Housing inequality and housing poverty in urban China in the late 1990s
中英双语描述对买房还是租房的看法

用双语描述对买房还是租房的看法如今,住房作为现代社会的基本需求是大多数年轻人面临的问题。
Nowadays, housing as the basic need in modern society is the problem for most young people.房子作为一个独立的生活空间和心灵的港湾,在生活中绝对是重要的。
A house as an independent living space and the harbor for our souls is definitely significant in life.然而,不同的人在买房或租房方面做出不同的决定。
Yet different people make different decisions on buying or renting a house.很多人坚持认为我们应该买房子,因为没有稳定的住所我们就不能过稳定的生活。
A great number of people insist that we should buy a house, for we cannot lead a steady life without a steady residence.另一些人则喜欢租房。
Others prefer renting a house.他们宁愿把钱花在提高生活质量上,而不是存钱来支付住房抵押贷款。
Instead of saving to pay the housing mortgage, they'd rather spend money on improving life quality.至于我,虽然我不打算过有压力的生活,但我同意买房子。
As for me, although I don't intend to lead a life with pressure, I agree to buy a house.一方面,从长远来看,租房并不能省钱。
住房问题 英语作文

住房问题英语作文Title: Addressing Housing Issues。
Housing is a fundamental aspect of human existence, playing a pivotal role in our well-being and societal structure. However, it remains a pressing issue in many parts of the world, posing significant challenges to individuals, communities, and policymakers alike. In this essay, we will explore the complexities of housing problems and potential solutions.To begin with, one of the primary issues contributing to the housing crisis is affordability. In many urban centers, housing costs have skyrocketed, far outpacing income growth and making it increasingly difficult for individuals and families to afford decent accommodation. This situation is exacerbated by factors such as gentrification, speculative investment in real estate, and inadequate housing policies.Another critical dimension of the housing problem is homelessness. Despite efforts to address this issue, homelessness persists in various forms, ranging from people sleeping rough on the streets to families living in temporary shelters or overcrowded, substandard housing. Homelessness is often intertwined with other social issues such as poverty, mental illness, and substance abuse, making it a complex challenge to tackle.Furthermore, there is a shortage of affordable housing options, particularly for low-income households. Manycities are grappling with insufficient supply, leading to long waiting lists for public housing and a surge in informal settlements or slums. This shortage not only perpetuates housing inequality but also contributes to social instability and urban sprawl as people are forced to live farther away from city centers in search of affordable housing.In addition to affordability and availability, the quality of housing is another concern. Many individuals and families are forced to live in overcrowded or dilapidatedhousing conditions that pose health and safety risks. Issues such as inadequate sanitation, poor ventilation, and exposure to environmental hazards can have serious consequences for residents' well-being, particularly children and vulnerable populations.Addressing these housing challenges requires a multifaceted approach that combines policy interventions, community engagement, and innovative solutions. Firstly, governments must prioritize affordable housing initiatives, including subsidies, rent controls, and incentives for developers to build affordable units. Investing in social housing programs can provide stable, affordable accommodation for those in need and help alleviate homelessness.Furthermore, there needs to be a focus on urban planning and development strategies that promote inclusive and sustainable housing solutions. This involves zoning policies that encourage mixed-income neighborhoods, as well as investments in public transportation and infrastructure to reduce the reliance on car-centric urban sprawl.Moreover, efforts to rehabilitate and upgrade existing housing stock can improve living conditions and revitalize communities.In addition to government action, collaboration between various stakeholders is crucial in addressing housing issues effectively. Non-profit organizations, community groups, and private sector actors can play a significant role in providing housing support services, advocating for policy changes, and implementing innovative housing models such as cooperative housing and tiny homes.Education and awareness-raising are also essential components of any housing strategy. By raising awareness about housing rights, promoting financial literacy, and providing resources for housing assistance, individuals and communities can empower themselves to advocate for better housing conditions and navigate the complexities of the housing market.In conclusion, the housing problem is a complex and multifaceted issue that requires concerted efforts at thelocal, national, and global levels. By addressing issues of affordability, availability, and quality, and by fostering collaboration and innovation, we can work towards ensuring that everyone has access to safe, decent, and affordable housing, thereby fulfilling a basic human right andbuilding more equitable and sustainable communities.。
洛杉矶英语作文介绍

洛杉矶英语作文介绍Los Angeles, the second largest city in the United States, is a diverse and vibrant metropolis that attracts millions of visitors each year. 洛杉矶,美国第二大城市,是一个多元化和充满活力的大都市,每年吸引着数百万游客。
From its iconic Hollywood sign to its world-famous beaches, Los Angeles is known for its entertainment industry and natural beauty. 从其标志性的好莱坞标志到世界著名的海滩,洛杉矶以其娱乐产业和自然美景而闻名。
The city is home to many famous attractions such as Universal Studios, the Getty Center, and the Griffith Observatory, making it a popular destination for tourists from around the world. 这座城市拥有许多著名景点,如环球影城、盖蒂中心和格里菲斯天文台,使其成为来自世界各地的游客的热门目的地。
In addition to its tourist attractions, Los Angeles is also a cultural melting pot with a diverse population and a rich history. 除了旅游景点外,洛杉矶还是一个文化大熔炉,拥有多样化的人口和丰富的历史。
The city's vibrant art scene, diverse culinary offerings, and world-class museums reflect its dynamic and eclectic culture. 这座城市充满活力的艺术场景、多样化的美食选择和世界级的博物馆反映了它的动感和折中文化。
如何介绍房屋问题英语作文

如何介绍房屋问题英语作文Title: Addressing Housing Issues: A Comprehensive Overview。
Introduction。
In recent years, housing issues have emerged as acritical concern globally, impacting individuals, families, and entire communities. This essay aims to delve into various aspects of housing problems, analyzing their causes, consequences, and potential solutions.Causes of Housing Issues。
Several factors contribute to the prevalence of housing problems. Firstly, rapid urbanization leads to increased demand for housing, often surpassing supply. This imbalance exacerbates issues such as homelessness and inadequate housing conditions. Additionally, economic disparities and limited access to affordable housing further compound theproblem, leaving many individuals marginalized and unable to secure adequate shelter. Moreover, insufficient urban planning and ineffective housing policies fail to address the evolving needs of growing populations, perpetuating the cycle of housing instability.Consequences of Housing Issues。
住房问题英语作文模板

住房问题英语作文模板英文回答:Housing is a fundamental human need, yet access to affordable and adequate housing remains a challenge for millions around the world. In many countries, housing prices have skyrocketed in recent years, making it increasingly difficult for families and individuals to purchase or rent homes.There are a number of factors that have contributed to the housing crisis, including:Rising land costs: The cost of land has been steadily increasing in many urban areas, making it more expensive to build new housing.Speculation: Investors have been buying up homes in anticipation of future price increases, which has further driven up prices.Low supply: The supply of housing has not kept pace with demand, particularly in popular areas.Government policies: Some government policies, such as zoning restrictions and rent control, can make it more difficult to build new housing or make existing housing more affordable.The housing crisis has a number of negative consequences, including:Homelessness: The rising cost of housing has led to an increase in homelessness, as more and more people are unable to afford to rent or buy a home.Financial insecurity: The high cost of housing can put a strain on families' finances, making it difficult to make ends meet.Health problems: Poor housing conditions can lead to a variety of health problems, including respiratory problems,lead poisoning, and mental health issues.Social problems: The housing crisis can lead to social problems, such as crime, neighborhood instability, and social isolation.There are a number of things that can be done to address the housing crisis, including:Increasing the supply of housing: This can be done by building more new homes, particularly in popular areas. It can also be done by making it easier to convert existing buildings into housing.Making housing more affordable: This can be done through a variety of measures, such as rent control, subsidies, and tax breaks.Protecting tenants' rights: This can be done by ensuring that tenants have access to legal assistance and that they are not discriminated against.Investing in affordable housing: Governments and non-profit organizations can invest in affordable housing projects to make it easier for low-income families to find housing.Addressing the housing crisis will require a concerted effort from governments, businesses, and the community. By working together, we can make sure that everyone has access to affordable and adequate housing.中文回答:住房问题是人类的基本需求,然而,对于世界各地的数百万人来说,获得可负担且充足的住房仍然是面临的一大挑战。
房屋问题英文作文

房屋问题英文作文Title: Addressing Housing Issues: A Comprehensive Approach。
Introduction:Housing is a fundamental aspect of societal well-being, providing shelter, security, and stability to individuals and families. However, various challenges persist in ensuring adequate and affordable housing for all. In this essay, we will explore the multifaceted nature of housing issues and propose strategies to address them effectively.Challenges in Housing:One of the primary challenges in the housing sector is the shortage of affordable housing units. Rapid urbanization, coupled with population growth, has intensified this issue in many regions. Additionally,rising property prices and stagnant wages have furtherexacerbated the affordability crisis, making itincreasingly difficult for low and middle-incomeindividuals to secure suitable accommodation.Furthermore, inadequate housing conditions pose a significant concern, particularly in underserved communities. Substandard housing, characterized by issues such as overcrowding, poor sanitation, and lack of basic amenities, not only jeopardizes the health and safety of occupants but also perpetuates socio-economic disparities.Solutions:To address these housing challenges comprehensively, a multi-pronged approach is necessary. Firstly, governments must prioritize the expansion of affordable housing stock through initiatives such as subsidized housing programs, incentivizing private developers to build affordable units, and implementing regulations to prevent gentrification and speculation-driven price hikes.Additionally, investments in upgrading and retrofittingexisting housing infrastructure are crucial to improve living conditions and enhance resilience to environmental hazards. This includes initiatives to improve energy efficiency, promote sustainable building practices, and ensure compliance with safety standards.Moreover, fostering inclusive urban planning and community development is essential for creating vibrant and livable neighborhoods. This involves engaging local stakeholders, including residents, community organizations, and businesses, in the decision-making process to ensure that housing policies and development projects align with the needs and aspirations of the community.Furthermore, addressing homelessness requires a combination of short-term interventions and long-term solutions. Immediate measures such as emergency shelters, transitional housing, and supportive services can provide temporary relief to individuals experiencing homelessness. However, sustainable solutions entail addressing the root causes of homelessness, including poverty, lack of affordable housing, mental health issues, and substanceabuse.Conclusion:In conclusion, housing issues represent a complex and multifaceted challenge that requires concerted efforts from governments, communities, and stakeholders at all levels. By adopting a comprehensive approach that encompasses affordable housing provision, infrastructure improvements, inclusive planning, and homelessness prevention, we can work towards ensuring that everyone has access to safe, adequate, and affordable housing. Only through collective action and innovative solutions can we create inclusive and sustainable communities where everyone can thrive.。
解决住房问题的重要性英文作文

解决住房问题的重要性英文作文英文回答:Addressing the housing crisis is paramount for several reasons. Firstly, adequate housing is a fundamental human right recognized by international covenants such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Every individual deserves access to a safe, secure, and affordable place to live, regardless of their socioeconomic status.Secondly, housing instability has severe consequencesfor individuals and society as a whole. Homelessness leadsto increased vulnerability to disease, mental health issues, and social isolation. It also perpetuates poverty cycles,as people living on the streets often lack the resources to secure stable employment or education.Thirdly, housing affordability is crucial for economic development. When housing costs consume a disproportionate share of household income, it reduces disposable income forother essential expenses, such as healthcare, education, and transportation. This can stifle economic growth and exacerbate income inequality.Fourthly, housing policies can play a transformative role in addressing environmental sustainability. Energy-efficient housing designs and urban planning can reduce greenhouse gas emissions, promote walkability, and conserve natural resources. By prioritizing affordable, accessible, and environmentally friendly housing, we can create more livable and sustainable communities.Lastly, addressing the housing crisis requires a multifaceted approach involving government, private sector, and community organizations. It necessitates the development of policies that promote affordable housing construction, provide rental assistance, and protect tenants from eviction. Collaborative efforts between stakeholders are essential to ensure that everyone has access to a decent and affordable place to call home.中文回答:解决住房问题至关重要,原因如下:第一,充足的住房是一项基本人权,受到《世界人权宣言》等国际公约的认可。
住房问题英语作文范文

住房问题英语作文范文英文回答:Housing is a basic human need, and yet it is increasingly unaffordable for many people around the world. In the United States, for example, the median home price has risen by over 40% since 2020, making it difficult for many families to purchase a home. There are a number of factors that have contributed to the housing crisis, including rising interest rates, a shortage of affordable housing, and the increasing demand for housing from investors.One of the biggest problems is the lack of affordable housing. In many cities, there is a shortage of homes that are affordable for lowand moderate-income families. This is due in part to the rising cost of land and construction, as well as zoning laws that restrict the development of affordable housing. As a result, many families are forced to live in overcrowded or unsafe housing, or they arepriced out of the market altogether.Another problem is the increasing demand for housing from investors. In recent years, investors have been buying up homes in droves, driving up prices and making it more difficult for families to purchase a home. This is due in part to the low interest rates, which have made it more attractive for investors to buy homes as rental properties. As a result, many families are being priced out of the market, and they are forced to rent instead of buying.The housing crisis has a number of negative consequences. For families, it can lead to financial hardship, homelessness, and poor health. For children, it can lead to poor educational outcomes and behavioral problems. And for communities, it can lead to increased crime and social unrest.There are a number of things that can be done to address the housing crisis. One is to increase the supply of affordable housing. This can be done by providing subsidies to developers, relaxing zoning laws, and buildingmore public housing. Another is to provide financial assistance to families who are struggling to afford a home. This can be done through down payment assistance programs, mortgage interest rate buydowns, and rental assistance programs. Finally, it is important to address the demandfor housing from investors. This can be done by increasing taxes on investors who own multiple homes, and by limiting the number of homes that investors can purchase.中文回答:住房问题是个人基本需求,但对全球很多人来说,却越来越难以负担。
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Housing inequality and housing poverty in urban Chinain the late 1990sHiroshi SATO *Graduate School of Economics,Hitotsubashi University,2-1Naka,Kunitachi,Tokyo,186-8601,JapanReceived 27August 2003;accepted 20September 2004AbstractThis paper discusses housing inequality and housing poverty in urban China in the late 1990s,using original household surveys.Focuses are on the distributive implications of the privatization of public-owned housing and the wave of rural–urban migration.Estimates of the imputed rent function for owned housing purchased at discount prices indicates that meritocracy and political credentialism work differently as determinants of housing inequality.The paper confirms that there has been a large disparity in housing conditions between urban and migrant households,and that a new type of housing poverty has been emerging among migrant households.D 2005Elsevier Inc.All rights reserved.JEL classification:D31;P36;R21Keywords:Housing inequality;Housing poverty;Distribution of wealth;Rural–urban migration;China1.IntroductionThe purpose of this paper is to discuss housing inequality and housing poverty in urban China in the late 1990s.Distributive implications of two important issues relating to urban housing–that is,the privatization of public-owned housing and the wave of rural–urban migration–are examined.Regarding the former issue,the analytical focus is on the determinants of housing inequality in the early stage of housing privatization.This is important because the initial distribution of housing assets impacts on subsequent economic inequality in urban society.As for the latter issue,a large disparity in housing conditions between urban residents and migrants1043-951X/$-see front matter D 2005Elsevier Inc.All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.chieco.2004.09.005*Fax:+81425808265.E-mail address:satohrs@econ.hit-u.ac.jp.China Economic Review 17(2006)37–50is described.This is also important because the housing conditions of migrants is a newly emerging and rapidly growing poverty issue in urban China.The late 1990s provide useful data for examination of these issues.Development of market circulation of housing accelerated in this period.It is also the period when rural migrants who settled in urban areas may be studied.Original microdata on urban housing conditions in 1999are used throughout the study.In the planned-economy era,urban housing was basically owned by work units (danwei)or housing management departments of local governments.Along with medical care and old-age security,the allocation of low-rent housing was one of the main pillars of b work unit socialism;Q that is,the system of income distribution,social security,and governance based on work units in urban areas during the planned-economy era (Liu,2000;Lu ¨and Perry,1997;Womack,1991).Since egalitarian approaches were employed in wage distribution throughout the planned-economy era,the substantial differences in standards of living were,to a considerable degree,caused by differences in the quality of housing allocated to a given worker.Rural areas were isolated from this particular system,and the rural population was unaffected by housing problems in urban areas.This situation changed considerably throughout the 1990s owing to the above-mentioned two events.According to the Ministry of Construction,the proportion of urban households having owned housing exceeded 50%in 1998(Cheng,1999,p.137).In parallel with the wave of housing privatization,more and more households with rural household registration have begun to settle in cities.The questions that arise as a consequence are as follows.What kinds of factor determine the quality of privatized housing that urban households obtain from their work units?How has the flow of rural–urban migration,combined with housing privatization,changed the picture of housing inequality in urban areas?Bian and Logan (1997)and Logan et al.(1999)have argued,using the 1993household survey conducted in Tianjin and Shanghai,that older workers with higher income,those who have party membership,and workers who belong to large work units can access better ing the official urban household surveys of the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)from 1992to 1998,Fang et al.(2002)found that,for the low-income urban households,the rate of increase in expenditures on housing has outpaced the rate of income growth,making the poor more vulnerable to sudden shocks.Based on fieldwork in Beijing and Shanghai in the late 1990s,Wang (2000)found that,in addition to the problem of urban residents who live in relatively poor housing conditions,a newly emerging incidence of housing poverty among the poor migrants of rural origin was growing,although not recognized by the government.This paper elaborates Bian and Logan’s studies by employing imputed rent (rental value of owned housing)as the comprehensive measure of housing quality,while Bian and Logan used living space and facilities.This paper also develops the arguments of Wang (2000)and Fang et al.(2002)by employing more comprehensive data on urban housing conditions that cover both urban residents and migrants of rural origin.This paper is organized into five sections.In the latter half of this section,the main data source is introduced.Section 2gives an outline of urban housing reform in the 1990s and provides a general picture of changes in urban housing conditions between the end of the 1980s and the end of the 1990s.Section 3analyzes the determinants of housing inequality in 1999by estimating imputed rent functions.In Section 4,new instances of housing poverty are described.Section 5concludes.The main data source of this paper is a household survey conducted by the Institute of Economics,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS),in collaboration with foreignH.Sato /China Economic Review 17(2006)37–5038researchers including the author.This survey has covered 13cities in six provincial-level administrative units.The reference year is 1999(hereafter referred to as the 1999CASS survey).For comparison of housing conditions between the late 1980s and the late 1990s,the earlier nationwide household survey by CASS that collected data on 1988(hereafter referred to as the 1988CASS survey)is also used (for the sampling frame of the 1988CASS survey,see Griffin and Zhao,1993).The 1999CASS survey includes 3977households with urban household registration (feinongye/chengzhen hukou)and 790migrant households of rural origin;that is,households with rural household registration (nongye/nongcun hukou).(Hereafter,the former category is referred to as an urban household and the latter as a migrant household).Urban households were subsamples of the sampling frame of the annual national household surveys conducted by the NBS.Migrant households were subsamples of the NBS’s large sample survey conducted in 1999to establish the new sampling frame for the annual national household survey from 2000onwards.It should be noted that migrant households are those who had stable home addresses in urban areas,and that those who lived in communal housing (such as dormitory and construction sites)were not included.Therefore,the migrant households covered by this paper should be seen as b settled Q migrants of rural origin.The surveyed cities are listed in Table 1.In addition to Beijing,cities located in the five provinces of Liaoning (Northeast region),Jiangsu (Eastern coastal region),Henan (Central inland region),Sichuan (Southeast region),and Gansu (Northwest region)were surveyed.Shenyang,Nanjing,Zhengzhou,Chengdu,and Lanzhou are provincial capitals;Jinzhou,Xuzhou,Kaifeng,Pingdingshan,Zigong,and Nanchong are subprovincial (diqu)-level cities.Pingliang,the smallest among 13cities,is a county (xian)-level city.2.Housing reform and changes in housing conditions in the 1990sTable 2compares the housing conditions of urban households in 1988and 1999in nine cities that were covered in both the 1988and 1999CASS surveys.It is obvious that the housingTable 1Basic information for the 13cities surveyed City ProvinceUrban population at year-end 1999(million)GDP per capita of urban population in 1999(yuan)Proportion of employment of secondary industry (%)Beijing 7.0025,37637Shenyang Liaoning 3.9021,30340Jinzhou Liaoning 0.6710,04953Nanjing Jiangsu 2.4727,05149Xuzhou Jiangsu 1.0623,50660Zhengzhou Henan 1.5218,58949KaifengHenan 0.57890056Pingdingshan Henan 0.6413,47471Chengdu Sichuan 2.2127,28050Zigong Sichuan 0.4715,84555Nanchong Sichuan 0.4111,82636Lanzhou Gansu 1.4514,54956PingliangGansu0.1311,262–Sources:Guojia Tongjiju (2000b),Guojia Tongjiju Chengshi Shehui Jingji Diaocha Zongdui (2001).Urban population is defined as population with urban household registration status.Populations of suburban areas are not included.GDP per capita is calculated using GDP of secondary and tertiary industries.H.Sato /China Economic Review 17(2006)37–5039conditions of urban households improved significantly.The living space per household member increased from 8to almost 16m 2.1The proportion of households living in housing with their own toilets and bathrooms increased from 4%to 33%.Housing reform to break the vicious cycle of low-wage,low-rent,and low-quality housing lies behind these changes.2There are two basic policies regarding housing reform.One is rent reform (zujin gaige);that is,to raise the rent of public-owned housing while adding housing allowance to salaries simultaneously so that construction and maintenance of public-owned housing can be performed smoothly.The other policy is the privatization of public-owned housing (chushou gongyou zhufang);that is,disposal of public-owned housing by sale.After carrying out some experiments of selling public-owned housing throughout the 1980s,the State Council issued an agenda for housing reform in 1988that stressed rent reform.During the high inflation of the late 1980s,however,it was very difficult to implement rent reform (Cheng,1999,p.125–131).In July 1994,the State Council issued a directive that provided the basic framework for housing reform in the 1990s (Guowuyuan,1994).As the key reform principle,the directive advocated the b commercialization (shangpinhua)and socialization (shehuihua)of housing;Q that is,to abolish the work unit-based,welfare-oriented housing system gradually through housing privatization reform as well as rent reform.Regarding pricing policy for housing privatization,the directive adopted differential pricing policy according to income level,b market price (shichangjia)Q for higher income households,and discount prices;that is,b cost price (chengbenjia)Q or b standard price (biaozhunjia)Q for middle-and lower income households.Terms of conditions of property rights given to purchasers were to be set according to the price.In the case of selling at b cost price,Q which was the most common sales method,the property1The living space is defined as shiyong mianji,which includes sanitary and cooking facilities,not as juzhu mianji,which excludes such space,or as jianzhu mianji,which includes unusable space such as plumbing and pillars.2Another significance of housing reform is to create labor market mobility.Regarding the linkage between housing–market reform and labor market reform,see Fleisher et al.(1997).Table 2Changes in housing conditions of urban households,1988–1999Living space per household member (m 2)Proportion of households having their own toilets and bathrooms (%)Proportion of households having their own kitchens (%)Proportion of households using coal as fuel (%)19881999198819991988199919881999Beijing 8.413.94225774112Shenyang 5.516.12207193202Jinzhou 6.512.91109098201Nanjing 8.816.211456793310Xuzhou 8.814.53418593695Zhengzhou 9.219.01539191407Kaifeng8.816.3115283959359Pingdingshan 8.819.32838884343Lanzhou 8.515.52108694174Average 8.015.84337589297Number of sample households(2184)(2966)(2191)(2962)(2194)(2966)(2192)(2965)Sources:The 1999and 1988CASS surveys.H.Sato /China Economic Review 17(2006)37–5040rights basically belonged to the purchaser,but renting or reselling the housing was prohibiteduntil after a fixed period had elapsed from the acquisition.In the case of purchasing at b standardprice,Q the new owner only acquired partial property rights,and renting or reselling to thirdparties was restricted.The next stage of housing reform came in the late1990s.In July1998,the State Councilannounced the termination of in-kind distribution of public-owned housing(Guowuyuan,1998).From the second half of1998,housing privatization had become the mainstream of housingpolicy.Work units were to grant housing allowances to employees and to let employees purchaseowned housing.According to the above-mentioned policy framework,after the mid-1990s,different types ofhousing privatization progressed simultaneously.The first was nonmarket transactions betweenwork units and employees.The second was market circulation of subsidized owned housing forlower income households who could not obtain housing from work units.This category includesb economical and comfortable housing(jingji shiyong fang)Q and various low-price housing projects such as the b comfortable housing project(anju gongcheng).Q The third type was marketcirculation of b commercialized housing(shanping fang)Q at market prices.A strong systemic inertia of b work unit socialism Q was found in the housing reform up to thelate1990s.First,in this early stage of housing privatization,nonmarket transactions betweenwork units and employees at heavily discounted prices were in the majority.In this sense,privatization was still within the scope of the old welfare system.For example,in Beijing,although the city government raised the level of b cost price Q each year from1994,many workunits did not follow the policy.It was not until the end of2000that in-kind allocation of housingterminated in Beijing(Ren and Kang,2002,p.48).Second,as Bian and Logan(1997)and Logan et al.(1999)emphasized,work units were stillthe main agent in housing construction.The quality of housing purchased by urban householdsthrough housing reform was closely related to the administrative hierarchy as well as toeconomic performance of the work units.Pricing and property rights attached to privatizedhousing also varied considerably by work units(Cheng,1999;Ren and Kang,2002,p.45).Asreported in Table3,those who belong to work units of higher administrative status not onlyenjoy better housing conditions but also purchase their own housing at lower prices.Third,although part of the housing privatization policy was to promote differential pricingpolicy and to accelerate construction of low-price housing for poor households,the impact ofTable3Administrative status of work units and housing conditions,1999Numberof sample households Living spaceper householdmember(m2)Proportion ofhouseholds havingtheir own toiletsand bathrooms(%)Proportion ofhouseholdsliving in ownedhousing(%)Proportion ofhouseholds thatpurchased ownedhousing at discountprices(%)Central/provincial-levelstate-owned work units(1317)18.2407489Local-level state-ownedwork units(1332)16.8396787Urban collective work units(283)13.8325279Other(nonpublic)work units(169)16.8436985Total(3101)17.1396987Source:The1999CASS survey.H.Sato/China Economic Review17(2006)37–5041Table4Ownership structure of urban housing,1999Ownership status(%)Time of purchase of privately ownedhousing(%)Pricing method for privatelyowned housing(%)Self-estimated imputedrent of privately ownedhousing(yuan/m2)Owned by work units Ownedby localgovernmentPrivatelyownedOther Before19941995–19961997–19981999MarketpricesDiscountpricesOtherBeijing(591)3720403311241171981372Shenyang(446)21275128972129865127Jinzhou(198)1917631316572414833104Nanjing(444)201763001760232926174Xuzhou(198)12879219294482926111Zhengzhou(295)2347121234477293480Kaifeng(198)14776351321708741868Pingdingshan(199)120691934372543742362Chengdu(401)225722231645154915109Zigong(183)14578322135698504259Nanchong(201)598426019165396156Lanzhou(397)167761829323148115118Pingliang(198)108802191937257781656Average20(789)12(476)65(2569)3(106)20(471)21(501)44(1033)15(361)5(110)85(2022)10(239)139(2482)Pr=0.000Pr=0.000Pr=0.000Source:The1999CASS survey.Numbers in parentheses are numbers of sample households.Pr in the bottom row indicates the level of significance for the chi-square test of independence between cities and housing conditions(ownership status,time of purchase,and pricing method).H. Sato / China Economic Review 17 (2006) 37–50 42such policy arrangements was limited.Although it is not reported in a specific table or graph,regarding all the samples having owned housing in the 1999CASS survey,there has been found no significant association between household income and pricing method.(When a cross-tabulation of household income quantile and pricing method is examined,there is no tendency for poor households to be more likely to purchase housing at discount price or for wealthy households to purchase housing at market prices.)Also,no correlation has been found between household income and purchase price per square meter of owned housing.Fourth,systemic inertia brought about macroeconomic imbalances;that is,the large gap between high prices of marketable housing and low rents of public-owned housing (the so-called zu mai bi or price/rent ratio)obstructed the progress of housing reform (Gao and Chu,1996;Lee,2000;Yuan,1998).As Yuan (1998)pointed out,housing marketization until the late 1990s was a dual-track marketization in which there were two segmented markets:an b internal Q market that had developed within the welfare system and an b open Q market that was still premature.To confirm the above discussion,Table 4reports the progress of housing privatization and ownership structure to 1999by cities.Although the proportion of households who owned housing varies city by city,the majority (65%in an average of 13cities)had become owners of their own housing in 1999.If nine cities that were covered in both the 1988and 1999CASS surveys are compared,the proportion owning housing was 13%in 1988and 68%in 1999.In general,housing privatization accelerated after the mid-1990s.Of all sample households owning their housing,around 80%purchased their houses after 1995.The majority of households purchased owned housing at heavily discounted prices.To take the example of Shenyang,per square meter prices actually paid by households in 1997–1999were as follows:386yuan for purchase at the standard price,393yuan for purchase at cost price,and 910yuan for purchase at market prices.This table also shows large regional disparity in the value of privatized housing assets.Self-estimated imputed rent per square meter varies from 60to 80yuan in inland mid-sized cities to around 370yuan in Beijing.3.Determinants of housing inequalityAs discussed in the previous section,the process of housing privatization in the 1990s was rather complicated in terms of pricing and property rights arrangements.It is assumed that not only economic conditions of households but also various factors relating to the sociopolitical hierarchy inherited from the planned-economy era affected the initial inequality of housing assets.This section examines factors affecting the process of housing privatization by estimating the imputed rent function of owned housing.The focus is on the effects of sociopolitical factors,and the following framework of analysis is used in the estimation.The dependent variable is the rental value of privatized housing assets in 1999.The log of annual imputed rent of owned housing calculated based on self-estimated monthly imputed rent is used.Owned housing here means housing purchased at discount prices in 1996–1999.Since the opportunity for urban households to purchase owned housing from their work units at discount prices was restricted to just once (the State Council,1994),market circulation of second hand houses is not included in the estimation.Annual imputed rent (R )is defined asR ¼r 412ÀÁÀd 40:05ÀÁwhere r denotes self-estimated monthly rental value of owned housing (yuan)and d denotes housing debt (yuan).Five percent annual interest for d is subtracted from the rental value.ValuesH.Sato /China Economic Review 17(2006)37–5043of r are collected by asking household heads the question,b How much rent do you think you could get if you were to rent out the housing you are currently living to another person?Q Some criticisms can be brought to bear against estimating imputed rents by subjective evaluations under conditions where the real estate market has not developed fully.Since no systematic data on rental value of housing are available,this paper,nonetheless,uses this subjective variable as the second-best solution.This would be justified by the fact that,as discussed below,renting or subletting of housing has become popular among urban households.It should be noted that,as mentioned above,two different types of housing privatization are mixed in the cases of purchasing at discount prices.One is nonmarket transactions between work units and employees,which formed the majority up to the late 1990s.The other is market circulation of subsidized owned housing for lower income households.Unfortunately,the data set does not allow the author to discriminate accurately between the latter and the former.In spite of this shortcoming,the author believes that the estimation results reflect the distributive impact of the inertia of the old welfare system.This is because,regarding the samples used for imputed rent function,there is no correlation between household income and purchasing price per square meter in the samples used for the imputed rent function,suggesting that the latter type is in the minority.The following factors are hypothesized to influence the initial distribution of housing assets.The first factor is seniority.Since work units generally put seniority into the formula for determining price and quality of housing to be privatized (Gao and Chu,1996),it is assumed that seniority positively and significantly correlates with the level of imputed rent after privatization.Purchasers’years of employment at the time of purchasing owned housing from their work units are used as the measurement of seniority.The second factor is meritocracy.Marketization,in principle,will strengthen the correlation between ability/skill and economic status.Even within the scope of the welfare-oriented housing system,it is assumed that work units had begun to consider employees’ability/skill more seriously in the process of housing privatization since housing was an important means of providing incentives to employees.The level of ability/skill is measured by years of education.It is hypothesized that this factor has a positive effect on the imputed rent of privatized housing.The third factor is political credentialism.In contrast to meritocracy,political credentialism can be understood as a factor inherited from b work unit socialism.Q Controlling for seniority,educational level,and other variables,a positive and significant correlation between political status and imputed rent can be understood as the net premium for political credentialism.Political status is simply measured by a dummy variable for party membership.The fourth factor is work units’administrative hierarchy.As discussed above,the administrative status of work units affects the terms of housing privatization.It is likely that the imputed rents of the housing offered by work units having higher administrative status are relatively high because they had been beneficiaries of state investments in housing during the planned-economy era,and because they tend to have location advantages.The administrative status of work units is classified into the following four categories:central/provincial-level state-owned work units,local level (subprovincial or city level)state-owned work units,urban collective-owned work units,and d other T work units.Other work units,or nonpublic work units,include mixed-ownership work units,private enterprises,and foreign-owned enterprises.The administrative status of work units is another factor inherited from the planned-economy era and hypothesized to have a positive correlation with imputed rent.To examine the impact of the above-mentioned factors on housing inequality,the following variables should be controlled.The first controlling variable is the purchasing price.Each workH.Sato /China Economic Review 17(2006)37–5044unit is assumed to decide housing prices based on the quantity and quality of housing to be sold. To control for quantity and quality of housing at the time of privatization,the log of purchase prices reported by household members who purchased housing is employed in the estimation. Purchase prices are deflated to1999prices using the consumer price index for urban households (chengshi jumin xiaofei jiage zhishu)(Guojia Tongjiju,2000a).The second controlling variable is household income.Although pure market transactions of housing are not included here, household income still should be considered,since households with higher income could purchase larger or better housing from their work units.To control for household income before the time of purchasing housing,average household income in1995and1996(deflated to1999 prices)is employed in the estimation.In addition to these two controlling variables,dummy variables for industrial sector and city are also employed to control disparity in economic performance by industry,regional differences in price level,and other region-specific factors. Table5Determinants of imputed rent of owned housingAll households Households in thebusiness sector Households in the nonbusiness sectorYears of employment0.008(5.15)***0.008(4.33)***0.008(2.84)*** Years of education0.011(2.41)**0.012(2.14)**0.008(0.93) Party membership0.056(2.00)**0.034(1.01)0.108(2.10)** Central/provincial-levelstate-owned work units0.064(2.22)**0.057(1.64)0.102(1.90)*Urban collective work units0.034(0.60)0.010(0.17)0.215(1.17) Other(nonpublic)work unitsÀ0.053(0.77)À0.064(0.83)À0.003(0.02) Log of household income,1995–19960.106(3.71)***0.100(2.98)***0.133(2.30)** Log of purchasing price0.118(7.19)***0.122(5.88)***0.109(3.87)*** ManufacturingÀ0.103(2.85)***À0.109(2.93)***–ConstructionÀ0.243(4.54)***À0.242(4.42)***–Other secondary industry0.019(0.30)À0.024(0.36)–Government,public services0.030(0.83)––Other industrial sectorsÀ0.058(0.84)À0.056(0.80)–Shenyang0.418(7.62)***0.442(6.87)***0.333(3.05)*** JinzhouÀ0.046(0.68)À0.035(0.46)À0.096(0.66) XuzhouÀ0.122(1.87)*À0.142(1.87)*À0.043(0.33) Nanjing0.555(10.12)***0.582(8.84)***0.490(4.83)*** Beijing 1.230(19.13)*** 1.231(15.50)*** 1.213(10.68)*** KaifengÀ0.337(2.39)**À0.307(1.54)À0.367(1.79)* PingdingshanÀ0.186(2.07)**À0.162(1.61)À0.283(1.29) Chengdu0.313(5.59)***0.313(4.68)***0.314(3.00)*** ZigongÀ0.352(4.34)***À0.407(4.25)***À0.191(1.22) NanchongÀ0.328(3.96)***0.280(2.59)***À0.419(3.12)*** Lanzhou0.191(3.47)***0.197(3.05)***0.153(1.41) PingliangÀ0.533(7.80)***À0.554(5.95)***À0.536(4.88)*** Constant 5.934(21.25)*** 5.948(18.09)*** 5.833(10.38)*** Number of observations1300927373Adjusted R-squared0.5570.5230.579Mean of annual imputed rent(yuan)639760187340 Dependent variables are log of annual imputed rent of owned housing that were purchased in1996–1999.Omitted variables are local-level state-owned work units,commerce,and other services,and Zhengzhou.Source:The1999CASS survey.Absolute value of t-statistics in parentheses.***denotes statistically significant at the1%level,**at the5%level,and*at the10%level.H.Sato/China Economic Review17(2006)37–5045。