《即将成人》中作为叙事策略的黑人英语方言
沛沛英语成人版中英对照(三)
沛沛英语成人版—中英对照之41至60集nit 41 I've almost finished it.1 朋友问你编辑工作进行得怎么样了。
你说，你快要把导言完成了：I've almost finished introduction.2 他很担心第一次约会就迟到。
他说，他几乎是一路跑过来的：I almost ran all the way.3 他在那边读兴正浓。
你提醒他，快要十一点了：It's almost eleven o'clock.4 她一定是爱上你了。
朋友说，她几乎每天都打电话过来：She calls you almost every day.5 他的想法正是你的想法。
你说，几乎他的每一个字你都同意：I agree with almost every word of yours.6 你家乡每年的雪景都很美。
你说，今年可几乎没下什么雪：There is almost no snow this year.7 她自从生了小孩胖多了。
你对她说，你几乎认不出她了：I almost didn't recognize you.8 英语考试你得了60分，你说，你差一点儿没及格：I almost didn't pass the English exam.注：almost adv. 几乎（放在动词前，或be前）recognize v. 认出，认清，认识到；承认（表示承认是朋友，公认，对...表示感谢，打招呼）Unit 42 Have you ever been abroad?1 你的英语讲得很漂亮。
别人问你，是否出过国：Have you ever been abroad?2 带外国朋友游北京。
你问他，有没有去过颐和园：Have you ever been to the summer palace?3 你朋友说他去过好几个国家。
你问他，是否去过蒙古：Have you ever been to Mongolia?4 朋友问你新开的景点有趣没有。
赖特小说《即将成人》中作为叙事策略的黑人英语方言
赖特小说《即将成人》中作为叙事策略的黑人英语方言
董玲
【期刊名称】《牡丹江师范学院学报（哲学社会科学版）》
【年(卷),期】2010(000)005
【摘要】在非裔美国文学中,黑人英语方言的运用符合非裔文学传统的叙事策略.在理查德·赖特的短篇小说<即将成人>中,黑人英语方言的运用配合着感人的故事情节和对主人公生动的描述,使得这部短篇成为美国当代短篇小说中的一颗耀眼之星.【总页数】4页(P65-68)
【作者】董玲
【作者单位】广西民族师范学院,外语系,广西,崇左,532200
【正文语种】中文
【中图分类】I109.9
【相关文献】
1.美国说唱乐RAP中黑人英语方言的词汇特点
2.从功能对等看小说中黑人会话英语的汉译方法
3.斯托和赖特小说中的美国黑人
4.《即将成人》中作为叙事策略的黑人英语方言
5.浅论理查德•赖特《即将成人》中的象征
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the damned human race课文
the damned human race课文The Damned Human Race可恶的人类Mark Twain马克•吐温I have been studying the traits and dispositions of the “lower animals,”and contrasting them with the traits and dispositions of man. I find the result humiliating to me. For it obliges me to renounce my allegiance to the Darwinian theory of the Ascent of Man from the Lower Animals and to name it the Descent of Man from the Higher Animals.我一直在研究“低级动物”的特点和性情，并将其与人的特点和性情相比较。
我发现其结果令我羞愧难当，因为它迫使我宣布不再忠信达尔文“人是从低级动物进化而来”的理论，而将其更名为“人是从高级动物退化而来的”。
In proceeding toward this unpleasant conclusion I have not guessed or speculated or conjectured, but have used what is commonly called the scientific method. That is to say, I have subjected every postulate that presented itself to the crucial test of actual experiment, and have adopted it or rejected it according to the result. These experiments were made in the London Zoological Gardens, and covered many months ofpainstaking and fatiguing work.在得出这一令人不快的结论的过程中，我没有进行猜测、推断或者揣测，而是运用了人们通常所说的科学方法。
thesadyoungmen课文和翻译
T h e S a d Y o u n g M e n R o d W.H o r t o n a n d H e r b e r t W.E d w a r d s1 No aspect of life in the Twenties has been more commented upon and sensationally romanticized than the so-called Revolt of the Younger Generation. The slightest mention of the decade brings nostalgic recollections to the middle-aged and curious questionings by the young: memories of the deliciously illicit thrill of the first visit to a speakeasy, of the brave denunciation of Puritan morality, and of the fashionable experimentations in amour in the parked sedan on a country road; questions about the naughty, jazzy parties, the flask-toting "sheik," and the moral and stylistic vagaries of the "flapper" and the "drug-store cowboy." "Were young people really so wild" present-day students ask their parents and teachers. "Was there really a Younger Generation problem" The answers to such inquiries must of necessity be "yes" and "no"--"Yes" because the business of growing up is always accompanied by a Younger Generation Problem; "no" because what seemed so wild, irresponsible, and immoral in social behavior at the time can now be seen in perspective as being something considerably less sensational than the degenerauon of our jazzmad youth.2 Actually, the revolt of the young people was a logical outcome of conditions in the age: First of all, it must be remembered that the rebellion was not confined to the Unit- ed States, but affected the entire Western world as a result of the aftermath of the first serious war in a century. Second, in the United States it was reluctantly realized by some- subconsciously if not openly -- that our country was no longer isolated in either politics or tradition and that we had reached an international stature that would forever prevent us from retreating behind the artificial walls of a provincial morality or the geographical protection of our two bordering oceans.3 The rejection of Victorian gentility was, in any case, inevitable. The booming of American industry, with its gigantic, roaring factories, its corporate impersonality, and its largescale aggressiveness, no longer left any room for the code of polite behavior and well-bred morality fashioned in a quieter and less competitive age. War or no war, as the generations passed, it became increasingly difficult for our young people to accept standards of behavior that bore no relationship to the bustling business medium in which they were expected to battle for success. The war acted merely as a catalytic agent in this breakdown of the Victorian social structure, and by precipitating our young people into a pattern of mass murder it released their inhibited violent energies which, after the shooting was over, were turned in both Europe and America to the destruction of an obsolescent nineteenth-century society.4 Thus in a changing world youth was faced with the challenge of bringing our mores up to date. But at the same time it was tempted, in America at least, to escape its responsibilities and retreat behind an air of naughty alcoholic sophistication and a pose of Bohemian immorality. The faddishness , the wild spending of money on transitory pleasures and momentary novelties , the hectic air of gaiety, the experimentation in sensation -- sex, drugs, alcohol, perversions -- were all part of the pattern of escape, an escape made possible by a general prosperity and a post-war fatigue with politics, economic restrictions, and international responsibilities. Prohibition afforded the young the additional opportunity of making their pleasures illicit , and the much-publicized orgies and defiant manifestoes of the intellectuals crowding into Greenwich Village gave them a pattern and a philosophic defense for theirescapism. And like most escapist sprees, this one lasted until the money ran out, until the crash of the world economic structure at the end of the decade called the party to a halt and forced the revelers to sober up and face the problems of the new age.5 The rebellion started with World War I. The prolonged stalemate of 1915 -- 1916, the increasing insolence of Germany toward the United States, and our official reluctance to declare our status as a belligerent were intolerable to many of our idealistic citizens, and with typical American adventurousness enhanced somewhat by the strenuous jingoism of Theodore Roosevelt, our young men began to enlist under foreign flags. In the words of Joe Williams, in John Dos Passos' U. S. A., they "wanted to get into the fun before the whole thing turned belly up." For military service, in 1916-- 1917, was still a romantic occupation. The young men of college age in 1917 knew nothing of modern warfare. The strife of 1861 --1865 had popularly become, in motion picture and story, amagnolia-scented soap opera, while the one hundred-days' fracas with Spain in 1898 had dissolved into a one-sided victory at Manila and a cinematic charge up San Juan Hill. Furthermore, there were enough high school assembly orators proclaiming the character-forming force of the strenuous life to convince more than enough otherwise sensible boys that service in the European conflict would be of great personal value, in addition to being idealistic and exciting. Accordingly, they began to join the various armies in increasing numbers, the "intellectuals" in the ambulance corps, others in the infantry, merchant marine, or wherever else they could find a place. Those who were reluctant to serve in a foreign army talked excitedly about Preparedness, occasionally considered joining the National Guard, and rushed to enlist when we finally did enter the conflict. So tremendous was the storming of recruitment centers that harassed sergeants actually pleaded with volunteers to "go home and wait for the draft," but since no self-respecting person wanted to suffer the disgrace of being drafted, the enlistment craze continued unabated.6 Naturally, the spirit of carnival and the enthusiasm for high military adventure were soon dissipated once the eager young men had received a good taste of twentieth- century warfare. To their lasting glory, they fought with distinction, but it was a much altered group of soldiers who returned from the battlefields in 1919. Especially was this true of the college contingent, whose idealism had led them to enlist early and who had generally seen a considerable amount of action. To them, it was bitter to return to a home town virtually untouched by the conflict, where citizens still talked with the naive Fourth-of-duly bombast they themselves had been guilty of two or three years earlier. It was even more bitter to find that their old jobs had been taken by the stay-at-homes, that business was suffering a recession that prevented the opening up of new jobs, and that veterans were considered problem children and less desirable than non-veterans for whatever business opportunities that did exist. Their very homes were often uncomfortable to them; they had outgrown town and families and had developed a sudden bewildering world-weariness which neither they nor their relatives could understand. Their energies had been whipped up and their naivete destroyed by the war and now, in sleepy Gopher Prairies all over the country, they were being asked to curb those energies and resume the pose of self-deceiving Victorian innocence that they now felt to be as outmoded as the notion that their fighting had "made the world safe for democracy." And, as if home town conditions were not enough, the returning veteran also had to face the sodden, Napoleonic cynicism of Versailles, the hypocritical do-goodism of Prohibition, and the smug patriotism of the war profiteers. Something in the tension-ridden youth of America had to "give" and, after a short period of bitter resentment, it "gave" in the form of a complete overthrow of genteel standards of behavior.7 Greenwich Village set the pattern. Since the Seven-ties a dwelling place for artists and writers who settled there because living was cheap, the village had long enjoyed a dubious reputation for Bohemianism and eccentricity. It had also harbored enough major writers, especially in the decade before World War I, to support its claim to being the intellectual center of the nation. After the war, it was only natural that hopeful young writers, their minds and pens inflamed against war, Babbittry, and "Puritanical" gentility , ,should flock to the traditional artistic center (where living was still cheap in 1919) to pour out their new-found creative strength, to tear down the old world, to flout the morality of their grandfathers, and to give all to art, love, and sensation.8 Soon they found their imitators among the non-intellectuals. As it became more and more fashionable throughout the country for young persons to defy the law and the conventions and to add their own little matchsticks to the conflagration of "flaming youth", it was Greenwich Village that fanned the flames. "Bohemian" living became a fad. Each town had its "fast" set which prided itself on its unconventionality , although in reality this self-conscious unconventionality was rapidly becoming a standard feature of the country club class -- and its less affluent imitators --throughout the nation. Before long the movement had be-come officially recognized by the pulpit (which denounced it), by the movies and magazines (which made it attractively naughty while pretending to denounce it), and by advertising (which obliquely encouraged it by 'selling everything from cigarettes to automobiles with the implied promise that their owners would be rendered sexually irresistible). Younger brothers and sisters of the war generation, who had been playing with marbles and dolls during the battles of Belleau Wood and Chateau-Thierry, and who had suffered no real disillusionment or sense of loss, now began to imitate the manners of their elders and play with the toys of vulgar rebellion. Their parents were shocked, but before long they found themselves and their friends adopting the new gaiety. By the middle of the decade, the "wild party" had become as commonplace a factor in American life as the flapper, the Model T, or the Dutch Colonial home in Floral Heights.9 Meanwhile, the true intellectuals were far from flattered. What they had wanted was an America more sensitive to art and culture, less avid for material gain, and less susceptible to standardization. Instead, their ideas had been generally ignored, while their behavior had contributed to that standardization by furnishing a pattern of Bohemianism that had become as conventionalized as a Rotary luncheon. As a result, their dissatisfaction with their native country, already acute upon their return from the war, now became even more intolerable. Flaming diatribes poured from their pens denouncing the materialism and what they considered to be the cultural boobery of our society. An important book rather grandiosely entitled Civilization in the United States, written by "thirty intellectuals" under the editorship of J. Harold Stearns, was the rallying point of sensitive persons disgusted with America. The burden of the volume was that the best minds in the country were being ignored, that art was unappreciated, and that big business had corrupted everything. Journalism was a mere adjunct to moneymaking, politics were corrupt and filled with incompetents and crooks, and American family life so devoted to making money and keeping up with the Joneses that it had become joyless, patterned, hypocritical, and sexually inadequate. These defects would disappear if only creative art were allowed to show the way to better things, but since the country was blind and deaf to everything save the glint and ring of the dollar, there was little remedy for the sensitive mind but to emigrate to Europe where "they do things better." By the time Civilization in the United States was published (1921), most of its contributors had taken their own advice and were Wing abroad, and many more of the artistic and would-be artistic had followed suit.10 It was in their defiant, but generally short-lived, European expatriation that our leading writersof the Twenties learned to think of themselves, in the words of Gertrude Stein, as the "lost generation".In no sense a movement in itself, the "lost generation" attitude nevertheless acted as a commondenominator of the writing of the times. The war and the cynical power politics of Versailles hadconvinced these young men and women that spirituality was dead; they felt as stunned as JohnAndrews, the defeated aesthete In Dos Passos' Three Soldiers, as rootless as Hemingway's wanderingalcoholics in The Sun Also Rises. Besides Stein, Dos Passos, and Hemingway, there were LewisMumford, Ezra Pound, Sherwood Anderson, Matthew Josephson, d. Harold Stearns, T. S. Eliot, E. E.Cumminss, Malcolm Cowley, and many other novelists, dramatists, poets, and critics who tried to find their souls in the Antibes and on the Left Bank, who directed sad and bitter blasts at their native landand who, almost to a man, drifted back within a few years out of sheer homesickness, to take upresidence on coastal islands and in New England farmhouses and to produce works ripened by thetempering of an older, more sophisticated society.11 For actually the "lost generation" was never lost. It was shocked, uprooted for a time, bitter,critical, rebellious, iconoclastic, experimental, often absurd, more often misdirected- but never "lost." A decade that produced, in addition to the writers listed above, such fisures as Eugene O'Neill, Edna St.Vincent Millay, F. Scott Fitzserald, William Faulkner, Sinclair Lewis, Stephen Vincent Benét, HartCrane, Thomas Wolfe, and innumerableothers could never be written off as sterile ,even by itself in amoment of self-pity. The intellectuals of the Twenties, the "sad young men," as F. Scot Fitzseraldcalled them, cursed their luck but didn't die; escaped but voluntarily returned; flayed the Babbitts butloved their country, and in so doing gave the nation the Iiveliest, freshest, most stimulating writing inits literary experience.•二十年代社会生活的各个方面中，被人们评论得最多、渲染得最厉害的，莫过于青年一代的叛逆之行了。
toaster俚语
toaster俚语
“Toaster俚语”是指一种在美国流行的俚语词汇，它来源于美国黑人文化，并且在流行文化中广泛应用。
这些词汇常常被用于音乐、电影和社交媒体中，而且它们的使用范围正在不断扩大。
“Toaster俚语”最初被用于描述一种特定的音乐表演方式——在舞台上即兴发挥，并用一种独特的方式表现出来。
这种表演方式被称为“toasting”，而且在20世纪70年代的牙买加雷鬼音乐中首次出现。
随后，这种表演方式传入美国，并在美国黑人音乐文化中得到了发展。
此后，“toaster俚语”逐渐发展成了一种独特的俚语词汇，被用于描述一种特定的说话风格和词汇。
它们常常被用于描述某种行为、风格或者态度，而且常常被用于赞美或者批评。
同时，“toaster俚语”也被广泛用于流行文化中，比如说在歌词中、社交媒体上或者电影对白中。
在美国流行文化中，“toaster俚语”已经成为了一种独特的文化符号，并且其使用范围正在不断扩大。
它们不仅仅被用于描述音乐表演方式，还被广泛用于描述各种各样的行为和态度。
而且，随着社交媒体和流行文化的发展，“toaster俚语”也逐渐成为了一种全球性的流行文化元素。
总的来说，“toaster俚语”是一种在美国流行的俚语词汇，它来源于音乐表演方式，并且在流行文化中得到了广泛的应用。
它们常常被用于描述各种行为和态度，而且已经成为了一种全球性的流行文化元素。
the singal man 译文
信号员【英】查尔斯·狄更斯“喂！下面的先生！”听见一个声音这样叫他时，他正站在信号亭门口，手里拿着短旗杆，小旗卷在上面。
鉴于此处的地形，你以为他会断定声音来自何处？但他不是抬头看我站的地点——几乎就在他头上的悬崖顶部，而是转身往铁路线看去。
他的这种举动十分奇特，尽管我怎么也说不出奇特在什么地方。
我只知很奇特，足以引起我的注意。
即便他置身于深沟，显得短小暗淡，而我高高在上，沐浴在晚霞的强光中，不得不用手遮住眼睛才能看清他。
“喂！下面的先生！”他这才转身，抬起双眼，看见高处的我。
“我可以从哪条路下来和你聊聊？”他望着我没有回答，我也看着下面的他，没有急于重复自己那个悠闲的问题。
这时地面和空中隐隐震动，很快剧烈起来，一股气流猛冲而至，使我忽然后退，仿佛会把我拉下去。
疾驰的列车喷出蒸汽，升到我所在的高处，再飘过去，从这块地方一掠而过。
之后我又往下看，发现他已把刚才列车通过时挥舞的旗子卷好了。
我再次问他。
他似乎注视了我一会儿，然后用卷好的旗指着与我呈水平方向的某个地点，大约有两三百码距离。
我对他大声说：“好吧！”就朝那里走去。
我密切环顾周围，发现有一条崎岖的凿出的锯齿形小路通往下面，于是我顺路而下。
路堑很深，也异常陡峭，是从一块冷湿的大石上刻下去的。
我越往下走越泥泞不堪，因此觉得这条路很长，使我有时间捉摸他为我指路时显得勉强或不情愿的奇特神态。
我往下走到小路很低处时又看见了他，发现他站在列车刚驶过的铁轨上，等我出现的身影。
他左手放在下巴边，左肘靠在右手上，右手横放在胸前。
这姿态既包含期待又不无戒备，我于是停了片刻，感到疑惑。
我继续下去，来到与铁路同一平面的路上。
向他靠近，发现他是一个皮肤深黄的人，黑胡须，浓眉毛。
他所在的信号亭，处在我见过的最寂寞阴郁的地方。
两边是齿状石墙，湿淋淋的，除一线天外什么也见不到。
一边仅可见如此“大牢”弯曲地向前延伸；另一边视线较短，尽处可见暗淡红光，一个黑洞洞的隧道口更显阴沉——这个庞大的建筑显得粗野险恶，令人压抑。
理查德·赖特《即将成人》的成长主题
收稿 Ｅ期 ： ０ ０ — ０ ｌ ２ １ ３ ３
作者 简 介 ： 刘贞 （９ ２ ）女 ， １ ８一 ， 湖南 衡 阳人 ， 关 学 院外 语 学 院助 教 ， 学 硕士 ， 要从 事英 美 文 学 和 叙 事 学研 究 。 韶 文 主
美 国的生活状况 ， 体现 了种族压迫 的主题 。赖特 的短 篇小说 《 即将成人》 也不 例外 ， 也展 现了同样类 似 的主 题 。 ｏｎＥＬ ｆｓ 将赖特 的《 Ｊｈ ｏ ｉ ｔ￣ 即将 成人》 的主人公戴 中 维・ 桑德斯 同福克 纳的短篇小说 《 老人》 中的主人公 艾 克 ・ 卡斯林 进行 比较 ， 麦 最后 得 出结 论 ： 赖特 的《 即将
６８
者》 和威 拉 ・ 凯瑟 的《 的安 东妮 娅》 。 我 等
美 国著名 黑 人 小说 家 理 查 德 ・ 特 的短 篇 小 说 赖 《 即将 成 人 》 是一 部 典 型 的美 国成 长 小 说 ， 部关 也 一 于 黑人 青少 年 的成长 小说 。这 部小 说 以黑人少 年戴 维 ・ 德斯 的成 长过 程为 主题 ， 桑 讲述 了黑 人少 年戴 维 所 面 临 的青 春 期成 长 的烦 恼 、 苦 、 惘 和 困惑 ， 痛 迷 最 后 获得 顿悟 并毅 然决 定离 家 出走 ，北上 寻求 人格 独 立 的新 出路 的故事 。一 心渴望 长 大成人 的十七岁 的 戴 维 想 通过 拥 有一 支 手 枪 以表 明 自己 已长 大成 人 ， 并 以此获 得成 人世 界 的尊重 和认 可 。 果事 与愿 违 ， 结 反而 招来 父母 的严 词拷 问 ．白人 店主乔 和其 他黑 人 同伴 们 的冷 嘲热讽 ， 以及 雇 主霍金 斯 的无理 索赔 。 在 跟母 亲 的软磨 硬泡 下 ，戴维 终 于拿到 了 自己梦寐 以 求 的手枪 。 想据 为 己有 。 并 当他牵 着骡 子珍 妮去 一 片 树林 那边 犁 地时 ，戴 维不小 心 开动手 枪将 骡子珍 妮
the sad young man
• 嬉皮士们认为，美国是一个被惯例和陈规所充斥 的世界，它已经成为压制人的个性，迫害个人自 由生活的陈规陋习的总和，只有逃离这个社会， 摆脱与现实社会和现实文化模式的种种联系，才 能使个人和美国社会免于走进死胡同。 • 传统的宗教文化屡次遭受他们的嘲笑，西方国家 中层阶级的价值观在他们眼中不值一钱。
Be regarded as arms to avoid the true world.
Loving peace
• Against the Vietnam War • Guard American spirit—Individualism • 他们只能在他们的和平运动、游行中发出 他们的呐喊；只能在他们的头发里带花或 向行人分花，“向枪管里插上鲜花”；只 能用流浪的摇滚音乐、伤感音乐表达他们 的不满。
Hippies
• 60年代，从垮掉的一代中演化出嬉皮士， 在美国东海岸的格林威治村年轻的反文化 者称他们自g hair Colorful clothes Music Drug Sex
Anti-mainstream of culture
• I live in America, but I don’t belong here.
Freedom
The Beat Generation
• • • • • 该流派的作家性格粗犷豪放 生活简单、不修边幅，喜穿奇装异服 厌弃工作和学业，拒绝承担任何社会义务 以浪迹天涯为乐，蔑视社会的法纪秩序 反对一切世俗陈规和垄断资本统治，抵制对外 侵略和种族隔离，讨厌机器文明 • 他们永远寻求新的刺激和绝对自由，纵欲、吸 毒、沉沦，以此向体面的传统价值标准进行挑 战 • “垮掉的一代”对后世的西方文化产生了深远 的影响，被文化研究学者们看作是第一支真正 意义上的后现代“亚文化”。
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ｆ ａｇ ｉ ｍｍ Ｕｎｖｒｔｆｒ ｔ ｎ ｉｅ Ｃｈ ｎｚ ｏ５ ２ ０） Ｇｕｎ ｘＮｏ ｌ ｉｅｓｙｏ Ｎａｏ ａｔ ｓ ｏ ｇｕ ，３ ２ ０ ｉ ｉ ｌ ｉ，
Ａｂ ｔ ａ ｌ ｎ ｅ ｅｓ ｃｏ ｉ ｇ ｉ ｉ ａ ｋ ｒ ｕ ， ｎ ｔ ｎ ｆ ａ ｋＥｎ ｓ ａｅ ｔ ｎｔ ｉ ｓ ｒ ｏ ｙ； ｅｉ ｄ ｎ ｉ ｅｉ ｃ ｔ ｎ ｄ ｆ ｒ ｎ ｅａ ｄｃ ｎ ｒ ｄ ｃｉ ｎ ｓ ｒ ｅ ： ｄ ｒ ｈ ｏ ｉ ｌ ｕ ｓ ｃｂ ｃ ｇ ｏ ｄ ３ｆ ｃ ｏ ｓ Ｂｌｃ ｈＤｉｌｃ ｓ ｈｏ ｔ ｔ ｒ ｉ ｅ ｔ ｖ ｒ ａｉ ， ｉ ｅ ｅ ｃ ｏ ｔａ ｉｔ Ｕ ｔ ｎ ｔ ｕ ｉ ｏ ｉ ｈ ｓ ｒ ｎ ｙ ｔ ｉ ｆ ｏ ｎ ｏ ｐ ｅ ｅ ｔ ｔ ｎ ｗｉｈｔ ｅ ｕｃ ｅ ｓｕ ａ ｐ ｉ ａｉ ｎｏ Ｂｌｃ ｎ ｌ ｈｄ ａ ｃ ａ ｗｒ ｎｇ ｔａｅ ｙｔ ｒｓｎａ ｏ ｉ ， ｔ ｈ ｃ ｓ ｌｐ ｌ ｔ ｓ ｆ ｃ ｏ ｆ ａ ｋＥ ｇ ｓ ｉｌ ｔ ｓ ｉ ｉ ｅ ｉ ｔ ｓｒ ｔｇ ｏｍａ ｒ ａ ｅ ｆ ｇ ｒ ｖ ｒ ｅ ｄ ｎ ｈｅ ｔ ｒ ａ ｄｔ ｉ ｋｄ ｅ ｌ ｉ ｒ ｅ ｄｎ ｎ ｋｅ ｅ ｄ ｒ ｉ ｅ ｏ ｅ ｒ ａ ｉ ｇｔ ｏ ｎ ｈ ｎ ｅ ｐ ｙａ ｅ ｒ ａ ｉ ｇｉ ｓ ｎ ｓ ｙ ｄ ｉ ｍｏ ｉ ｇｐ ｏ￣ ｔ ｓ ｖ ｎ ｌ ｔ
尚 芭 莎 》 上 ， 当 时 以 《 乎 是 人 》 （ ｌｏ’ ａ 几 Ａｍ ｓ Ｍａ ）冠 名 。赖 特 去 世 后 ，于 １ ６ ｎ ９ １年 出版 的短 篇 小说 集 《 八个 男人 》 中收录 了这 篇短 篇小 说 ，始题
歇 尔 ・ 伯 瑞 （ ｃ ｅ Ｆ ｂｅ 编 辑 出 版 的 《 查 费 Ｍｉ ｌ ａ ｒ） ｈ 理 德・ 赖特 文 选 》 中 ，共收 录 了赖 特 的九部 短 篇 小说
学 报
Ｊ ＯＵＲＮＡＬ ＯＦ ＧＵＡＮＧＸｌＮＯ ＲＭＡＬ ＵＮＩ ＶＥＲＳＩ Ｆ Ｒ ＴＹ Ｏ ＮＡＴＩ ＯＮＡＬＴＩ Ｉ ＥＳ
Ｖｏ ＿７ Ｎｏ． ｌ ２ ４
２１ ０ ０年 ８月
Ａｕ ２０１ ｇ． ０
《将 人中 为 事 略 黑 英 方 成 》作 叙 策 的 人 语 言 口
Ｋｅ ｗｏ ｄ ｒｔ ｇｓ ａｅ ｙｄａｅ ｔ ｆ ａｋＥｎ Ｌｈ ｆｎ ｔ ｎ ｙ ｒ ￣ｖｉｉ ｔ ｔｇ ，ｉｌｃ ｏＢｌｃ ｎ ｒ ｇ ｓ，ｕ ｃｉ ｏ
前 言
理 查德 ・ 赖特 （９ ８ １６ ）被 誉 为美 国第 一位 １０ — ９ ０ 知名 的黑 人作家 和 非裔 美国 文学 的先 行 者 ；这 样 的
美誉 来 自他 在 当代 美 国文学 上所 取得 的成 就 。除 了 他 的写作 才华外 ，赖 特 终其 一生 的奋 斗精 神也 赢得 了读 者 的敬 意 。他 的亲 身经 历使得 他 越发 深刻 地意 识到 非裔 美国人 所遭 受 的压 迫 ，他 的一生 从未 放弃 过 表达 黑人 隐 忍 的愤 怒 。如 拉 尔夫 ・ 利 森 ｆ ａ ｈ 艾 Ｒｌ ｐ
一
Ｓｔ ａ ｅ ｙ： ａ ｋ ｇ ｉｈ ｒ ａｃ ａ Ｒｉｈａ ｄＷ ｒｇ ’ＳＴｈｅＭ ａｎＷ ｈ ａ ｍ ｏ ｔ ａｎ ｒ ｔ ｇ Ｂｌ ｃ Ｅｎ ｌｓ Ｖｅ ｎ ｕｌ ｒｉ ｎ ｃ ｒ ｉ ｈｔ Ｏ Ｗ ｓＡｌ ｓ Ｍ ａ
Ｄ ｏ ｎｇ ｎｇ Ｌｉ
说 是黑 人 英语方 言和标 准 英语 的交 替运 用也 是这部 短 篇 的一个 重要 写作特 色 。
一
、
作为 写作 策略 的黑人 英语方 言
《 生 子》 和 《 小 子 》均 是 用标 准 英 语 写作 土 黑 而成 的 ，而 这篇 《 即将 成 人》 大部 分使 用 的都是黑 人英语 方 言 ，这 种语 言使 用 上的差 异可视 为 本篇和 前两 者的 不同之 处 。黑人 英语方 言 的运 用在赖 特 的 作品 中普遍 吗 ？这又 有什么 样 的特 殊意 义呢 ？ 在 １８ ９ ７年 由艾 伦 ・ 特 （ ｌ ｎ Ｗｒ ｈ）和 米 赖 Ｅｌ ｉ ｔ ｅ ｇ
董 玲
（ 广西 民 族 师 范 学 院 外 语 系 ，广 西 崇 左 ５ ２ ０ ） ３ ２０
摘 要 ： 《 将 成 人 》 是美 国非 裔 作 家 理 查 德 ・ 特 的 一 部 知 名 短 篇 小 说 。作 家 对 黑 人 英 语方 言 的 运 用 ，是 这 部 短 篇 的 即 赖 个 重要 写作 特 色 。在 社会 语 言学 背 景 下 ，作 为 写作 策 略 的黑 人 英 语 方 言 在 该 短 篇 中 有 三 种 功 能 ，即 身份 确 认 、差 异 呈 现 和 矛 盾 呈现 。配 合 着 感 人 至深 的故 事 情 节 ，赖 特成 功地 运 用 黑 人 英 语 方 言 作 为 其 写 作 策 略 ，使得 读 者 能够 流连 于 故 事 之 内 、冥 思 于故 事 之 外 。 关键 词 ：写 作 策略 ；黑 人 英 语 方 言 ；功 能 中 图分 类 号 ：１０ ２６ 文 献标 识 码 ：Ａ 文 章 编 号 ：１ ７ — ８ １ （ ０ ０ ４ ０ ６ — ４ ６ ４ ８ ９ ２ １ ）０ — ０ ６ ０
Ｅｌ ｏ）所 言 ： “ 特 身体 力 行 地把 美 国黑 人 自我 ｌｓｎ ｉ 赖 消 亡和 ‘ 向地 下 ’的趋 势 转化 为 勇于直 面世 界 的 走 意志 ；他 的发现 赤裸 裸地 拷 问着美 国社会 的 良知 。 ” 短 篇 《 将 成 人 》于 １ ３ 即 ９ ９年 首次 发 表 在 《 时
和 其 他 小说 作 品 ，包 括 自传 《 小子 》 黑 、书 信 和诗 歌 等 。其 中短 篇 小说 《 色长 歌》 和 《 和 云》是 黑 火 使用 了黑 人英语 方 言 （ 格来 说是 黑人 英语 方言和 严