve the goals. Leaders are an essential and most significant part of any organization, which have responsibilities to set organizational goals, develop visions of future, motivate and influence subordinates and organization members to attain the goals. Leadership is one of the most important functions of any organization which is essential for maximization of efficiency and attainment of organizational goals.A leader’s job is not an easy and facile job. it is one of the mostchallenging jobs with huge responsibilities, and without specific leadership skills and qualities, it is hard to attain the desired goals. Organizations with highly enthusiastic, esteemed and skillful leaders get their goals efficiently and touch the skies of success.a leader has a set of challenging responsibilities like initiation, guidance, motivation ,building confidence and morale, building a sense of coordination and proper working environment. An effective leadership withsufficient managerial capabilities and leadership skills is an asset and key to success for any organization. To be a successful leader some leadership qualities requisites are really essential. Some qualities of a good leader are described below.: A honest leader is a precious asset to any organization. A leader must be honest with his organization and organizational workers as well. Honesty is one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. A good leader never compromise on organizational interests and never loose his integrity.and sincerity: A dedicated leader is always respected by others due to his professional approach.a good leader is always an inspirational source for his workers, due to his dedication and sincerity.and focus: A good leader always has a vision of future and possible circumstances of future. Visionary approach is also one of the most indispensable qualities of a good leader. a leader with visionary approach is able to look beyond common sight. And thenhe takes appropriate decisions according to possible circumstances of future. Future risk management is also related to this aspect of leadership qualities. a good leader must have an ability to visualize different situations. a proper focus on work and organizational goals, is of equal importance along with the vision of future.interpersonal communication skills: Communication skills are one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. As a leader has to communicate with others frequently, when you a have good communication skills and able to express what you want, then you can achieve the best.effective communication is necessary to develop good working relations, which are a requisite to attain the desired goals of an organization.capabilities: A good leader has an ability to motivate and incite his subordinates and workers to get the desired results or desired quality and quantity of the work. Motivation capabilities are one of the key qualities of a good leader. a good leader continues tomotivate and influence hissubordinates. This is very essential and effective to create a good working environment and attainment of good results. A good leader prefers the safety of workers and motivates workers adopt safety measures. He actuates them to work better improve the quality of work. he announces incentives and bonuses for hardworking workers. a good leader also announces awards and proper rewards for his subordinates in case of hard work and quality of work. These incentives and rewards are a true source of motivation for his workers.: Consistency is one of the qualities of a good leader which have crucial importance. A good leader must be consistent in his approach as well as decisions.a good leader has some specific style ofleadership. He must be consistent to maintain his specific style. Inconsistency leads to failures. A good leader must avoid different approaches ormodifications. a sensible leader has a constant working approach with a little tolerance of modifications if necessary. Simple and consistentleadership approach leads to a successful leader.power and self esteem: Will power and self confidence are key qualities of a good leader. a good leader must have self confidence if he wants to earn the confidence of his subordinates. Self confidence is also necessary while taking particular decisions. a good leader is aware and confidents that his decisions are in the interest of organization and organizational members. Will power is also a requisite for effective leadership. A leader must know himself and able to control himself resolutely.of Work: Knowledge of work is also one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. a good leader always knows about the work being accomplished and resources and man power required for a specific task. Sufficient knowledge about the work helps to make appropriate decisions.: A good leader has always patience and calmness. These are one of the crucial qualities necessary for a good leader. A good leader does not loose his temper and always take decisions with a cool and peaceful mindafter analyzing the whole situation. capability according to the circumstances. Decision making is one of the most crucial qualities of a good leader. A good leader always appreciatessuggestions from its subordinated and low level management, but takes thelast decision after analyzing whole situation. Some crucial moments also demand some daring and bold decisions. a leader having decision making capabilities can cope with different crucial circumstances篇三：产品介绍英语演讲稿公司及产品讲稿各位亲爱的家人（朋友或伙伴们）：大家上午（下午）好！我是大漠紫光非常荣幸今天由我来介绍一下我们公司及产品（打招呼表示感谢）（塑造产品价值，突出产品独特卖点，引发强烈兴趣）各位亲爱的伙伴们在进入主题之前我可不可以和大家先做一下友好的互动（可以），请问大家我们每个人都特别渴望让自己变得更年轻长寿对不对（对），我们每个人都渴望让自己远离疾病与痛苦是不是（是的），我们每个人都特别想吃到营养全面最健康的食品对吗（对的）！但是我想讲的是现代科技尽管如此发达，人们的生活水平得到了显著提高，但是现代人的死亡率却在逐渐呈现年轻化，普遍化的趋势。
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杜鲁门主义的英文演讲稿The Truman Doctrine speech by Harry S Truman Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States.The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficientnatural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need offinancial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security so essential for economic and political recovery.The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government’s authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations Security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontier between Greece on the onehand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority to the government throughout Greek territory.Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy.The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid but these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgentone requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving is public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece, in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents 85 percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.The Greek Government has been operating in anatmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.Greece’s neighbour, Turkey, also deserves our attention.The future of Turkey as an independent and economically sound state is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.Since the war Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernizationnecessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.The British Government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.To ensure the peaceful development of nations, freefrom coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States.The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.At the present moment in world history nearly everynation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one.One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.The world is not static, and the status quo is notsacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbour, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose people are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long againstoverwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possible failure would quickly be the lot of neighbouring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.We must take immediate and resolute action.I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and militarypersonnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as my be furnished.I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of Government must work together.This is a serious course upon which we embark.I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1/10 of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.We must keep that hope alive.The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world – and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this Nation.Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.。