WomenBoomers
唐朝服饰介绍英文课件
The clothing was not only a reflection of the empress dowager's status, but also a symbol of the power and authority of the imperial family Designs often include images of dragons and phoenixes, which were considered auspicious in Chinese culture
Women's Clothห้องสมุดไป่ตู้ng
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CATALOGUE
VS
The empress dowager's clothing was characterized by its compliance and grandeur It is often included in rich designs, vibrant colors, and lustrous materials such as silk and jade
Clothing patterns and colors
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Animal patterns
The use of animal motifs on clothing was common during the Tang dynasty Lions, dragons, phoenixes, and cloud patterns were often used to symbolize power, good luck, and the province
Cloud patterns
Work-life balance is impossible工作生活平衡是不可能的英文辩论PPT
Life and work can be adjusted to each other.
Focus more on the present moment, whether it's raising a child or working hard, maintaining friendships or health, commit to it,in that way you will have the chance to be excellent at someway.
3 When we work, we should be smart and work hard in a short time, so
that the life experience will be richer and the work efficiency will be greatly improved.
Lovely children Stable family
Give children to the elderly
Stepping stones
Shiny but tired
Successful career, family
Work-life balance is possible
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Work is not the opposite of life .
A model for success in the eyes of millions of women
Anne-Marie Slaughter
Professor of Princeton University Current Chairman and CEO of New America Foundation
经济适用女英语新词热词学习笔记
Are you a "budget wife"?你是“经济适用女〞吗？Despite the name, being a budget wife -- or jingji shiyong nv in Chinese -- is harder than it seems. According a list published by an anonymous【匿名的；无名的；没特色的[ə'nɔniməs] [ə'nɔniməs] 】Web user on Sina Weibo, China's most popular micro-blogging platform, to qualify as one, you must:光听名字可能觉得挺简单，但其实想要符合标准成为“经济适用女〞，比想象中的要难。
根据中国最流行的社交网络平台新浪微博上一位未知名用户发表的标准，想做一个经济适用女，你必须满足下面的条件：Be between 5'2" and 5'8" 身高158-172cmWeigh between 100 and 120 pounds 体重45-55公斤Have long hair that trails【英[treil]|美[treil]v. 追踪；拖在后面；拖曳；落后于n. 小径；足迹；踪迹；一缕，一股】over shoulders 披肩长发Be warm and mild in personality 性格温和Have B- to C-cup size breasts 胸围B-C罩杯Not be a "gold digger" (baijinnv)不败金Not be a flirt 不花痴Not be horny【adj.角质的，角状的；坚硬的；〈美俚〉好色的，猥亵的；】小闷骚Earn between roughly $500-$1000 per month 月薪3000-6000元Have a BA or above 本科以上学历小编注：此处英文有误，原标准为“专科以上学历〞。
翻译语言万花筒---对女性的时髦称呼--- Lexicon for a Lady
《翻译˙语言》万花筒对女性的时髦称呼Lexicon for a Lady白富美：white, rich, and beautiful girl指皮肤白皙、家境良好、相貌出众，相对于男性“高富帅”的理想女性伴侣。
白骨精：female office elite“白骨精”原本是《西游记》中一个女妖魔，现用以指城市中的优秀职业女性，是“白领、骨干、精英”的略称。
拜金女：money-worship girl; material girl追逐有钱男人的女子。
败犬女：loser dog30岁以上，高收入、高学历、事业成功，但无感情归宿的女性，也就是“剩女”，但明显有贬义。
此称源自日本女作家酒井顺子的散文集《败犬的远吠》(The Howl of Loser Dogs),探讨未婚女性及其生活，认定年过30的未婚女性，无论事业上多有成就、在职场叱咤风云，只要未婚就是人生战场上的一只败犬。
大姐大：alpha woman仿“大哥大”造的词，指某一方面出众，有影响力，甚至有权威的女性。
干物女：dry fish; dull and listless woman又作“鱼干女”，指的是一群对恋爱提不起劲，认为很多事情都很麻烦而凑合着过的女性。
这个名称源自日语对鱼干的称呼“干物”。
乖乖女：well behaved girl; obedient girl愿意听父母的话，按传统结婚的女孩。
虎妈：tiger mother指对孩子要求特别严格的母亲，出自美籍华人蔡美儿的书Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother《虎妈战歌》。
姐：sis这里的“姐”不是兄弟姐妹亲属之间的称呼(form of address between siblings)，而是出自于网上流传的“姐只是个传说”（Sis is but legendary）。
孔雀女：peahen girl; silk stocking lady在城市里有钱人家长大、往往被宠坏了的女孩，很多是独生女，从小条件优越，娇生惯养，像孔雀一样有优越感。
重庆市2023-2024学年高一下学期期末联合检测试卷英语试题
重庆市2023-2024学年高一下学期期末联合检测试卷英语试题一、听力选择题1．Which did the woman prefer?A．The blue dress.B．The pink dress.C．The red dress.2．What are the speakers talking about?A．Families.B．The expressway.C．Traffic accident.3．Why does the man ask for a flight earlier?A．Because he has to meet his friend.B．Because a flight earlier is cheaper.C．Because he has an appointment.4．How much will the woman pay for one ticket?A．£2.5.B．£4.C．£5.5．What is the woman looking for?A．A market.B．A bookstore.C．A hospital.听下面一段较长对话，回答以下小题。
6．What is the man doing?A．Going through notes.B．Taking notes.C．Improving notes. 7．What is the relationship between the speakers?A．Family members.B．Classmates.C．Neighbors.听下面一段较长对话，回答以下小题。
8．Where does the conversation take place?A．In the park.B．At home.C．On the phone.9．What does the man want to do?A．To exchange a new software.B．To leave a message.C．To cancel the meeting.听下面一段较长对话，回答以下小题。
双语阅读：女人味对于职场女性是把双面刃
Female leaders have little issue defining the rules that lead to success in their various industries. But ask them about the rules dictating how professional women should present themselves to optimize their career goals and there’s a good chance yourquestion will be met with hesitation.不同行业的女性领袖通常能毫不费力地给出通往成功的秘诀。
不过如果你问她们，职场女性应当树立怎样的形象，才更利于实现职业目标，她们很可能就不知从何答起了。
Why? For women in the workplace, the whole appearance topic is nothing short of a contradiction-riddled minefield.为什么呢？因为对于职场女性而言，所有关于外表的话题都是矛盾重重的雷区。
They’ve been told attractive people are better off. Thanks to an innate human bias that’s become known as the “what is beautiful is good” effect, beautiful employees are seen as more intelligent, more competent, more everything-that’s-good. Attractiveness has been found to lead to more job interviews, more job offers, higher income and greater overall success.她们被告知，有魅力的人也会有更好的境遇。
SOUND SYMBOLISM (By Robin Allott, 1995.)
SOUND SYMBOLISM[Robin Allott. 1995. In Language in the Würm Glaciation. ed. by Udo L.Figge, 15-38. Bochum: Brockmeyer.]Sound symbolism is not a very satisfactory term but it is a familiar one to cover a phenomenon which has been noted and studied over very many years, the apparent appropriateness of the sound-structures of many individual words for their meanings. A better description for this might be 'natural expressiveness'. What is unsatisfactory about the term 'sound symbolism' is its use of the radically confused concept 'symbol'. This is one of the words used extensively and with confidence in many different disciplines, but with no clear idea of what a 'symbol' is. Often there is total contradiction between the use of 'symbol' by different authors. So, Peterfalvi (1970), author of perhaps the best book in French on sound symbolism (commended warmly by Roman Jakobson 1987), says that the term 'symbol' in its modern sense always includes the idea of a natural, and not conventional, analogical correspondence between the concrete form and the object which it symbolises. Bolinger(1963), a leading American linguist, takes the radically opposite view: meanings in which form imitates nature are called iconic: meanings that are arbitrary and conventional are called symbolic. A clash of symbols indeed!More serious than the right name for the phenomenon of 'sound symbolism' is the cast-iron orthodoxy formulated by leading authorities in linguistics that the phenomenon does not exist at all. Saussure (1915) is notorious for the slogan 'l'arbitraire du signe', by which he denied onomatopoeia (and all other natural expressiveness of words) other than as marginal, and treated even apparent onomatopoeic words as no more than conventionalised forms. This dogma was restated and reinforced by Charles Hockett(1958, 1963) in his influential identification of what he described as 'design features' of language: The relation between a meaningful element in language and its denotation is independent of any physical and geometrical resemblance between the two. The semantic relation is arbitrary rather than iconic.. Other influential linguists concurred; Firth(1964) warned students to beware of sound symbolism, saying that the sounds of words in themselves paint nothing.This certainty on the part of Saussure and his followers is all the more surprising and apparently perverse in the face of the exceptionally longhistory of evidence to the contrary, presented by equally perceptive and equally authoritative writers, and in the face of what has in this century become the large body of scientifically planned experiment establishing the reality of sound symbolism. The debate started with Plato (in the dialogue Cratylus):"Everything has a right name of its own, which comes by nature. A name is not whatever people call a thing by agreement, just a piece of their own voice applied to the thing, but there is a kind of inherent correctness (orthoteta tina ton onomaton pephukenai) which is the same for all men, both Greeks and foreigners." Similarly Lucretius, a thoughtful and pragmatic investigator, rejected the arbitrariness of the origin of words:"putare aliquem tum nomina distribuisse desiperest. Nam cur hic posset cuncta notare vocibus et varios sonitus emittere linguae tempore eodem alii id non quisse putentur"(5: 1040-1045) - that is, people who think that some individual could, by himself, have invented words arbitrarily are talking nonsense.The tradition that words symbolise their meanings has continued over the centuries. The polymath President De Brosses in the 18th century (the correspondent and opponent of Voltaire) argued for the physiological origin of words: "il y a de certains mouvements des organes appropriées à désigner une certaine classe de choses de même espéce ou de même qualité." In the 19th century the reality of the expressiveness of words was championed by Humboldt in Germany, and later by Grammont(1901) in France. Humboldt(1836) was certain that a connection between the sound of a word and its meaning exists; he distinguished between onomatopoeia and sound symbolism. The sound was not, in his view, a directly imitative sign but a sign which indicated a quality which the sign and the object have in common; to designate objects, language selected sounds which partly independently and partly in comparison with others produce an impression which to the ear is similar to that which the object makes upon the mind. Humboldt said that this kind of sign process (based upon the particular meaning of each individual letter and whole groups of letters) had undoubtedly exercised a prevailing, perhaps even exclusive, influence on primitive word formation resulting in a certain likeness ofword-formation throughout all languages.Otto Jespersen(1922) discussed at length the evidence for sound symbolism and concluded that it should be seen not simply as a force that influenced the initial formation of language but as one operating continually to make the words used more appropriate to their sense, that is, sound symbolism is a reality in the modern use and development of language. "Is there really much more logic in the opposite extreme which denies any kind of sound symbolism (apart from the small class of evident echoisms and'onomatopoeia') and sees in our words only a collection of accidental andirrational associations of sound and meaning? .. Sounds may in some cases be symbolic of their sense even if they are not so in all words... There is no denying that there are words which we feel instinctively to be adequate to express the ideas they stand for."(397-398). He directly criticised Saussure's approach: "De Saussure gives as one of the main principles of our science that the tie between sound and sense is arbitrary and rather motiveless.. and to those that would object that onomatopoeic words are not arbitrary, he says that 'they are never organic elements of a linguistic system' ... Here we see one of the characteristics of modern linguistic science; it is so preoccupied with etymology that it pays much more attention to what words have come from than to what they have come to be .. Though some echo words may be very old, the great majority are not .. In the course of time, languages grow richer and richer in symbolic words .. Sound symbolism, we may say, makes some words much more fit to survive .. Echoism and related phenomena - these forces are vital to languages as we observe them day by day".(408-411)Hormann, a more recent writer on psycholinguistics, quotes Stenzel who emphasised "the belief, deeply rooted in our natural feeling for language, that meaning lies directly in the sound of words; this belief is sustained by a peculiar feeling that it is self-evident, which certainly constitutes a very important experience in the mother-tongue and in any other language of which we have a reasonable understanding."(Hormann 1971: 215)For this 'important experience in the mother-tongue', the results of Piagetian research seem relevant (though much neglected). Piaget and his assistants found that young children uniformly say that words are derived directly from the objects to which they relate. These findings were in agreement with what Piaget termed well-known theories according to which to a child's eye every object seems to possess a necessary and absolute name, a part of the object's very nature; children believe that they are not taught words for common things - the words originate within the child itself. Children's ideas of this kind were, Piaget thought, evidence of their lack of insight and understanding; they go on taking this sort of view until they have had several years of formal schooling and reach the age of about eleven when they come to accept that words are arbitrary and conventional. Piaget of course accepted the linguistic orthodoxy unquestioningly; he did not seek further for an explanation of the surprising uniformity with which children perceive a natural link between word and meaning, merely commenting: "This inability to dissociate names from things is very curious"(1973: 83). Perhaps it is more than curious. 'Out of the mouths of babes' there may be something which linguists ought to consider.In spite of the accumulated evidence for sound symbolism, the unquestioning attachment of most linguists (and researchers in other disciplines) to the Saussurean dogma is puzzling. Perhaps Peterfalvi was not far from the truth: "Pourquoi est-il important pour la linguistique contemporaine que le signe linguistique soit arbitraire? .. Si en effet on partait du principe générale que le signifiant et le signifié d'un si gne linguistique sont unis par des liens fondés sur l'analogie oul'isomorphisme, toute l'analyse des langues menée à bien par les linguistes (à commencer par l'analyse phonologique) serait impossible sous sa forme actuelle"(1970: 77).Most people probably have little idea of the weight of material bearing on sound symbolism and the natural expressiveness of words. The list of references for this paper(a partial bibliography for sound symbolism) gives some idea of the continuity of commentary and research and the range of languages and experimental work involved.1. Evidence and experimentThe case for sound symbolism, its character, does not, of course, depend simply on authorities of the past. Since the 1920's and 1930's there has been a very considerable volume of increasingly sophisticated experiment to test and delimit the functioning of sound symbolism in modern languages. Some of the research related to what was described as 'phonetic symbolism', that is, the extent to which individual speech-sounds, phonemes, carried specific meanings; other research related to the appropriateness of words as a whole - 'morphosymbolism' (to adopt the term used by Malkiel(1978). The research can be divided, with some overlapping, into several categories:Sound symbolism within a single language. For example, experiment and material indicating the extent to which in English individual phonemes are symbolic or the sound-structures of words otherwise appear to be sound symbolic or naturally appropriate to their meanings. Under this head, there is evidence that in English (and in other languages) there are systematic similarities between groups of words which refer to related percepts or have related aspects of meaning not explainable in terms of orthodox principles of etymology.Sound symbolism between different languages, Typically, experiment under this head assesses how far speakers of one particular language appear to be able to use the sound-structure of words in another language (or in several other languages) to arrive at the meaning of the words in the other language (or languages). Under this head there is the wider question of the universality of sound symbolism (or, more narrowly, of phoneticsymbolism). Also considered is evidence for sound symbolism in the form of correspondences in unrelated languages between the sound-structures of words used for particular percepts or ranges of perceptsSound symbolism matching sounds or visual patterns with invented words This is the kind of experimentation associated with Kohler(1929).2. Sound symbolism within a single languageThere has been extensive consideration of 'sound symbolism', the natural expressiveness of word-sounds, in relation to the major European languages, The phenomenon that words are felt to be naturally appropriate to their meaning is as well-established for German, French and Spanish as it is for English. The disagreement has been over how the feeling of the natural suitability of words for their meanings is to be explained. In relation to the English language, even linguists such as Bloomfield and Firth,who proclaim the arbitrariness of language and deny the existence of sound symbolism, recognise that particular feelings of appropriateness are associated with particular words. Other authorities strongly support the reality of sound-symbolism in the English language. Jespersen(1922) said that there was no denying that there are words which we feel instinctively to be adequate to express the ideas they stand for. Roger Brown(1958), who dealt comprehensively with the issue of sound symbolism, concluded that speakers of a given language have similar notions of the semantic implications of various phonetic sequences.Some of the most extensive work has been done in relation to German. Humboldt(1836) quoted words like 'wolke' 'wirren' and 'wunsch' as expressing the vacillating, wavering motion referred to. Hilmer(1914) compiled 170 pages of word-lists of expressive words in German. This was followed up in a wider context by other German researchers (described in the next section of this paper). For French, Sauvageot(1964), whilst accepting Saussure's doctrine of the arbitrariness of the sign, described the extent and importance of onomatopoeia and expressive words. More recently, Peterfalvi(1970) assembled evidence which convinced him of the reality of sound symbolism in French (and more generally); he repeated experiments similar to those conducted earlier by American and German researchers. In relation to Spanish, De Diego(1973) concluded that all words in varying degrees have a sensory or emotive value(69). As an example, he gave the Spanish name for the bird in English called a 'wagtail':"in the word PIMPIM we have not an acoustic representation of its song but an acoustic expression which translates a visual impression of the rapidity of movement characteristic of the bird".(67)Unlimited examples could be provided from other European languages and from remoter languages for the existence of a felt relation between word-sounds and word-meanings. FIRTH collected examples of expressive words in Norwegian, Swedish and Dutch. In many examples, the syllables in a word apparently correspond to the number of distinct elements in the sound, object or action, for example, the word 'ongololo' meaning'centipede' in Samoan (an example given by Brown 1958). Sound symbolism seems to be as much or more of a reality in remoter languages. Manchu is said to have been absolutely full of imitative formations. There are many examples of sound symbolism in African languages; in Ewe, high- tone words indicate small things and low-tone words large things; in certain Sudanese languages high-tone words are used to express long distances or high speed, and low-tone words to express proximity and slowness. These examples are of particular interest as showing that sound symbolism is a reality also for tonal languages. In Chinese, it is not irrelevant, in considering visual contour as a foundation for the natural feeling of words, that many of the Chinese classifiers (words indicating the category to which an object belongs) are based on shape; there are, for example, classifying particles which indicate long, flat and round objects, containers, pairs and sets (curiously similar to classifiers used in some American Indian languages). Studies of sound symbolism in a number of other languages are listed in the bibliography e.g. Korean (Martin 1962, Kim 1977), Chinese (Karlgren 1962), Japanese and Hindi (Koriat/Levy 1977), Semai (Diffloth 1976), Bini (Wescott 1973), Yuman (Langdon 1971), Coeur D'Alene (Reichard 1945), Azerbaijani (Householder 1962), N.W. American Indian (Haas 1970), Hungarian (Allport 1935) and various West African languages (Samarin 1967). Jakobson/Waugh(1987) refer also to studies of sound symbolism in Siouan and Dakota.Research within single languages has cast light on the issue of 'phonetic' symbolism. Sapir(1929), on the basis of his experiment using two invented words MAL and MIL which subjects were asked to identify with 'a large table' or 'a small table', raised the issue whether phonemes in isolation are symbolic, for example, of differing size. Newman(1933), who was a student of Sapir's tested this for English by listing all words related to size, about 500. Comparing the small words with the large, he found no significant difference in the size implications of the vowels used, that is, no confirmation in natural language of the results found by Sapir. Roger Brown(1958) independently did a similar study and also found no evidence of symbolic representation of magnitude by the differentiated use of vowels. This seems very likely. Consider in English, for example, the words BIG and SMALL, MIGHTY and MITE. The conclusion seems unavoidable that the symbolic character is dependent on the whole word and not on any single speech-sound considered in isolation; if two words differ in onlya single speech-sound, then the symbolic character may change but this does mean that in all words containing this opposition, the difference in symbolic effect will be the same.3. Resemblance within a single language between etymologically unrelated words with related meaningsMany words, in English and other languages, which are similar in the sounds going to form them, derive their similarity from etymologically standard processes of word-formation and word- development. This is true of the conjugation and declension of words in inflected languages, of the formation of comparatives or plurals in English and other languages, of the composition of new words by the addition of prefixes or suffixes and so on. This kind of resemblance between words, in a systematic way, is at the same time taken for granted and fully natural. The more interesting kind of systematic resemblance is where words have sounds and meanings which resemble one another but etymologically the words are judged not to be related or derived from one another by any standard process of composition, prefixing etc. This is a phenomenon which has been observed in English and other languages and has been commented on, as an unexplained curiosity, by a number of linguists and others. Tylor(1871), the anthropologist, remarked on the way in which words, whilst preserving so to speak the same skeleton, may be made to follow the variation of sound, of force, of duration, which an imitative group will show:- CRICK CREAK CRACK CRUSH CRUNCH CRAUNCH SCRUNCH SCRAUNCH. Firth(1937), whilst disbelieving in sound symnbolism, assembled large collections of symbolic words and emphasised the systematic way they may be related to each other, quite separately from any etymological links; he acknowledged that we are appreciably affected by initial and final phoneme groups not ordinarily recognised as having any function. "Consider the following English words: SLACK SLOUCH SLUDGE SLIME SLOSH SLASH SLOPPY SLUG SLUGGARD SLATTERN SLUT SLANG SLY SLITHER SLOW SLOTH SLEEPY SLEET SLIP SLIPSHOD SLOPE SLIT SLAY SLEEK SLANT SLOVENLY SLAB SLAP SLOUGH SLUM SLUMP SLOBBER SLAVER SLUR SLOG SLATE ... A group of words such as the above has a cumulative suggestive value that cannot be overlooked in any consideration of our habits of speech. All the above words are in varying degrees pejorative".(Firth 1964: 184)In English, there are many similar groupings of words where there is some underlying resemblance of meaning related to the surface resemblance of the sounds forming the words. Bloomfield(1933) quoted a number of these: examples are such groups as: FIRE FLAME FLARE FLASH FLICKER POINT POKE PIKE PEG PEAK PIERCE PRICK PROD PROBE PRONG HIT HACK HEW HATCHET HASH THROW THRUST THRASH THWACK THWART THUMP THROTTLE SWEEP SWAY SWING SWIRL SWERVE SWOOP SWISH SWITCH SWAT SWIPE SWAB WAG WAGGLE WEAVE WOBBLE WANDER WONDERWADDLE WAVER WAVE. The felt resemblances between these sets of words is apparent and must derive from symbolism in the sounds used - though not necessarily just from the initial letters of the words since one can easily find examples of other words with the same initial letters but belonging to completely different categories of meaning; the resemblance seems to derive from the whole structure of the words in each group.Despite the examples he gave of expressive groups of words, Firth, as already noted, explained them as simply the result of habit - but even in his own terms, the question arises whether there is some universal or physiological basis for these habits, for the preferences which people demonstrate in their formation of words for particular sounds. There is no necessary conflict between saying that a particular mode of behaviour, in language or otherwise, is habitual and yet at the same time has a biological or physiological basis. Firth drew attention to the existence of parallel groups of expressive words in other languages. It is surprising that he did not feel it necessary to consider more closely how it is, if these are purely cultural phonaesthetic habits, they should be shared not only by speakers of the same language but by speakers of other distinct languages. The parallel development of similar phonetic habits in other communities makes it doubtful whether a purely cultural explanation is adequate.Jespersen(1922) also presented detailed material bearing on sound symbolism: "the simplest case is the direct imitation of the sound:thus CLINK ... SPLASH ... BLEAT .. SNORT .. GRUNT ... But as our speech organs are not capable of giving a perfect imitation of all 'unarticulated' sound, the choice of speech- sounds is to a certain extent accidental and different nations have chosen different combinations, more or less conventionalised, for the same sounds, thus COCK-A-DOODLE-DO ... French COQUELICO .. and for whisper, French CHUCHOTER Spanish SUSURAR .. Next the echoic word designates the being that produces the sound (PEEWIT etc). Thirdly, as sound is always produced by some movement and is nothing but the impression which that movement makes on the ear, it is quite natural that movement itself may be expressed by the word for its sound: the two are in fact inseparable. Note for example such verbs as BUBBLE SPLASH CLASH CRACK PECK . Then we have words expressive of such movements as are not to the same extent characterised by large sounds; thus a great many words beginning with L combinations FL: FLOW ... SL: SLIDE ... SLIP ...GL: GLIDE . Sound and sight may originally have been combined in such expressions for an uncertain walk such as TOTTER DODDER .. but in cases of this kind, the audible element may be wanting and the word may come to be felt as symbolic of the movement as such. This is also the case with many expressions for the sudden rapid movement by which we take hold of something; as a shortvowel suddenly interrupted by a stopped consonant serves to express the sound produced by a very rapid striking movement (PAT TAP ..). Similar sound combinations occur frequently for the more or less noiseless seizing of a thing ... SNAP ... CATCH .. There is also a natural connection between the action and the sound in the word TOT TICKLE (Latin: TITILLARE). There is some more or less obvious association of what is only visible with some sound or sounds ... We may also think of the word ZIGZAG as denoting movement in alternate turns here and there"(Jespersen 1922:Chapter XX)The distinction between the lists of expressive words presented by Firth and those presented by Jespersen is that whereas Firth did not attempt to explain why the particular sounds should have been chosen, Jespersen looked for a systematic relation between the particular sounds composing expressive words and the action, sound, perception etc. to which the word refers. He was beginning to sketch out a detailed system of sound/meaning correspondences. This systematic relation of sound and meaning was developed further by a linguist opposed to the idea that there is any natural relation of sound and meaning, Bloomfield(1933) pointed out that English is especially rich in a type of intense forms, the symbolic forms which have a connotation of somehow illustrating the meaning more immediately than do ordinary speech-forms. "The explanation is a matter of grammatical structure ... to the speaker it seems as if the sounds were especially suited to the meaning". Bloomfield's promised explanation of symbolic forms in terms of grammatical structure never really arrived. The nearest he came to it was in discussing the concept of roots underlying vocabulary: "Primary words that do not contain any affix-like constituents (e.g. BOY RUN RED) are classed as primary root-words..(240) A root may appear in only one primary word, as is the case with ... MAN BOY CUT RED ... or it may appear in a whole series of primary words (241)In the Germanic languages, modification of the root occurs in words of symbolic connotation as FLAP FLIP FLOP. If we take FLAP as the basic form of this root, we shall describe FLIP FLOP as derivatives ...(242) However we find clearly-marked phonetic- semantic resemblances between elements which we view as different roots ... [In English symbolic word] we can distinguish, with varying degrees of clearness, and with doubtful cases on the borderline, a system of initial and final root-forming morphemes of vague signification. It is plain that the intense symbolic connotation is associated with this structure."(244-245)This is a far from clear account of how the expressiveness of symbolic forms is explained as a matter of grammatical structure. If in fact the primary roots had any independent validity, if the so-called root-forming morphemes were the product of some grammatical necessity, he might have an adequate explanation - but his account was undermined by the admissionthat the roots have no particular historical reality: "Now and then one still hears the claim that the roots which we set up must once upon a time have been spoken as independent words. The reader needs scarcely to be told that this is utterly unjustified; the roots are merely units of partial resemblance between words".(240) This amounts to no more than saying that systematic resemblances can be observed between words which are said to be symbolic or expressive. It says nothing about the origin of the expressiveness.4. Sound symbolism between languagesWhat has been quoted from Firth, Bloomfield and Jespersen represents an earlier stage of discussion of sound symbolism, based on rather scattered observation of apparent relations between sounds and meanings. More recently, there has been a more experimental and quantitative approach. The experimentation has been concerned with the different types of sound symbolism which may exist, symbolism of whole words (of the kind that Jespersen and Firth largely considered) and symbolism inherent in clusters of speech-sounds (as considered by Bloomfield) or in individual speech-sounds, consonants or vowels (as studied in Sapir's pioneering experiments). The research has not been confined to sound symbolism as perceived by English-speakers but has provided evidence for sound symbolism as a force operating in other language communities. The experiments counter the criticism that apparent appropriateness of sounds and meanings in any single language such as English may be a peculiarity of that language or in any event may simply show that single language communities tend (as Firth argued) to develop habits of conventional origin in the sounds they use for particular clusters of ideas, that sound symbolism is cultural rather than natural.There has been as much, if not more, research into the extent to which cross-linguistic sound symbolism is a reality i.e. that speakers of one language can appreciate the expressive force of words in another language (possibly one not at all known to them). There seems no doubt that sound-symbolism does extend across languages but it is unsettled how far this is universally true or whether there are some languages or groups of languages for which the expressiveness of individual words in the languages cannot be appreciated by members of other language-communities. Certainly, experiment has shown cross-linguistic symbolism between a number of completely unrelated languages but some experiments involving Chinese (and other tonal languages) have been unsuccessful or unconvincing.The sequence of experiments has developed consistently towards greater and greater rigour. At first experimental subjects were asked simply to。
英文版中国传统故事-花木兰英文版
Mulan
Long ago, a girl named Mulan lived with her mother and father in a small village in the land of Wei in Northern China. One morning,after returning from her daily visit to the market, Mulan saw a crowd of people outside the village meeting place.
Mulan raced home to her father. "You cannot go, father!"Mulan cried."Your wounds have not healed from the last war.""Daughter," Father replied."Would you have me dishonor our family? I must go." "No.I must,"Mulan said bravely.
Dressed like a soldier, Mulan joined the men assembled at the village meeting place and registered for her family. No one realized Mulan was a girl. She fooled them all and marched off to battle with the others.
After a few weeks at home, Mulan was back in women's clothes. She had forgotten her life as a soldier. One day, Mulan went to answer the door. It was the General.
小妇人的PPT
thor
Under the influence of her writer father, she gained interest on writing at an early age. In 1860, her novel and poetry were published on The Atlantic for the first time. 8 years later her most famous book, Little Women, got published and quickly became a best seller.
Meg
Meg is beautiful and wellmannered, not enticed by the money. She runs the household when her mother is absent. Meg also guards Amy from Jo when the two quarrels, just as Jo protects Beth. Meg is employed as a governess for the Kings, a wealthy local family. Because of the genteel social standing of her family, Meg is allowed into society. However, after a few disappointing experiences, Meg learns that true worth does not lie with money. She falls in love with Mr. John Brooke, Laurie's tutor, whom she marries.
破产姐妹中的俚语
女。
其实Sophie是一位清洁公司的老板，并且有一副好心肠。
Make money on the side俩姐妹零售自制纸杯蛋糕已五月有余。
Caroline进行盘点时，对盈利金额有些失望。
她认为“We have to find a way to make more money on the side.”大家都知道make money指“赚钱”，而on the side意为“暗地里、秘密地”，如：He ran a small pub on the side.(他私底下还开了一个小酒吧。
)因此make money on the side指“做副业、兼职来赚外快”。
大街小巷的电线杆子上总是贴满了狗皮膏药般的兼职小广告，大多是骗人的。
实际上很多人会利用自己的专门技能来make money on the side，既赚到了银子，又锻炼了能力，何乐而不为呢?例如不少大学生会选择当家教来赚家用，毕竟高考都熬过来了，对付中小学的功课，还是可以胜任的，那就是：Many college students would do tutors to make money on the side.兼职亦可用moonlight一词。
试想月光下偷偷干私活的情景。
Moonlight代表的兼职通常是“秘密的、不想曝光的”，适用于那些闷声发财的人士。
如同上世纪八九十年代的歌星走穴，抓到是要被组织惩罚的，这种就属于moonlight性质。
Hit and run两姐妹相当不满楼上新邻居的入住，因其太能制造噪音。
Max写了一张血淋淋、赤果果的威胁信：I have an unregistered gun and can shoot you through the floor.(老娘有把未注册的黑枪，能从楼下一枪崩了你。
)接着Max又向江湖经验值浅的Caroline传授跑路秘诀：We’re gonna hit and run.咱们从画面的角度来想象hit and run：首先抡起拳头海扁，然后脚底抹油、溜之大吉。
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Boomers and the Need for Cannabis
• Adults 50+ more likely to develop health conditions such as cancer, Alzheimer's, chronic pain • Rising # expected to bolster demand for MMJ products
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Identify Your Audience
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-America’s State of Mind Report -Medco Survey
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The Growing List of Cannabis Uses for Women
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Boomers: What we know
More like Millenials than you might think
Stay active longer, impacting medical needs
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The Cost of Health
- Medicare = high cost-sharing policies - Medicaid supplements Medicare for low-income seniors, but threshold low - Medicare beneficiaries with Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s face higher costs for certain services TrOOP (True OutOut-ofof-Pocket costs) - Out-of-pocket spending rises with age among those 65+ - Higher for women than men, especially among those ages 85+
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Diverse & changing populations
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Women: What we know
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Women Have Reason to Turn to Cannabis
- Women have highest utilization rate of anti‐anxiety medications - Women 2.5xs more likely to take antidepressant medication as males
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Cannabis and Boomers
• Marijuana usage up among those 50+ in past decade • In 2012, 8% of those 50-54 used marijuana in the past year - nearly double from 2002 • Users 55-59 more than quadrupled • Among people 60-64, use nearly doubled
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration - National Survey on Drug Use and
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Continue the conversation Create safe space Hire/train wisely Ask for (and use) feedback Brand everything
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Women & Boomers: Attracting Overlooked, Intensely Profitable Consumers
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Women & Boomers: Attracting Overlooked, Intensely Profitable Consumers
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THANK YOU!
Becky DeKeuster
Wellness Connection of Maine becky@ 855-848-6740
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• PMS • Anxiety, stress and depression • Fibromyalgia • Sexual function • Chronic pain/inflammation
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FINAL THOUGHTS
Be persistently politely present.
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Women & Boomers: Attracting Overlooked, Intensely Profitable Consumers
Julianna Carella
CEO & Founder Auntie Dolores Edibles
© 2014, Marijuana Business Media, a division of Anne Holland Ventures Inc. All rights reseaged - 23% of women ages 40-59 women were on an take antidepressants anti‐anxiety drug treatment in 2010, 2xs the rate of - Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Center for male counterparts Health Statistics - National Health and Nutrition Examination
IBIS World Industry Reports, 2014: Medical Marijuana
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Be part of ALL the conversations
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Women & Boomers: Attracting Overlooked, Intensely Profitable Consumers
Becky DeKeuster, M.Ed
Director of Community & Education Wellness Connection of Maine