经济学人-优化浪漫 恋爱中的经济学(上)

经济学人-优化浪漫 恋爱中的经济学(上)
经济学人-优化浪漫 恋爱中的经济学(上)

经济学人:优化浪漫恋爱中的经济学(上)

Finance and economics: Free exchange Optimising romance

财经:自由交流,优化浪漫

To find true love, it helps to understand theeconomic principles underpinnin g the search.

为找到真爱,理解支撑寻找的经济学原理是有帮助的。

DATING is a treacherous business.

约会是一个有风险的事情。

There may be plenty of fish in the sea, yet many are unhygienic, self-absorb ed, disconcertinglyattached to ex-fish, or fans of Donald Trump.

人海茫茫,各种各样的人都有。但是大多数都是不讲卫生、自私自恋,尴尬地依附于前任或者是特朗普的粉丝。

Digital dating sites, including a growing array of matchmaking apps, are mea nt to help.

数字约会网站,包括数量正在不断增加的各种配对app意在帮人们一把。

Their design owes more to hard-nosed economics than it does to the mysterie s of the heart.

它们的设计更多的是归功于实用经济学,而不是心灵的秘密。

In a sense, searching for a mate is not so different from hunting for a job.

从一定意义上说,寻找真爱与寻找工作没有什么不一样。

Jobs, like prospective partners, have their strengths and weaknesses, which makes finding theright one a matter of complicated trade-offs.

工作如同是意中人,既有优点也有缺点,这让找到正确的那个成了一件耗时费神之事。Such exchanges are different from other transactions, in that both parties mu st be enthusiastic about the match for it to happen.

这种交流不同于其他的交易,双方必须对即将发生的配对充满激情。

A supermarket, in contrast, does not particularly care whose wallet it is drai ning, nor does thepower company agonise about whether a customer is worth y of its watts.

与之相比,超市是不会特别在意自己正在榨取谁的钱包,电力公司也不会对客户是否值自己发的电而烦恼。

Alvin Roth, who won a Nobel prize in economics for his work on market desig n, made a career ofstudying such “matching markets”, where supply and de mand are not balanced by price.

曾因市场设计研究获得过一次诺贝尔经济学奖的阿尔文·罗斯的专项就是研究此类“配对市场”。在配对市场中,供需的平衡不取决于价格。

Instead, people transact based on information.

相反,人们是基于信息进行交易的。

An apple-seller can nudge down his prices until the whole cart is sold.

一位苹果商贩可能会把价格慢慢降至整筐苹果被售出为止。

Yet if Apple were looking to hire two workers, it would not set a salary so pun y that only twopeople applied.

但是,如果苹果公司要雇佣两位员工,它就不会设置一种适用范围小到只有两个人申请的薪水。

The quality of new hires often matters at least as much as their salaries.

新员工的质量至少经常是与他们的薪水同样重要的。

Mr Roth, who won the prize jointly with Lloyd Shapley in 2012, found that th e structure ofmatching markets made a significant difference in determining who wound up with whom.

曾在2012年与劳埃德·沙普利分享诺奖的罗斯发现,配对市场的结构会在决定谁与谁配对方面产生明显的差异。

Systems designed to elicit people's true preferences generated better matche s betweenhospitals and doctors, for example.

例如,为突出人们的真正喜好而设计出来的系统曾在医院和医生之间产生了较好的配对。But the entire medical profession has an interest in improving matches, and s o can set up anational clearing house to do just that.

但是,整个医疗行业的兴趣在于改进配对,以便能够搭建起一个全国性的交换平台来做这种事。

The lovelorn must instead rely on an array of digital matchmakers.

单恋之人反而必须依赖众多的数字配对者。

Good matches depend on good information.

好的配对取决于好的信息。

Even without digital help, people usually have some inkling of how much the y have in common.

即便没有数字的帮助,人们通常也会对双方的共同之处有个大概的认识。Cosmopolitan strivers move to New York, say, rather than sleepier cities, in p art because theywill meet other ambitious types with similar interests.

比如说,去大城市打拼的人之所以要去纽约而不是一些沉闷的城市,部分原因就在于他们能在大城市中遇到同样野心勃勃之人。

Within New York, the places people choose to spend their time—whether Yank ee Stadium or ayoga studio—determine which sorts of people they come into contact with.

在纽约,人们选择去消磨时间的地方——不管是洋基体育场还是瑜伽馆——决定了他们所遇到的人的类型。

Because it is expensive to live in New York, and to spend time sweating in a y oga studio orswearing in the stands, people in such settings can be reasonabl y confident those aroundthem are in some sense like-minded.

因为鉴于在纽约生活去瑜伽馆中流汗或是在看台上发泄的成本很高,因而在这种环境下,人们是能够对周围多少都是志同道合的人充满信心的。

But one critical bit of information is missing: whether there is mutual interes t.

但是,一个关键的信息在这里被遗漏了:是不是有共同的兴趣。

The act of asking someone out is fraught.

当面邀某人约会的行为是令人担忧的。

In the non-digital world, approaching a potential partner brings the risk of a wkwardness or humiliation.

在非数字世界中,接近一个潜在的同伴带来的是尴尬和受辱的风险。

Digital dating reduces this cost dramatically.

数字配对极大地降低了这方面的成本。

Apps like Tinder and Happn, for example, reveal that a user likes another onl y when the feelingis mutual.

例如,像Tinder和Happn这样的app揭示,用户只在有共同感受的情况下才喜欢另一个用户。

1.true love 真爱

例句:Her words are uttered with true love and concern.

她的一番话情真意切。

2.set up 建立;分配

例句:The two sides agreed to set up a commission to investigate claims

双方同意组建一个委员会来调查那些索赔要求。

3.mutual interest 共同利益

例句:We must pull together for mutual interest.

我们必须为相互的利益而通力合作。

4.contact with 与...联系

例句:We had already established contact with the museum. 我们已经和那家博物馆建立了联系。

经济学人科技类文章中英双语

The Brain Activity Map 绘制大脑活动地图 Hard cell 棘手的细胞 An ambitious project to map the brain is in the works. Possibly too ambitious 一个绘制大脑活动地图的宏伟计划正在准备当中,或许有些太宏伟了 NEWS of what protagonists hope will be America’s next big science project continues to dribble out. 有关其发起人心中下一个科学大工程的新闻报道层出不穷。 A leak to the New York Times, published on February 17th, let the cat out of the bag, with a report that Barack Obama’s administration is thinking of sponsoring what will be known as the Brain Activity Map. 2月17日,《纽约时报》刊登的一位线人报告终于泄露了秘密,报告称奥巴马政府正在考虑赞助将被称为“大脑活动地图”的计划。 And on March 7th several of those protagonists published a manifesto for the project in Science. 3月7日,部分发起人在《科学》杂志上发表声明证实了这一计划。 The purpose of BAM is to change the scale at which the brain is understood. “大脑活动地图”计划的目标是改变人们在认知大脑时采用的度量方法。 At the moment, neuroscience operates at two disconnected levels. 眼下,神经学的研究处在两个断开的层次。 The higher one, where the dimensions of features are measured in centimetres, has many techniques at its disposal, notably functional magnetic-res onance imaging, which measures changes in tissues’ fuel consumption. 在相对宏观的层次当中各个特征的规模用厘米来衡量,有很多技术可以使用,尤其是用来测量组织中能量消耗变动情况的核磁共振成像技术。 This lets researchers see which bits of the brain are active in particular tasks—as long as those tasks can be performed by a person lying down inside a scanner. 该技术可使研究人员找出在完成具体的任务时,大脑的哪些部分处于活跃状态。At the other end of the scale, where features are measured in microns, lots of research has been done on how individual nerve cells work, how messages are sent from one to another, and how the connections between cells strengthen and weaken as memories are formed. 而另一个度量的层次则要求用微米来测量各种特征,这一层次的研究很多都是关于单个神经细胞是如何工作的、信息在神经细胞之间是如何传递的以及当产生记忆的时候神经细胞之间的联系是如何得到加强和减弱的。 Between these two, though, all is darkness. 然而,位于这两个层次之间的研究还处于一片漆黑当中。 It is like trying to navigate America with an atlas that shows the states, the big cities and the main highways, and has a few street maps of local neighbourhoods, but displays nothing in between.

考研英语经济学人文章阅读训练五十

Convalescent plasma and artificial antibodies:Survivors as saviours 恢复期血浆和人工抗体:康复者成为了人们的救星 During the flu pandemic of1918-19doctors at an American naval hospital developed a treatment which,according to the American Journal of Public Health,had“a decided influence in shortening the course of the disease and in lowering the mortality”. 据《美国公共卫生杂志》报道称,在1918年至1919年的流感大流行期间,美国一家海军医院的医生研发了一种能够“有效缩短疾病病程并降低患者死亡率”的治疗方法。It involved clotting and then centrifuging blood from people who had got over the disease so as to separate out the antibodies it contained,then giving those antibodies to patients in dire need. 该方法是对处于恢复期的病人的血液进行采集和离心,进而分离出含有抗体的血浆,然后将其用于那些亟待治疗的患者。 Since then antibody-rich“convalescent plasma”(CP)has been used as a treatment for various diseases,including SARS and the pandemic strains of H1N1and H5N1influenza.Now covid-19has joined the list. 从那时起,富含抗体的“恢复期血浆”被广泛用于治疗包括SARS以及H1N1和H5N1流感大流行在内的各种疾病。如今,新冠肺炎也也位列其中。 A recent study in Wuhan found that severely ill covid-19patients treated with CP did significantly better than patients matched with them by age, gender and severity of infection had done earlier in the epidemic. 最近在武汉进行的一项研究发现,相比疫情早期那些年龄、性别和病情相当的新冠肺炎患者,接受恢复期血浆治疗的重症患者的治疗效果明显要好一些。

如何养活世界(来自经济学人的英语阅读精品,含翻译)

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《经济学人》科技类文章整合

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经济学人经济类文章精选3

What went wrong IN RECENT months many economists and policymakers, including such unlikely bedfellows as Paul Krugman, an economist and New York Times columnist, and Hank Paulson, a former American treasury secretary, have put “global imbalances”—the huge current-account surpluses run by countries like China, alongside America’s huge deficit—at the root of the financial crisis. But the IMF disagrees. It argues, in new papers released on Friday March 6th, that the “main culprit” was deficient regulation of t he financial system, together with a failure of market discipline. Olivier Blanchard, the IMF's chief economist, said this week that global imbalances contributed only “indirectly” to the crisis. This may sound like buck-passing by the world’s main interna tional macroeconomic organisation. But the distinction has important consequences for whether macroeconomic policy or more regulation of financial markets will provide the solutions to the mess. In broad strokes, the global imbalances view of the crisis argues that a glut of money from countries with high savings rates, such as China and the oil-producing states, came flooding into America. This kept interest rates low and fuelled the credit boom and the related boom in the prices of assets, such as houses and equity, whose collapse precipitated the financial crisis. A workable long-term fix for the problems of the world economy would, therefore, involve figuring out what to do about these imbalances. But the IMF argues that imbalances could not have caused the crisis without the creative ability of financial institutions to develop new structures and instruments to cater to investors’ demand for higher yields. These instruments turned out to be more risky than they appeared. Investors, overly optimistic about continued rises in asset prices, did not look closely into the nature of the assets that they bought, preferring to rely on the analysis of credit-rating agencies which were, in some cases, also selling advice on how to game the ratings system. This “failure of market discipline”, the fund argues, played a big role in the crisis. As big a problem, according to the IMF, was that financial regulation was flawed, ineffective and too limited in scope. What it calls the “shadow banking system”—the loosely regulated but highly interconnected network of investment banks, hedge funds, mortgage originators, and the like—was not subject to the sorts of prudential regulation (capital-adequacy norms, for example) that applied to banks. In part, the fund argues, this was because they were not thought to be systemically important, in the sense that banks were understood to be. But their being unregulated made it more attractive for banks (whose affiliates the non-banks often were) to evade capital requirements by pushing risk into these entities. In time, this network of institutions grew so large that they were indeed systemically important: in the now-familiar phrase, they were “too big” or “too interconnected” to fail. By late 2007, some estimates of the assets of the bank-like institutions in America outside the scope of existing prudential regulation, was around $10 trillion, as large as the assets of the regulated American banking system itself. Given this interpretation, it is not surprising that the IMF has thrown its weight strongly behind an enormous increase in the scale and scope of financial regulation in a series of papers leading up to the G20 meetings. Among many other proposals, it wants the shadow banking system to be subjected to the same sorts of prudential requirements that banks must follow. Sensibly, it is calling for regulation to concentrate on what an institution does, not what it is called (that is, the basis of regulation should be activities, not entities). It also wants regulators to focus more broadly on

经济学人

China in Laos Busted flush How a Sino-Lao special economic zone hit the skids May 26th 2011 | BOTEN, LAOS | from the print edition ?Tweet ? Soon all this will be jungle again AT HOME and abroad, China is a byword for fast-track development, where yesterday’s paddy field is tomorrow’s factory, highway or hotel. Less noticed is that such development can just as quickly go into reverse. Golden City, in Boten, just over the border from China in tiny Laos, is a case in point. When a Hong Kong-registered company signed a 30-year, renewable lease with the Lao government in 2003 to set up a 1,640-hectare special economic zone built with mainland money and expertise, Golden City was touted as a

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Disney Star Wars, Disney and myth-making How one company came to master the business of storytelling FROM a galaxy far, far away to a cinema just down the road: “The Force Awakens”, the newest instalment of the Star Wars saga, is inescapable this Christmas. The first Star Wars title since Lucasfilm, the owner of the franchise, was acquired by Disney in 2012 for $4.1 billion, it represents more than just the revival of a beloved science-fiction series. It is the latest example of the way Disney has prospered over the past decade from a series of shrewd acquisitions (see article). Having bought Pixar, Marvel and Lucasfilm, Disney has skilfullycapitalised on their intellectual property—and in so doing, cemented its position as the market leader in the industrialisation of mythology. Its success rests on its mastery of the three elements of modern myth-making: tropes, technology and toys. From Homer to Han Solo Start with the tropes. Disney properties, which include everything from “Thor” to “Toy Story”, draw on well-worn devices of mythic structure to give their stories cultural resonance. Walt Disney himself had an intuitive grasp of the power of fables. George Lucas, the creator of Star Wars, is an avid student of the work of Joseph Campbell, an American comparative mythologist who outlined the “monomyth” structure in which a hero answers a call, is assisted by a mentor figure, voyages to another world, survives various trials and emerges triumphant. Both film-makers merrily plundered ancient mythology and folklore. The Marvel universe goes even further, directly appropriating chunks of Greco-Roman and Norse mythology. (This makes Disney's enthusiasm for fierce enforcement of intellectual-property laws, and the seemingly perpetual extension of copyright, somewhat ironic.) The internal mechanics of myths may not have changed much over the ages, but the technology used to impart them certainly has. That highlights Disney's second area of expertise. In Homer's day, legends were passed on in the form of dactylic hexameters; modern myth-makers prefer computer graphics, special effects, 3D projection, surround sound and internet video distribution,

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经济学人双语阅读1

经济学人杂志双语阅读 Consumer spending in Asia:Shopaholics wanted Consumer spending in Asia亚洲消费状况 Shopaholics wanted 购物狂时代该来了? Jun 25th 2009 | HONG KONG From The Economist print edition Can Asians replace Americans as a driver of global growth? 亚洲人能够代替美国人做全球经济的发动机吗? ASIA'S emerging economies are bouncing back much more strongly than any others. While America's industrial production continued to slide in May, output in emerging Asia has regained its pre-crisis level (see chart 1). This is largely due to China; but although production in the region's smaller economies is still well down on a year ago, it is rebounding in those countries too. Taiwan's industrial output rose by an annualised 80% in the three months to May compared with the previous three months. JPMorgan estimates that emerging Asia's GDP has grown by an annualised 7% in the second quarter. 时下亚洲新兴经济体们的恢复势头比其他任何国家都要迅猛。在美国工业生产继续下滑的5月,亚洲新兴国家的产出已经回到了它们危机前的水平(见表一)。这很大程度上要归功于中国,此外尽 管该地区较小经济体的生产比去年仍有所下降,但最近这些国家也

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