第23届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛汉译英原文

汉译英竞赛原文:

摩天大楼指数——如影随形的经济危机

作为一种以巨大的经济力量为支撑的建筑物,摩天大楼常被民众和政客视为展示经济繁荣、社会进步的标志。有些经济学家则持完全相反的看法,认为摩天大楼的出现,特别是摩天大楼的纪录被刷新,往往预示着经济即将衰退。

“高楼建成之日,即是市场衰退之时”,这是德意志银行的证券分析师安德鲁·劳伦斯于1999年发表的判言。2006年2月15日,雷曼兄弟公司在北京召开全球经济会议,其全球首席经济学家卢埃林向我国客户提及“摩天大楼指数”的预言:“如果全球有发生经济危机的可能性,那很可能会在2007年或2008年。”

雷曼的首席经济学家预见了2007年到2008年的经济危机,但却不曾想到,雷曼的百年基业正是在这场危机中化为泡影。对于经济而言,摩天大楼是荣耀还是诅咒?其与经济危机之间是否真的存在这样密切的联系呢?

1999年,安德鲁·劳伦斯经过研究验证了摩天大楼与经济危机的关联,并将这种关联称为“摩天大楼指数”。每一幢刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼的崛起,往往都伴随着经济的衰退。自20世纪初以来,全球共出现了四轮摩天大楼热,而每一次,都伴随着经济危机或金融动荡。

20世纪20年代,美国经济转好,证券市场再度空前繁荣,民用、商用房产建设高歌猛进。这期间,三座刷新纪录的摩天大楼先后兴建。纽约的华尔街40号、克莱斯勒大厦和帝国大厦相继于1929年至1931年的三年中落成,但随之而来的不是新的繁荣,而是空前的大萧条。在经历了被美国人称之为“黄金时代”的20世纪60年代强劲、持续的经济繁荣后,纽约的世贸中心和芝加哥的西尔斯大厦开始兴建。1972年和1974年,两座再次刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼相继落成,随后,全球经济发生了严重滞胀。

摩天大楼与经济危机的关联如此密切,很难用巧合来理解,那么究竟是什么原因让经济危机总是与摩天大楼如影随形呢?

首先,人性使然。人性当中有盲目自信的一面。具体体现在对客观事物认识不足,偏执于对事物的主观看法上。劳伦斯把他发现的经济危机与摩天大楼的联系称为“百年病态关联”,但此类现象,在人类社会中又何止只存在了百年。以史为鉴,我们不难发现,在我国历史的长河中,此类现象早有体现。商朝兴盛时,纣王兴建造鹿台,引得民怨四起最终于鹿台自焚;清代鼎盛时,乾隆帝大举修建园林,导致国力衰落最终丧权辱国。

其次,利益推动。在商业行为中,逐利是前提条件。在经济繁荣之前,通常有一个低利率的过程,这也是经济向繁荣周期转化的一个先决条件。而在经济繁荣的过程中,利率相对于人们对于未来收益的预期来说,一直都是低的。所以,就会产生一系列的利益传导途径,也就是前面所提到的利益链条。经济的繁荣和相对较低的利率,对土地价值和资本成本有着直接的影响。在土地价格、企业需求和资金支撑三个因素所构成的利益链的作用下,可以刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼计划,就应运而生了。

就像日有昼夜、季有冬夏一样,经济也是存在景气周期的。任何商品的价格,都会受到供需关系的影响。否极泰来,盛极而衰,低廉的利率、膨胀的需求、上涨的资本价格,以及大多数人盲目乐观的心态,所集合产生的“黄金状态”构成了摩天大楼的需求,但这种状态是不可持续的。

所以,通常是在经济已经步入衰退的时候,摩天大楼才刚刚竣工;在它真正投入使用的时候,经济很可能已经深陷困境。这就导致了经济危机总是与摩天大楼的兴建如影随形,也常使全球第一建筑成为逝去繁荣的纪念碑。

本帖最后由colinliudd 于2011-3-13 16:07 编辑

第23届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛汉译英

摩天大楼指数——如影随形的经济危机

Skyscrapers index—economic crisis to follow

作为一种以巨大的经济力量为支撑的建筑物,摩天大楼常被民众和政客视为展示经济繁荣、社会进步的标志。有些经济学家则持完全相反的看法,认为摩天大楼的出现,特别是摩天大楼的纪录被刷新,往往预示着经济即将衰退。

As buildings propped by a powerful economy, Skyscrapers are usually regarded by publics and politicians as a symbol of social progress. On the contrary, some economists think the emergence of skyscrapers, especially when records are refreshed, too often indicates a declining economy.

“高楼建成之日,即是市场衰退之时”,这是德意志银行的证券分析师安德鲁•劳伦斯于1999年发表的判言。2006年2月15日,雷曼兄弟公司在北京召开全球经济会议,其全球首席经济学家卢埃林向我国客户提及“摩天大楼指数”的预言:“如果全球有发生经济危机的可能性,那很可能会在2007年或2008年。”

“When tall buildings stand up, the markets fall down,” asserted in 1999 by André Lawrence, a security analyst of Deutsche Bank. On January 2ed, 2006, the global chief economist Llewellyn in Lehman Brothers predicted in the global economical conference in Beijing held by itself that, “if there is a possibility of economic crisis, that would be in 2007 or 2008.”

雷曼的首席经济学家预见了2007年到2008年的经济危机,但却不曾想到,雷曼的百年基业正是在这场危机中化为泡影。对于经济而言,摩天大楼是荣耀还是诅咒?其与经济危机之间是否真的存在这样密切的联系呢?

His anticipation did have been proved, yet he may not have foreseen that his own company would be end in smoke in this crisis. For economy, Skyscraper is an honor or a curse? Is it really so closely related to economic crisis as such?

1999年,安德鲁•劳伦斯经过研究验证了摩天大楼与经济危机的关联,并将这种关联称为“摩天大楼指数”。每一幢刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼的崛起,往往都伴随着经济的衰退。自20世纪初以来,全球共出现了四轮摩天大楼热,而每一次,都伴随着经济危机或金融动荡。

20世纪20年代,美国经济转好,证券市场再度空前繁荣,民用、商用房产建设高歌猛进。这期间,三座刷新纪录的摩天大楼先后兴建。纽约的华尔街40号、克莱斯勒大厦和帝国大厦相继于1929年至1931年的三年中落成,但随之而来的不是新的繁荣,而是空前的大萧条。在经历了被美国人称之为“黄金时代”的20世纪60年代强劲、持续的经济繁荣后,纽约的世贸中心和芝加哥的西尔斯大厦开始兴建。1972年和1974年,两座再次刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼相继落成,随后,全球经济发生了严重滞胀。

In 1999, André Lawrence tested and verified the relations between Skyscraper and economic crisis and called it “Skyscraper index”. The erections of record-broken Skyscrapers used to be accompanied by economic downturn for times. Since the beginning of 20 century, four rounds of Skyscraper hot heated the globe, and none escaped recessions or financial turbulences as followed. The economy in the US turned to recover in 1920s, with security market more booming

than ever before and the construction of house properties for either civil use or commercial use flourishing. During this period, three Skyscrapers that set new records were erected one after one from 1929 to 1931, including the Wall street NO. 40(Trump Building), Chrysler Building and Empire State Building in new York. But the following scene was an all-time depression instead of a renewed prosperity. After a strong and sustaining economic boom called the “golden time” by Americans in the 1960s, the world trade centre in new York and the sears tower in Chicago started to be built. In 1972 and in 1974, the two were completed, surpassing any previously established record. However, a grave stagflation followed suit.

摩天大楼与经济危机的关联如此密切,很难用巧合来理解,那么究竟是什么原因让经济危机总是与摩天大楼如影随形呢?

It seems difficult to explain why Skyscrapers and economic crisis are so closely connected simply by coincidence. So what on earth are the reasons for that?

首先,人性使然。人性当中有盲目自信的一面。具体体现在对客观事物认识不足,偏执于对事物的主观看法上。劳伦斯把他发现的经济危机与摩天大楼的联系称为“百年病态关联”,但此类现象,在人类社会中又何止只存在了百年。以史为鉴,我们不难发现,在我国历史的长河中,此类现象早有体现。商朝兴盛时,纣王兴建造鹿台,引得民怨四起最终于鹿台自焚;清代鼎盛时,乾隆帝大举修建园林,导致国力衰落最终丧权辱国。

First of all, human nature may be to blame. Blind confidence is part of humanity, which lies in the fact that people tend to stick to their own subjective opinions as a result of insufficient knowledge of objective facts. Lawrence named the link he had found as “centennial metamorphic link”. Yet phenomenons of this kind are far longer than just a century in human history. Taking history as a mirror, we are easy to discover relevant tracks in the long history of China. When the Shang dynasty came to its peak, the king Zhou ordered the construction of Lutai, a enormous storehouse for his wealth collected from people, where he burned himself after the people were furiously raged by his action. The Emperor Qianlong constructed imperial gardens in a large quantity during the most prosperous period of Qing Dynasty ,resulting in a lapse of national power and eventual disgraceful lose of its authority and national sovereignty.

其次,利益推动。在商业行为中,逐利是前提条件。在经济繁荣之前,通常有一个低利率的过程,这也是经济向繁荣周期转化的一个先决条件。而在经济繁荣的过程中,利率相对于人们对于未来收益的预期来说,一直都是低的。所以,就会产生一系列的利益传导途径,也就是前面所提到的利益链条。经济的繁荣和相对较低的利率,对土地价值和资本成本有着直接的影响。在土地价格、企业需求和资金支撑三个因素所构成的利益链的作用下,可以刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼计划,就应运而生了。

Secondly, interests drive actions. In business behaviors, seeking profits is the prerequisite. There is often a period of low interest rate before an economic boom; in the process of boom, the interest rate remains low in terms of people’s expectation for future earnings. Thus, a set of channels for transmission of interests, or interest chain mentioned above, will be produced. A prosperous economy and relatively low interest rate have a direct impact on the land value and Capital Cost. The plan of rewriting world record then emerges as the time requires under the effect of interest chain constructed by lower land value, needs of enterprises and abundant capital support.

就像日有昼夜、季有冬夏一样,经济也是存在景气周期的。任何商品的价格,都会受到供需关系的影响。否极泰来,盛极而衰,低廉的利率、膨胀的需求、上涨的资本价格,以及大多数人盲目乐观的心态,所集合产生的“黄金状态”构成了摩天大楼的需求,但这种状态是不可持续的。

Just like the circulated days and nights, and the repeated winters and summers, economy has its own boom-recession circle. Prices of any goods are affected by the relations of supplies and demands. Out of the misfortune depth comes bliss and it is also true the other way around—the demands for skyscrapers constituded by the "golden state" which is collectively produced by lower interest rate, the pushing of inflation, rising property price as well as blindly optimistic attitudes by most people is far from sustainable.

所以,通常是在经济已经步入衰退的时候,摩天大楼才刚刚竣工;在它真正投入使用的时候,经济很可能已经深陷困境。这就导致了经济危机总是与摩天大楼的兴建如影随形,也常使全球第一建筑成为逝去繁荣的纪念碑。

Therefore, in most cases, while the skyscrapers are being sealed, the economy has started to fall down; when they are put in actual use, the economy may have been trapped in plight. This gives rise to a scene where economy crisis always happens immediately after the construction of skyscrapers, and the NO.1 building of the world becomes a monument for the past prosperity.

第二十四届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛参赛规则及原文

中国译协《中国翻译》编辑部与江苏人文环境艺术设计研究院(中国译协江苏培训中心)联合举办第二十四届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛。具体参赛规则如下: 一、本届竞赛分别设立英译汉和汉译英两个奖项,参赛者可任选一项或同时参加两项竞赛。 二、《中国翻译》2012年第1期以及中国译协网(https://www.360docs.net/doc/7419327472.html,)韩素音青年翻译奖专栏刊登竞赛规则、竞赛原文;参赛报名表请到中国翻译协会网站韩素音青年翻译奖专栏下载。 三、参赛者年龄:45岁以下(1967年1月1日后出生)。 四、参赛译文须独立完成,杜绝抄袭现象,一经发现,将取消参赛资格。请参赛者在大赛截稿之日前妥善保存参赛译文,请勿在书报刊、网络等任何媒体公布自己的参赛译文,否则将被取消参赛资格并承担由此造成的一切后果。 五、参赛译文和参赛报名表格式要求:参赛译文应为WORD电子文档,中文宋体、英文Times New Roman字体,全文小四号字,1.5倍行距,文档命名格式为“XXX(姓名)英译汉”或“XXX(姓名)汉译英”。参赛报名表文档命名格式为“XXX(姓名)英译汉参赛报名表”或“XXX(姓名)汉译英参赛报名表”。译文正文内请勿书写译者姓名、地址等任何个人信息,否则将被视为无效译文。每项参赛译文一稿有效,恕不接收修改稿。 六、参赛方式及截稿日期:请参赛者于2012年5月31日(含)前将参赛译文及参赛报名表以电子文档附件形式发送至hansuyin2012@https://www.360docs.net/doc/7419327472.html,,发送成功的文档得到自动回复后,请勿重复发送。如需查询是否发送成功,可在6月10日至7月10日之间拨打电话(010)68997177。本届竞赛不再接收打印稿。 七、参赛者在提交参赛译文后,交寄报名费50元,如同时参加两项竞赛,请交报名费 100元。 汇款地址:北京市阜外百万庄大街24号《中国翻译》编辑部,收款人:《中国翻译》编辑部,邮编:100037。请在汇款单附言上注明“XXX(姓名)参赛报名费”字样。未交报名费的参赛译文无效。 八、本届竞赛设一、二、三等奖和优秀奖若干名,一、二、三等奖获得者将被授予奖金、奖杯、证书和纪念品,优秀奖获得者将被授予证书和纪念品。2012年第6期(11月15日出版)《中国翻译》杂志将公布竞赛结果。 九、本届竞赛颁奖典礼将于2012年秋举行,竞赛获奖者将获邀参加颁奖典礼。 十、请随时登录中国译协网站了解本届竞赛最新信息。 联系地址:北京市阜外百万庄大街24号《中国翻译》编辑部邮编:100037,电话:(010)

2017年英语专业八级翻译系列:汉译英--文学类2

2017年英语专业八级翻译系列:汉译英-- 文学类2 隐逸的生活似乎在传统意识中一直被认为是幸福的至高境界。但这种孤傲遁世同时也是孤独的,纯粹的隐者实属少数,而少数者的满足不能用来解读普世的幸福模样。 有道是小隐隐于野,大隐隐于市。真正的幸福并不隐逸,可以在街市而不是丛林中去寻找。晨光,透过古色古香的雕花窗棂,给庭院里精致的盆景慢慢地化上一抹金黄的淡妆。那煎鸡蛋的“刺啦”声袅袅升起,空气中开始充斥着稚嫩的童音、汽车启动的节奏、夫妻间甜蜜的道别,还有邻居们简单朴素的问好。( 节选自《新民晚报》2009年11月19日) 背景介绍 这篇散文的作者为一名上海市中学生。笔触优雅清淡,立意新颖,语言简练,音意皆美,犹如一幅随意浸染的写意画,旨在唤起身处在物质财富日趋丰富、人际关系渐趋淡漠的现代社会中的人们对简单却又充满人情味的岁月的美好回忆。正如美国散文家罗纳德邓肯(Ronald Duncan)所言:“It would seem that happiness is

something to do with simplicity, and that it is the ability to extract pleasure from the simplest things.”。 难点解析 1. 隐逸的生活:“隐逸的”意为“隔绝的”,故译为“a secluded life”。 2. 幸福的至高境界:the supreme state of happiness。 3. 孤傲遁世:意为“冷漠处世,独自隐居”,故可译为“aloofness and retirement”。 4. “纯粹的”可以用genuine 来表示,recluse: a person who leads a secluded or solitary life(隐士),故“纯粹的隐者”译为“genuine recluses”。 5. 不能用来:does not suf ce to ,suf ce to 为固定词组,表示“能够干”。 6. 解读普世的幸福模样:construe what happiness is for all,construe意为“to understand or explain the sense(解读,解释)”。 7. 有道是小隐隐于野,大隐隐于市:意为所谓的隐士看破红尘隐居于山林只是形式上的“隐”而已,而真正达到物我两忘的心境,反而能在最世俗的市朝中排除嘈杂的干扰,自得其乐,因此他们隐居于市朝才是心灵的升华所在。出处可参照白居易的《中隐》。故可译为“As a common saying goes, while the ‘lesser hermit ’lives in seclusion in the country, the ‘greater hermit ’does

第23届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛汉译英原文

汉译英竞赛原文: 摩天大楼指数——如影随形的经济危机 作为一种以巨大的经济力量为支撑的建筑物,摩天大楼常被民众和政客视为展示经济繁荣、社会进步的标志。有些经济学家则持完全相反的看法,认为摩天大楼的出现,特别是摩天大楼的纪录被刷新,往往预示着经济即将衰退。 “高楼建成之日,即是市场衰退之时”,这是德意志银行的证券分析师安德鲁·劳伦斯于1999年发表的判言。2006年2月15日,雷曼兄弟公司在北京召开全球经济会议,其全球首席经济学家卢埃林向我国客户提及“摩天大楼指数”的预言:“如果全球有发生经济危机的可能性,那很可能会在2007年或2008年。” 雷曼的首席经济学家预见了2007年到2008年的经济危机,但却不曾想到,雷曼的百年基业正是在这场危机中化为泡影。对于经济而言,摩天大楼是荣耀还是诅咒?其与经济危机之间是否真的存在这样密切的联系呢? 1999年,安德鲁·劳伦斯经过研究验证了摩天大楼与经济危机的关联,并将这种关联称为“摩天大楼指数”。每一幢刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼的崛起,往往都伴随着经济的衰退。自20世纪初以来,全球共出现了四轮摩天大楼热,而每一次,都伴随着经济危机或金融动荡。 20世纪20年代,美国经济转好,证券市场再度空前繁荣,民用、商用房产建设高歌猛进。这期间,三座刷新纪录的摩天大楼先后兴建。纽约的华尔街40号、克莱斯勒大厦和帝国大厦相继于1929年至1931年的三年中落成,但随之而来的不是新的繁荣,而是空前的大萧条。在经历了被美国人称之为“黄金时代”的20世纪60年代强劲、持续的经济繁荣后,纽约的世贸中心和芝加哥的西尔斯大厦开始兴建。1972年和1974年,两座再次刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼相继落成,随后,全球经济发生了严重滞胀。 摩天大楼与经济危机的关联如此密切,很难用巧合来理解,那么究竟是什么原因让经济危机总是与摩天大楼如影随形呢? 首先,人性使然。人性当中有盲目自信的一面。具体体现在对客观事物认识不足,偏执于对事物的主观看法上。劳伦斯把他发现的经济危机与摩天大楼的联系称为“百年病态关联”,但此类现象,在人类社会中又何止只存在了百年。以史为鉴,我们不难发现,在我国历史的长河中,此类现象早有体现。商朝兴盛时,纣王兴建造鹿台,引得民怨四起最终于鹿台自焚;清代鼎盛时,乾隆帝大举修建园林,导致国力衰落最终丧权辱国。 其次,利益推动。在商业行为中,逐利是前提条件。在经济繁荣之前,通常有一个低利率的过程,这也是经济向繁荣周期转化的一个先决条件。而在经济繁荣的过程中,利率相对于人们对于未来收益的预期来说,一直都是低的。所以,就会产生一系列的利益传导途径,也就是前面所提到的利益链条。经济的繁荣和相对较低的利率,对土地价值和资本成本有着直接的影响。在土地价格、企业需求和资金支撑三个因素所构成的利益链的作用下,可以刷新世界纪录的摩天大楼计划,就应运而生了。 就像日有昼夜、季有冬夏一样,经济也是存在景气周期的。任何商品的价格,都会受到供需关系的影响。否极泰来,盛极而衰,低廉的利率、膨胀的需求、上涨的资本价格,以及大多数人盲目乐观的心态,所集合产生的“黄金状态”构成了摩天大楼的需求,但这种状态是不可持续的。 所以,通常是在经济已经步入衰退的时候,摩天大楼才刚刚竣工;在它真正投入使用的时候,经济很可能已经深陷困境。这就导致了经济危机总是与摩天大楼的兴建如影随形,也常使全球第一建筑成为逝去繁荣的纪念碑。

第三十二届韩素音国际翻译大赛英译汉原文

第三十二届韩素音翻译大赛英译汉原文 Aesthetic Education and National Progress [1]The diminution of emphasis on the arts and the humanities and the corresponding increased emphasis on business and STEM disciplines (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) has resulted in a normative conception of national progress that excludes aesthetic education. In this essay, I argue that aesthetic educators should challenge the normative understanding of national progress. (In the humanities, aesthetic educators typically are educators of English, foreign languages and literature, philosophy, art history and film studies.) To this end, I call attention to the writings of the French philosopher Germaine de Sta?l (1766-1817) because in the adaptation of her notion of progress lies possible hope for the future of the humanities and the arts. [2][2] In contemporary American society, national progress is more often than not equated with job creation, and job creation is linked to advancement in business and the STEM disciplines. For example, in his 2012 acceptance speech after the national election, President Obama called for the United States to remain the leader in science and technology, and then he exclaimed, “America, I believe we can build on the progress we've made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunities and new security for the mi ddle class.” [3]Lip service is paid to civic responsibility and its role in national progress, while federal and state governments, as well as institutions of higher education, drastically cut budgets and/or entire programs in the humanities and the arts. Aesthetic educators know that these cuts will, in the long term, be devastating to civil society because the humanities and the arts are precisely the programs that convey cultural capital. More precisely, they cultivate in students the critical judgment and the independence of thought needed to be able to make informed decisions about their place in civil society. Given the number of indicators that point to a decline in public and institutional support for the humanities and the arts, however, it has become easy for aesthetic educators to become demoralized, feel irrelevant, and even believe that we, in fact, have little or no role in national progress. [4]As examples of indicators that point to the increasing irrelevance of the humanities, in FY 2014, the appropriations to both the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and the National Endowment for the Arts(NEA) were cut by 13 percent from their peak 2010 numbers, while the National Science Foundation (NSF) appropriations increased by almost 4

第二十五届韩素英翻译大赛原文

第二十五届“韩素音青年翻译奖”竞赛原文 英译汉竞赛原文: Globalization A fundamental shift is occurring in the world economy. We are moving rapidly away from a world in which national economies were relatively self-contained entities, isolated from each other by barriers to cross-border trade and investment; by distance, time zones, and language; and by national differences in government regulation, culture, and business systems. And we are moving toward a world in which barriers to cross-border trade and investment are tumbling; perceived distance is shrinking due to advances in transportation and telecommunications technology; material culture is starting to look similar the world over; and national economies are merging into an interdependent global economic system. The process by which this is occurring is commonly referred to as globalization. Correspondent: Globalization has been one of the most important factors to affect business over the last twenty years. How is it different from what existed before? Companies used to export to other parts of the world from a base in their home country. Many of the connections between exporting and importing countries had a historical basis. Today, to be competitive, companies are looking for bigger markets and want to export to every country. They want to move into the global market. To do this many companies have set up local bases in different countries. Two chief executives will talk about how their companies dealt with going global. Percy

韩素音 汉译英

汉译英竞赛原文: 屠呦呦秉持的,不是好事者争论的 随着诺贝尔奖颁奖典礼的临近,持续2个月的“屠呦呦热”正在渐入高潮。当地时间7日下午,屠呦呦在瑞典卡罗林斯卡学院发表题为“青蒿素——中医药给世界的一份礼物”的演讲,详细回顾了青蒿素的发现过程,并援引毛泽东的话称,中医药学“是一个伟大的宝库”。 对中医药而言,无论是自然科学“圣殿”中的这次演讲,还是即将颁发到屠呦呦手中的诺奖,自然都提供了极好的“正名”。置于世界科学前沿的平台上,中医药学不仅真正被世界“看见”,更能因这种“看见”获得同世界对话的机会。拨开层层迷雾之后,对话是促成发展的动力。将迷雾拨开、使对话变成可能,是屠呦呦及其团队的莫大功劳。 但如果像部分舆论那样,将屠呦呦的告白简单视作其对中医的“背书”,乃至将其成就视作中医向西医下的“战书”,这样的心愿固然可嘉,却可能完全背离科学家的本意。听过屠呦呦的报告,或是对其研究略作了解就知道,青蒿素的发现既来自于中医药“宝库”提供的积淀和灵感,也来自于西医严格的实验方法。缺了其中任意一项,历史很可能转向截然不同的方向。换言之,在“诺奖级”平台上促成中西医对话之前,屠呦呦及其团队的成果,正是长期“对话”的成果。 而此前绵延不绝的“中西医”之争,多多少少都游离了对话的本意,而陷于一种单向化的“争短长”。持中医论者,不屑于西医的“按部就班”;持西医论者,不屑于中医的“随心所欲”。双方都没有看到,“按部就班”背后本是实证依据,“随心所欲”背后则有文化内涵,两者完全可以兼容互补,何必非得二元对立?屠呦呦在演讲中坦言,“通过抗疟药青蒿素的研究历程,我深深地感到中西医药各有所长,两者有机结合,优势互补,当具有更大的开发潜力和良好的发展前景”。这既是站在中医药立场上对西方科学界的一次告白,反过来也可理解为西医立场上对中医拥趸们的提醒。毋宁说,这是一个科学家对科学研究实质的某种揭示。 科学研究之艰深莫测,科学家多有体认,作为旁观者的我们也屡屡耳闻。而科学研究所需要的思维方式,人们未必有足够认识。对屠呦呦和她的团队,做出的学问未必人人能学,其治学的精神和观念却很值得借鉴。这既包括“几十年磨一剑”的硬功夫,也包括一种巧妙平衡的思维方式。 这种思维方式,就体现在其对中西医有机的结合。表面上,这是两种科学体系的对话,而实质上,这也是两种思维方式的平衡——从中医传统中寻觅灵感,屠呦呦们的想象力值得叹服;用西学方法做论证,屠呦呦们的理性思维亦值得重视。想象力与理性思辨的高度平衡,恰恰是优秀科学家具备的关键素质。这两者的平衡,使他们的创新从不是漫谈空想,而实证又绝不会死气沉沉。 (朱珉迕《解放日报》2015 年12 月9日)

第二十四届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛译文4

第二十四届"韩素音青年翻译奖"竞赛译文4:如何翻译“grass-roots collective”? 高斋翻译TransElegant整理的CATTI和MTI备考资料 英译汉 It’s Time to Rethink ‘Temporary’ 恰逢其时:对“临时性”的再考量 “We’re seeing a lot of these things emerge for three reasons,” Lydon continues. “One, the economy. People have to be more creative about getting things done. Two, the Internet. Even four or five years ago we couldn’t share tactics and techniques via YouTube or Facebook. Something can happen randomly in Dallas and now we can hear about it right away. This is feeding into this idea of growth, of bi-coastal competition between New York and San Francisco, say, about who does the cooler, better things. And three, demographic shifts. Urban neighborhoods are gentrifying, changing. They’re bringing in people lo oking to improve neighborhoods themselves. People are smart and engaged and working a 40-hour week. But they have enough spare time to get involved and this seems like a natural step.” 莱登继续指出,“诸多此类建筑的出现有三个原因。首先是经济不景气,这就要求人们做事情比以前更具有创造性。其次是互联网的发展。就在四、五年前,我们还不能通过视频分享网站(YouTube)或者交友网站(Facebook)来分享妙术和技术,而现在,即使是远在达拉斯发生的任何一件事,我们都可以立刻知晓。这催生了发展的理念,也滋育了纽约和旧金山两岸竞争的理念,比如说,谁做得更好更酷。再次是人口结构方面的变化。城市社区的富裕人口比例正在提高,社区也在不断发生变化,吸引着试图通过自身努力去改善社区的人们来居住。他们聪明能干,做事专注,每周工作40小时,但仍然有足够的空闲时间去参与,他们自然会这样去做。 Lydon isn’t advocating an en d to planning but encourages more short-term doing, experimenting, testing (which can be a far more satisfying alternative to waiting for projects to pass). While this may not directly change existing codes or zoning regulations, that’s O.K. because, as Ly don explains, the practices employed “shine a direct light on old ways of thinking, old policies that are in place.” 莱登并不是主张终止城市规划,而是鼓励更多的短期操作、实验和尝试(这远比坐等项目获得批准更令人满足)。虽然这也许不能直接改变现行规范或城市分区法规,但是没有关系,因为就像莱登解释的那样,“新的做法把至今仍盛行的陈旧的思维方式和过时的政策置于人们的审视之下”。 The Dallas group Build a Better Block — which quickly leapt from a tiny grass-roots collective to an active partner in city endeavors —has demonstrated that when you expose weaknesses, change happens. If their temporary interventions violate existing codes, Build a Better Block just

韩素音青年翻译

英译汉竞赛原文: The Posteverything Generation I never expected to gain any new insight into the nature 我从未想过要对我们这一代人的本质, of my generation, or the changing landscape of American 或者说在美国大学变化中的风景, colleges, in Lit Theory. Lit Theory is supposed to be the class 在理论上获得任何新的见解。文学理论应该是 where you sit at the back of the room with every other jaded 你和其他穿着 sophomore wearing skinny jeans, thick-framed glasses, an 紧身牛仔裤和一件夸张的T恤,带着厚框眼镜和 ironic tee-shirt and over-sized retro headphones, just waiting 超大号的复古耳机的疲惫不堪的学生们坐在教室的后排,等待 for lecture to be over so you can light up a Turkish Gold and

着讲座结束,然后你可以点亮一根土耳其黄金, walk to lunch while listening to Wilco. That’s pretty much 听着Wilco去吃中饭。这也是 the way I spent the course, too: through structuralism, 我度过课程最好的方式:通过结构主义, formalism, gender theory, and post-colonialism, I was far too 形式主义,性别理论,后殖民主义,我相当 busy shuffling through my Ipod to see what the patriarchal world 忙碌的通过我的iPod看资本主义 order of capitalist oppression had to do with Ethan Frome. But 压迫的男权世界秩序跟伊坦。但是 when we began to study postmodernism, something struck a chord 当我们开始学习后现代主义的时候,我与某些东西发生了共鸣, with me and made me sit up and look anew at the seemingly blas é 它让我深思,重新审视那些看似无所谓的 college-aged literati of which I was so self-consciously one.

第二十四届 韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛译文

第二十四届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛译文 汉译英: Language and social identity A man's language is actually inseparable with his social identity. I remember when I lived in Australia, a neighbor was to run for congress, he practiced his pronunciation every morning to make his words more enjoyable and cultivatable. Indeed, language is the sign of a man’s social identity, especially in the multi-ethnic, multicultural society. The so-called "identity", is also a kind of knowledge structure, which indicates the cultural background, the knowledge level and even the geographic location of the social group you are from. Language also affects the cognition to the relevant cultural. For example, a survey shows that the bilingual Chinese’s answers clearly show more kinds Chinese styles when asked about some questions on the conceptions of the culture in Chinese than in English. Interestingly, when Hong Kong and Macao people who speak Cantonese are asked about some questions on Chinese culture, religion and so on in Mandarin, their answers are often more closed to the Western expression ways than answers to the same questions asked in Cantonese. In fact, as for the Chinese learning foreign languages, most of them are not the true means of the so-called "bilingual people" but "bilingual users"; the latter emphasizes on language and expression levels, but the former on the thinking and living habits. However, this process is not static, but convertible. So, a language learner is actually learning a kind of social relation, which is he understands formed across time and space. Therefore, what he faces are not only the linguistic problems, but multiple, changing social identity problems.

22届韩素英翻译大赛原文, 中译英 英译中。

英译汉: Hidden Within Technology‟s Empire, a Republic of Letters When I was a boy “discovering literature”, I used to think how wonderful it would be if every other person on the street were familiar with Proust and Joyce or T. E. Lawrence or Pasternak and Kafka. Later I learned how refractory to high culture the democratic masses were. Lincoln as a young frontiersman read Plutarch, Shakespeare and the Bible. But then he was Lincoln. Later when I was traveling in the Midwest by car, bus and train, I regularly visited small-town libraries and found that readers in Keokuk, Iowa, or Benton Harbor, Mich., were checking out Proust and Joyce and even Svevo and Andrei Biely. D. H. Lawrence was also a favorite. And sometimes I remembered that God was willing to spare Sodom for the sake of 10 of the righteous. Not that Keokuk was anything like wicked Sodom, or that Proust‟s Charlus would have been tempted to settle in Benton Harbor, Mich. I seem to have had a persistent democratic desire to find evidences of high culture in the most unlikely places. For many decades now I have been a fiction writer, and from the first I was aware that mine was a questionable occupation. In the 1930‟s an elderly neighbor in Chicago told me that he wrote fiction for the pulps. “The people on the block wonder why I don‟t go to a job, and I‟m seen puttering around, trimming the bushes or painting a fence instead of working in a factory. But I‟m a writer. I sell to Argosy and Doc Savage,” he said with a certain gloom. “They wouldn‟t call that a trade.” Probably he noticed that I was a bookish boy, likely to sympathize with him, and perhaps he was trying to warn me to avoid being unlike others. But it was too late for that.

翻译评析:第二十二届韩素音青年翻译奖竟赛英译汉译文和译文评析 2

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