奥巴马告别演讲稿英文版

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奥巴马告别演说中英文版

奥巴马告别演说2017年美国东部时间1月10日晚九点(北京时间 11 日上午 10 点)，奥巴马在家乡芝加哥的McCormick Place会展中心发表八年总统任期的告别演说。

巧的是，2008年他的胜出演说也是在芝加哥发表，也算是某种程度的圆满吧。

即将结束总统任期的奥巴马，回到了他的第二故乡、他政治生涯的起源地芝加哥，向全国发表告别演说。

很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。

很高兴回到家乡。

我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。

今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。

不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识，不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外，我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进，也帮助我深受启发。

每天，我都在向你们学习。

你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。

我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。

我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。

在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。

这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。

在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。

这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。

我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。

尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。

正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。

这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。

美国总统奥巴马的演讲稿集(中英文对照)

美国总统奥巴马的演讲稿集(中英文对照) 奥巴马连任胜选的中英文演讲词奥巴马连任胜选的中英文演讲词Thank you. Thankyou. Thank you so much.谢谢，非常感谢各位。

Tonight more than200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its owndestiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward. It movesforward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed thespirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit thathas lifted this country from the depths of despair to the sofhope. The belief that while each of us will pursue our ownindivual dreams, we are an American family and we rise or falltogether as one nation and as one people.今晚，是在一个曾经的殖民地在赢得自己主权200多年之后，我们来到这里，不断前行，这主要是因为你们坚信这个国家能够实现永恒的希望，实现移民的梦想。

每一个人都可以独立的争取自己的未来，我们将会作为一个国家共同起落。

Tonight in thiselection, you, the American people, remind us while our road hasbeen hard, while our journey has been long, we have pickedourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in ourhearts that the united states of America the best is yet tocome.今晚，在选举的过程当中，你们——美国的人民，让我们记得我们的道路是非常艰辛的，我们的道路是漫长的，我们重新站了起来，我们也从内心知道，美国还没有迎来最好的时代。

奥巴马在麦凯恩葬礼演讲全文(英语)

To John's beloved family, Mrs. McCain, Cindy, to the McCain children, President Bush, President and Secretary Clinton, Vice President Biden, Vice President Mr. Cheney, Vice President Gore, and as John would say, my friends.We come to celebrate an extraordinary man, a warrior, a statesman, a patriot, who embodied so much that is best in America. President Bush and I are among the fortunate few who competed against John at the highest levels of politics. He made us better presidents, just as he made the Senate better, just as he made this country better. So, for someone like John to ask you while he was still alive to stand and speak of him when he is gone, is a precious and singular honor. Now, when John called me with that request earlier this year, I admit sadness and also a certain surprise. But after our conversation ended, I realized how well it captured some of John's essential qualities.To start with, John liked being unpredictable, even a little contrarian. He had no interest in conforming to some prepackaged version of what a senate should be and he did not want a memorial that was gonna be prepackaged either. That also showed John’s disdain for self-pity. He had been to hell and back, yet somehow never lost his energy, his optimism, or his zest for life. So cancer did not scare him, and he would maintain that buoyant spirit to the very end, too stubborn to sit still, opinionated as ever, fiercely devoted to his friends, and most of all to his family. It showed his irreverence, sense of humor, a little bit of mischievous stray, after all what better way to get the last laugh and make George and I say nice things about him to a national audience. [laughter] And most of all, it showed a largeness of spirit, an ability to see past differences in search of common ground.And in fact, on the surface, John and I could not have been more different. We were of different generations. I came from a broken home and never knew my father. John was the son of one of America's most distinguished military families. I had a reputation for keeping cool, John, not so much. [laughter] We were standard bearers of a different American political traditions. And throughout my presidency, John never hesitated to tell me when he thought I was screwing up, which by his calculation, was about once a day. But for all of our differences, for all of the times we sparred, I never tried to hide. And I think John came to understand the long-standing admiration that I had for him.By his own account, John was a rebellious young man. In his case, that is understandable. What faster way to distinguish yourself when you are the son and grandson of admirals then to mutiny, eventually though, he concluded that the only way to really make his mark on the world is to commit to something bigger than yourself. And for John, that meant answering the highest of calls, serving his country in a time of war. Othersthis week, and this morning, have spoken to the depths of his torment, and the depths of his courage there in the cells of Hanoi, when day after day, year after year, that useful iron was tempered into steel. It brings to mind something that Hemingway wrote in the book that Megan referred to, his favorite book,“Today is only one day in all the days that will ever be, but what will happen in all the other days that ever come can depend on what you do today.” In captivity, John learned in ways that few of us ever will, the meaning of those words. How each moment, each day, each choice is a test. And John McCain passed that test again, and again, and again. And that is why when John spoke of virtues like service and duty, it did not ring hollow. They were not just words to him. It was a truth that he had lived, and for which he was prepared to die, and if forced, even the most cynical. To consider, what were we doing for our country? What might we risk everything for?Much has been said this week about what a maverick John was. Now, in fact, John was a pretty conservative guy. Trust me, I was on the receiving end of some of those votes. But he did understand that some principles transcend politics, that some values transcend parties. He considered a part of his duty to uphold those principles and uphold those values. John cared about the institutions of self-government, our Constitution, our Bill of Rights, rule of law, separation of powers, even the arcane rules and procedures of the senate. He knew that in a nation as big and boisterous and diverse as ours, those institutions, those rules and those norms are what bind us together and give shape and order to our common life, even when we disagree, especially when we disagree. John believed in honest argument and hearing other views. He understood that if we get in the habit of bending the truth to suit political expediency or party orthodoxy, our democracy will not work. That is why he was willing to buck his own party at times, occasionally work across the aisle on campaign finance reform and immigration reform. That is why he championed a free and independent press as vital to our democratic debates. And the fact that it earned him some good coverage did not hurt either. John understood, as JFK understood, as Ronald Reagan understood, that part of what makes our country great is that our membership is based not on our bloodline, not on what we look like, what our last names are, not based on where our parents or grandparents came from, or how recently they arrived, but on adherence to a common creed. That all of us are created equal, and thou by our creator, with certain inalienable rights. It has been mentioned today, and we have seen footage this week of John pushing back against supporters who challenged my patriotism during the 2008 campaign. I was grateful, but I was not surprised. As Joe Lieberman said, it was John's instinct. I never saw John treat anyone differently because of their race or religion, or gender. And I am certain that in those moments that have beenreferred to during the campaign, he saw himself as defending America's character, not just mine. He considered it the imperative of every citizen who loved this country to treat all people fairly.And finally, while John and I disagreed on all kinds of foreign-policy issues, we stood together on America's role as the one indispensable nation, believing that the great power and great blessings comes great responsibility. That burden is born most heavily by our men and women in uniform, service members like Doug, Jimmy, and Jack, who follow their father's footsteps, as well as the families who served alongside our troops. But John understood that our security and our influence was one, not just by our military might, not just by our wealth, not just by our abilities to bend others to our will, but from our capacity to inspire others, with our adherence to a set of universal values, like rule of law and human rights, and insistence on the God-given dignity of every human being.Of course, John was the first to tell us he was not perfect. Like all of us who go into public service, he did have an ego. Like all of us, there was no doubt some vote he cast, some compromises he struck, some decisions he made that he wished he could have back. It is no secret. It has been mentioned that he had a temper. When it flared up, it was a force of nature, a wonder to behold. His jaw grinding, his face reddening, his eyes boring a hole right through you, not that I ever experience it firsthand, mind you. [laughter] But to know John was to know that as quick as his passions might flare, he was just as quick to forgive and ask for forgiveness. He knew more than most his own flaws in his blind spots, and he knew how to laugh at himself. And that self-awareness made him all the more compelling. We did not advertise it. But every so often over the course of my presidency, John would come over to the White House, and we would just sit and talk in the Oval Office, just two of us. And we would talk about policy, and we would talk about family, and we would talk about the state of our politics. And our disagreements did not go away during these private conversations. Those were real, and they were often deep. But we enjoyed the time we shared away from the bright lights, and we laughed with each other, and we learned from each other.We never doubted the other man's sincerity, or the other man's patriotism, or that when all was said and done, we were on the same team. We never doubted we were on the same team. For all of our differences, we shared a fidelity to the ideals for which generations of Americans have marched and fought, and sacrificed, and given their lives. We considered our political battles a privilege, an opportunity to serve as the source of those ideals here at home, and to do our best to advance them around the world. We saw this country as a place where anything is possible, and citizenship as an obligation to ensure it forever remains that way. And more than once during his career, John drew comparisons to Teddy Roosevelt. I am sure ithas been noted that Roosevelt's “Man in the Arena” oration seems tailored to John. Most of you know it, Roosevelt’s speaks of “those who strive, who dare to do great things, who sometimes win and sometimes come up short, but always relish the good fight. A contrast to those cold, timid souls who know neither victory nor defeat.” Isn't that the spirit we celebrate this week? that striving to be better? to do better? to be worthy of the great inheritance that our founders bestowed? So much of our politics, our public life, our public discourse can seem small and mean, and petty trafficking and bombast, and insults, and phony controversies, and manufactured outrage. It is a politics that pretends to be brave, and tough, but in fact is born fear. John called on us to be bigger than that. He called on us to be better than that. “Today is only one day in all the days that will ever be. But what will happen in all the other days that will ever come can depend on what you do today.”What better way to honor John McCain's life of service than as best we can? Follow his example. To prove that the willingness to get in the arena and fight for this country is not reserved for the few. It is open to all of us. In fact, it is demanded of all of us as citizens of this great republic. That is perhaps how we honor him best. By recognizing that there are some things bigger than party, or ambition, or money, or fame, or power, that there are some things that are worth risking everything for, principles that are eternal, truths that are abiding. At his best, John showed us what that means. For that, we are all deeply in his debt. May god bless John McCain. May god bless this country he served so well. [applause] [drumming] (music)。

奥巴马告别演讲

奥巴马告别演讲(含完整中英文双语) 英文原文：THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat. (Applause.)My fellow Americans — (applause) — Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well. (Applause.)So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — (applause) — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9/11 — (applause) — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — (applause) — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. (Applause.)In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.AUDIENCE: Nooo —THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. (Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forceshaven't just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause.)But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind —the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need — (applause) — to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most fromthis new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very success possible. (Applause.)We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction — Atticus Finch — (applause) —who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his po int of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee,or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — (applause) — that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised. (Applause.)For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was strengthened. (Applause.)So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (Applause.)And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter —(applause) — then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.)And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. (Applause.)Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. (Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders. (Applause.)It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops — (applause) — no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.)And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. (Applause.)But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (Applause.)And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are. (Applause.)That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — (applause) — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (Applause.)America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (Applause.)It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this greatnation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed. (Applause.)Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 —(applause) — maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're not the only ones. (Laughter.)Michelle — (applause) — Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side —(applause) — for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.(Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the country proud. (Applause.)Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (Applause.)To Joe Biden — (applause) — the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism. I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're going to achieve from here. (Applause.)And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.)Because you did change the world. (Applause.) You did.And that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference — (applause) — to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I've seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know that constant change has been America's。

【美联英语】奥巴马-奥巴马告别演讲稿(中英文版)1

两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。

很高兴回到家乡。

我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。

今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。

每天，我都在向你们学习。

你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。

我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。

我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。

在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。

这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。

在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。

这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。

我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。

尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。

正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。

这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。

当然，每个美国人也应当同心协力，才能实现更加伟大的创举。

在过去240年中，美国精神一直鼓励每个美国公民积极行使公民权利，这给每一代美国人赋予了努力的方向。

这也是鼓舞美国人推翻集权选择共和制度、探索开发西部地区以及修筑铁路的奴隶奋起反抗要求自由的动力。

奥巴马演讲稿(中英文对照)

奥巴马演讲稿(中英文对照)各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢奥巴马芝加哥演讲稿英文版Hello,chicago! Ifthereisanyoneouttherewhostilldoubtsthat Americaisaplacewhereallthingsarepossible ;whostillwondersifthedreamofourfoundersi saliveinourtime;whostillquestionsthepower ofourdemocracy,tonightisyouranswer.I’stheanswertoldbylinesthatstretchedaroun dschoolsandchurchesinnumbersthisnationh asneverseen;bypeoplewhowaitedthreehour sandfourhours,manyfortheveryfirsttimeinth eirlives,becausetheybelievedthatthistimem ustbedifferent;thattheirvoicecouldbethatdif ference.I’stheanswerspokenbyyoungandold,richan dpoor,DemocratandRepublican,black,whit e,Latino,Asian,NativeAmerican,gay,straight,disabledandn otdisabled—Americanswhosentamessaget otheworldthatwehaveneverbeenacollection ofredstatesandbluestates;weare,andalways willbe,theUnitedStatesofAmerica.I’stheanswerthatledthosewhohavebeentoldf orsolongbysomanytobecynical,andfearful,a nddoubtfulofwhatwecanachievetoputtheirh andsonthearcofhistoryandbenditoncemoret owardthehopeofabetterday.I’sbeenalongtimeco ming,buttonight,becaus eofwhatwedidonthisday,inthiselection,atthi sdefiningmoment,,andhe’e,and,andIlookfo rwardtoworkingwiththemtorenewthisnatio’spromiseinthemonthsahead. Iwanttothankmypartnerinthisjourney,amanwhocampaignedfromhisheartandspokefort hemenandwomenhegrewupwithonthestreet sofScrantonandrodewithonthattrainhometo Delaware,thevice-president-electoftheUnit edStates,joeBiden.。

【美联英语】奥巴马-奥巴马告别演讲稿(中英文版)2

两分钟做个小测试，看看你的英语水平/test/quwen.aspx?tid=16-73675-0美联英语提供：奥巴马告别演讲稿(中英文版)2篇一：奥巴马将于1月10日在故乡芝加哥发表告别演说Obama to deliver farewell speech in ChicagoPresident Barack Obama will deliver his farewell address to the nation on January 10 from his home city of Chicago, the President announced in a statement Monday. 星期一，美国总统奥巴马在一份声明中表示，1月10日将在故乡芝加哥发表告别演说。

"I'm thinking about them as a chance to say thank you for this amazing journey, to celebrate the ways you've changed this country for the better these past eight years, and to offer some thoughts on where we all go from here," Obama wrote. 奥巴马写道，“我将本次演讲视为一个向你们表示感谢的机会，感谢这段奇妙的旅程，并庆祝大家在过去的8年里将这个国家变得更美好，同时，未来我们将朝着怎样的方向前进，我也会发表一些看法。

”President Obama said he was following the precedent set by George Washington, who penned a farewell address to the American people over 220 years ago.奥巴马表示，自己也将延续美国第一任总统华盛顿220年前开创的发表告别演说的传统。

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