1801年美国总统托马斯·杰斐逊第一次就职演说
布仕就职演讲稿中文版全文
布仕就职演讲稿中文版全文尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们：这次权益的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
我们以朴素的宣誓庄重地爱护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
第一，我要感谢克林顿总统为那个国家作出的奉献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在那个地点，我专门荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。
在我之前，许多美国领导人从那个地点起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从那个地点连续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在连续推动着历史前进，然而我们不可能看到它的尽头。
这是一部新世界的进展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。
这是一部美国由奴隶制社会进展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。
这是一个强国爱护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是战胜世界的历史。
这确实是美国史。
它不是一部十全十美的民族进展史，但它是一部在伟大与永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这确实是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。
美国人民肩负着一种使命，那确实是要尽力将那个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。
尽管我们的国家过去在追求实现那个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚决不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时刻里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。
现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。
在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的期望。
民主，我们可不能独占，而会尽力让大伙儿分享。
民主，我们将铭记于心同时不断传播。
225年过去了，我们仍有专门长的路要走。
有专门多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公平。
失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。
有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，看起来我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。
我们不能同意这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。
第一次就职演说
第一次就职演说1981年1月20日对于今天在场的少数几个人来说，这乃是一个庄严而又至为重大的时刻；但在我国历史上，这又不过是一件司空见惯的事情。
在我国，按照宪法要求进行的有序的权力交接，总是一成不变地如期举行，迄今已近两个世纪，但我们当中很少有人去认真想一想，我们确实有多么独一无二。
我们视若寻常的这种四年一度的典礼，在世界上很多人心目中却不含是一个奇迹。
总统先生，我想让我国同胞们知道，你为保持这一传统作出了何等巨大的努力。
你在权力移交的过程中进行通情达理的合作，这就向正在注视着我们的世界表明：我们的人民团结一致，决心维护我们自己的政治制度，因为在这种制度下，对个人自由的保障程度是任何其他制度所无法比拟的。
我感谢你和你的下属为保持这种延续性所给予的帮助，这种延续性可以说是我们共和政体的支柱。
我们国家的事业一直在向前发展。
但现在我们的合众国正面临着巨大的经济困难。
目前这次通货膨胀在我国历史上乃是历时最长、持续最久的一次，我们都深以为苦。
它严重干扰我们的经济决策，使节俭储蓄者反受其累，把那些为谋生而挣扎的年轻人和靠固定收入为生的年长者一齐推向困境。
它使我国干百万人的生计陷入毁灭的威胁之中。
停产的企业把工人抛入失业状态，生活极为不幸，个人也失去尊严。
即使那些有工可做的人，其劳动也因税收制度的不合理而得不到公平的报酬，这种税收制度使那些在事业上有所作为的人吃尽苦头，因而使我们无法维持充足的生产。
我们的税收负担虽然非常沉重，但仍与公共开支相脱节。
数十年来，我们的赤字在滚雪球似地不断增大，为了目前一时的便利，不惜拿我们的未来及我们后代的未来作了抵押。
这种趋势如果长期持续下去，必定会导致社会、文化、政治和经济各个方面的大动荡。
你我作为个人，在入不敷出时可以通过借贷来维持生计，不过只能维持一段有限的时间。
可是，我们怎么能够认为，作为一个国家，我们就不应受到同样的限制呢？我们必须在今天就采取行动，以保住我们的明天。
杰弗逊总统的就职演说
First Inaugural AddressMarch 4, 1801FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye -- when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be anyamong us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people -- a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absoluteacquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me. With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.【中文译文】：同心同德地团结起来托马斯-杰斐逊第一次就职演讲华盛顿,星期三,1801年3月4日朋友们、同胞们：我应召担任国家的最高行政长官，值此诸位同胞集会之时，我衷心感谢大家寄予我的厚爱，诚挚地说，我意识到这项任务非我能力所及，其责任之重大，本人能力之浅簿，自然使我就任时忧惧交加。
美国第四任总统第4任 詹姆斯·麦迪逊第一次就职演说
第一次就职演说1809年3月4日我蒙国家的召唤，依据最庄严的批准，即将宣誓就职而担负重任；当此之际，我谨遵循令人崇敬的先辈所树立的范例，借这一机会倾吐我内心由此产生的深切感受。
我国自由和公正的人民在这次审慎而平静的选举中，对本人表示了鲜明而强烈的信赖。
这不仅使我对将要承担的重托满怀敬畏，而且在任何情况下也都能激起我的感激之情和奉献之心。
目前这个时期形势错综复杂，使局面变得尤为严峻，这使我不禁感到，赋予我的荣誉和责任都更加重大，其加重的程度实在难以用语言加以形容。
当前的世界形势乃是极为罕见的，而我们国内的局面则又困难重重。
①它们所产生的压力在国家空前繁荣之际降临于我们，故使人感到尤为严重；这种变动所导致的反差也更为引人注目。
在我们的各项共和制度的有益作用下，加之我们在许多国家耽溺于血腥而劳民伤财的战争时仍与各国保持和平，我们因而得享正当政策的成果，我国财富与实力一度获得了无可比拟的增长。
举凡农业的改进、商业的成功、制造业和实用工艺的进步、国库收入的增加和利用这些收入所带来的公债下降，以及有价值的工程设施如雨后春笋般出现在全国各地，便是明证。
①其时英、法等国之间的战争仍在进行，交战各方都在海上对美国商船进行拦截，强行扣押美国船员。
美国为进行反击，在第三任总统托马斯·杰斐逊当政时期开始实行对欧洲的禁运措施，但结果却未对英、法等国发生多大影响，反而使美国国内工商业受到沉重打击，形势于是变得十分严峻。
依我之见，这种繁荣景象向一段时间以来令人沮丧的局面的转变，不能归咎于任何不可靠的观点，也非政府决策中不由自主犯下的过失所导致。
这一见解乃是十分难得的。
美国无意侵犯其他各国的权利或安宁，奉行正义以促进和平，绝对不偏不倚以格尽中立国的责任，从而赢得交战国的尊重，这乃是美国的真正荣耀所在。
只要世界上尚有公正可言，这些主张的真实可信便不容置疑，至少后世对此会有公断。
我们虽然奉行这种无懈可击的方针，可是未能制止好战国家的不当之举和暴力行为。
美国马歇尔法律案件分析(3篇)
第1篇一、案件背景美国马歇尔法律案件是指19世纪末至20世纪初，美国联邦最高法院首席大法官约翰·马歇尔（John Marshall）在一系列重要案件中，通过法律解释和判决，对美国宪法和法律的适用产生了深远影响。
本文将以其中几个具有代表性的案件为例，分析马歇尔的法律思想和判决对后世的影响。
二、案件分析1. 马歇尔诉麦迪逊案（Marbury v. Madison, 1803）该案件是美国宪法史上一个里程碑事件，标志着美国司法审查制度的诞生。
案件背景是1801年，托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）当选总统后，其政治对手约翰·亚当斯（John Adams）任命了威廉·马伯里（William Marbury）为美国国务卿助理。
然而，亚当斯在任期结束前未能将任命状交给马伯里。
马伯里向最高法院提起诉讼，要求法院强制国务卿约翰·马歇尔（John Marshall）履行任命。
在审理此案时，马歇尔大法官提出了“马歇尔规则”，即如果国会授予法院某一特定权力，而该权力又未在宪法中明确规定，那么法院有权宣布该权力无效。
这一判决为美国司法审查制度奠定了基础。
马歇尔大法官在判决中明确指出：“如果一个案件涉及宪法解释，那么法院有责任和义务作出解释，无论其是否有利于原告或被告。
”这一判决对后世美国宪法解释和司法审查产生了深远影响。
2. 詹姆斯诉梅里克案（James v. Virginia, 1879）该案件涉及美国宪法第十四修正案中“正当法律程序”条款的适用。
案件背景是1869年，弗吉尼亚州通过了一项法律，禁止在州内设立和经营任何形式的赌博场所。
詹姆斯·梅里克（James Mercer）是一位赌场老板，他因违反该法律而被起诉。
梅里克认为，该法律违反了宪法第十四修正案中的“正当法律程序”条款。
马歇尔大法官在判决中指出，即使是一项合法的州法律，如果它侵犯了公民的基本权利，那么该法律也将被视为违反宪法。
第一次就职演说
第一次就职演说1897年3月4日同胞们：我遵从人民的意愿，当着大家的面，依据这份誓言授予我的权力，承担起合众国总统的重任。
我将依靠同胞们的支持，并祈求上帝的指引。
我们的信念使我们懂得，唯有我们的先辈们信奉的上帝最值得信赖，在我们祖国每一次面临考验时，上帝对美国人民总是特别偏爱。
只要我们谨守上帝的戒律，谦卑地踏着上帝的足迹前进，上帝是不会撇下我们不管的。
我应召承担的这一崇高职位所负有的责任，向来极其重要。
当前工商业的状况，自觉劳动的松懈，有用企业的亏损，①更加重了这种责任的分量。
国家正因为产业失调而受损，必须迅速予以解救。
为此，我们的财政制度必须有所调整；货币仍然坚挺，但币值决不容再受威胁，而必须被置于一个稳定的基础之上，使之不再轻易遭受打击，它的稳定性也不容怀疑或争论；货币必须继续置于政府的监督之下。
①在我看来，尽管我国有几种纸币经常使政府陷入尴尬之中，但却为财政提供了安全的王衡。
因此，我相信有必要设计一种制度，既无需减少流通环节，也不鼓励通货紧缩，便可以为那些在繁荣年代由更明智的办法所取代的临时性措施提供补贴办法。
只有而且必须在有足够的岁入作为保障之时，我们才能在既确保我国的货币安全和流通量的同时，又按照我们的意愿实现我国财政法的变革，这样政府无需维持如此庞大的黄金储备，也可消除由此而来并不可避免的投机诱惑。
我国财政法大都吸取了经验教训，经受过考验，所以不经调查或证明拟议中的变革确有明智之处，就不可轻举妄动。
我们必须做到“保证万无一失”，又“稍安勿躁”。
国会若能明智地考虑设立一个委员会，优先考虑修改币制、银行法和货币法，并因其重要性而给予切实、细致而公正的审查，我自会给予热情支持。
倘若这一权力被授予总统，我将任命一个由各党派杰出的闻达之士组成的委员会，这些人将因其才干和对工作的胜任而赢得公众的信任。
如此一来，工商业经验和公职训练便可以结合起来，对国家友好的人士的爱国热情就会得到恰当引导，从而使该委员会的报告得到各方的支持，而财政问题将不再是党派相争的主题。
美国历代总统就职演说--杜鲁门总统,杰弗逊,林肯,罗斯福(中英对照)
Inaugural Address of Harry S. TrumanTHURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I acceptwith humility the honor which the American people have conferred uponme. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for thewelfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers ofevery one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. Thetasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we worktogether.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Todaymarks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a periodthat will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about,a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The firsthalf of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutalattacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars inhistory. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to livetogether in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty,composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time ofdoubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will,strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim tothe world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, andto declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired thisNation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right toequal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the commongood. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought andexpression. We believe that all men are created equal because they arecreated in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a worldin which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves asthey see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above allelse, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace onearth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freelyarrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations findthemselves directly opposed by a regime withcontrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offerfreedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by thisphilosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learnto their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are theirreward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequatethat he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule ofstrong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral andintellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to governhimself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause,punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shallproduce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit ofthe individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protectingthe rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of hisabilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern theUnited States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that whatis involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right tobelieve in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, butbecause the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery andlasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested itssubstance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restorepeace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. Wehave asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations andrelated agencies as a means of applying democratic principles tointernational relations. We have consistently advocated and relied uponpeaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effectiveinternational control of our most powerful weapon, and we have workedsteadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, welaunched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. Thepurpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthendemocracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent canresume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and cancontribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten backdespair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losingtheir liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world nowagree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even strongerstructure of international order and justice. We shall have as ourpartners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problemof national survival, are now working to improve the standards ofliving of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects tostrengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the UnitedNations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for waysto strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. Webelieve that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nationswhich are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-governmentunder democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behindthe European recoveryprogram. We are confident of the success of thismajor venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in thiseffort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers toworld trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peaceitself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreementdesigned to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such anagreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangementwithin the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakableproof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armedattack from any quarter. Each country participating in thesearrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armedattack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelmingforce, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to freenations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace andsecurity.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefitsof our scientific advances and industrial progress available for theimprovement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditionsapproaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims ofdisease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their povertyis a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development ofindustrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which wecan afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. Butour imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantlygrowing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store oftechnical knowledge in order to help themrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation withother nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place inour plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on theconcepts of democratic fair-dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from aconstructive program for the better use of the world's human andnatural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with othercountries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key togreater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modernscientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery,and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must havecontinued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文译文】：四项主要的行动方针哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲星期四,1949年1月20日我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。
简析托马斯·杰斐逊的扩张思想
边疆经 济与 文化
Ｔ ＨＥ ＢＯＲ ＤＥＲ ＥＣＯＮＯＭＹ ＡＮＤ Ｃ ＵＬ Ｔ ＵＲＥ
Ｎｏ ．８ ． ２ Ｏ ｌ ４
Ｇ ｅ ｎ ｅ ｒ ａ １ ． Ｎｏ ． １ ２ ８
【 历史文化 】
简析托马斯 ・ 杰斐逊的扩张思想
作 者简 介 ：李 欢 （ １ ９ ９ ０ 一 ） ，女 ，江苏徐 州人 ，硕 士研 究 生 ，从事 美 国史 研究 。
收稿 日期 ：２ ０ １ ４ － ０ ５ ． １ ５
逊领土扩张的出发点。杰斐逊就任总统之后 ，他的 思 想发生 了明显 的变化 ，他 的使 命 观更加 积极 ，即 从 致力于维 护美 国的 民主扩 大到 向外 推广 ，为 他 的 扩张思想注入 了新 的活力 。
二 、杰斐逊 的农业主义思 想
李 欢
（ 哈尔滨师范大学 社会与历史学 院，哈尔滨 １ ５ ０ ０ ２ ５ ）
摘
要 ：托 马斯 ・ 杰 斐逊 时 期是 美国 的 一个 关键 性 时期 ，美 国在 这一 时期 开始 走 向 了 大陆 扩 张的 道路 。杰 斐
进 的 扩 张思 想 以他 的使命 观 、民 主理 想 以及 农 业 主 义 为基 础 ，并与 孤 立 主 义 紧 密交 织 ，通 过路 易斯 安 那购 买扩 大 了美 国的版 图 ，维护 了美 国的独 立 与 民主制 度 ，对 美 国历 史的发展 产 生 了深 远 的影 响 。 关键 词 ：杰 斐逊 ；扩张 思 想 ；民主 ；农 业 主义
杰斐逊 是一位农 业主义 者 ，这 种 以农 立 国 的思 想对他 的扩张思想 产生 了十分重要 的影 响 。在 他 的
“ 农 业帝 国” 的设想 中 ，美 国是 一个 以小农 为 主体 的国家 ，人 们 自食 其力 ，创 造财 富 ，享 受着充 分 的 民主和 自由。杰斐逊在他的著作 吉尼亚笔记》 中 ，描绘 了美 国优 美 的 自然 风光 ，勾勒 出一 幅农 民 安居乐业 的 图画。他认为农 民是上 帝 的选 民 ，他 们 通过 自己的辛勤耕作获取财富 ， 具有高 尚的道德感 和真 正的美德 。而商人则投 机取 巧 、唯利是 图 ，会 扼杀美德的萌芽。因此 ， 杰斐逊主张美国成为一个 以小 农为 主体 的农 业共 和 国 ，在这 样 一个 国家下 ， 美 国将成 为世 界 的 “ 道 德 的典 范 ” ，美 国的 民主 制 度才 能永葆生机 。此外 ，杰 斐逊还 认 为 ，农 业可 以 使美 国避免 战争 。他在致霍金杜普 的信 中提 到 ： “ 我 希望 他们 既不 经商 ，也 不 从事 航 运 的希 望 ，美 国的这块 民主试验 田的成功 ，将 预示 民 主将来 在 全世 界 的成 功 。 ”在 杰斐逊 的政治 生涯 中 ，他 不遗余力 地维 护和 巩 固美
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朋友们，同胞们：
我听从召唤出任我国最高行政职务，谨向在此集会的我国部分同胞当面表达我的由衷谢意，感谢同胞们所一直欣悦地寄语我的厚爱和期望。
我还要诚恳地奉告各位，我业已意识到这项任务非我的才干所能胜任，责任的重大和能力的欠缺，使我在赴任之时心中自然产生了焦虑和敬畏交织的感受。
我国时一个新兴的国家，地域辽阔，土地肥沃：各行各业的产品十分丰富，而且行销世界各地，与那些自视强大和不顾他人权利的国家开展商业贸易；它正向着肉眼凡胎无法想见的命运迅猛前进。
每当我想到这些超凡卓越的事情，看到我们这个可爱的国家从今天的局面和吉兆中所显示的荣誉、幸福和种种希望，我就不由得收住自己的思绪，并且因为面对如此宏伟的事业而自惭形秽。
的确，倘若不是今天在场的许多人使我意识到，我可以从宪法所设立的其他几个最高政府部门找到智慧、美德和热情的源泉，帮助我渡过一切难关，我真会彻底丧失信心。
因此，从你们这些负责行使立法主权的先生们以及各位共事者那里，我充满勇气地期待能得到指导和支持，从而使我们能够把稳我们共同乘坐的这艘航船的舵柄，安然行使在这个冲突四起、扰攘不宁的世界。
在最近这次观点的交锋中，我们大家都热烈讨论和积极奔走，这种局面不免使那些不习惯于自由思考和自由表达、写出自己想法的人感到很不自在；但现在这已由全国人民作出了决断，并且根据宪法的规定公诸于众，相信大家都会按照法律的意志对自己作出安排，为了我们共同的利益而团结一致和协同奋斗。
同样，大家也会在心中牢记一条神圣的原则：虽然多数人的意志在一切情况下都应占据主导地位，但这种意志既要正当就必须首先合理；少数派也应拥有平等的权利，公平的法律必须如此加以保护，如若侵犯即是压迫。
那么，同胞们，就让我们同心同德地团结起来吧！让我们在社会交往中恢复和睦和友情，如没有和睦和友情，自由乃至生活本身就都成了毫无易趣的东西。
让我们再想一想，那种曾长期使人类流血受难的宗教不宽容，早已从我们的国土上废除；但政治不宽容在横暴、无耻和能够造成的血腥、残酷迫害方面，都不逊于宗教不宽容，如果对这种现象加以鼓励，我们仍然会所获无多。
历史悠久的旧世界处于剧痛和痉挛当中，发怒的人们在痛苦的挣扎，借助流血和杀戮来寻找自己失落已久的自由，这般滔天狂潮的冲击所至，连我们这遥远而宁静的海岸也在所不免，而不同的人对此的感受和惧怕也不尽相同，于是在有关安全的措施方面引发意见分歧，这原本不足为怪。
但是，每一种意见的分歧都不是原则性的分歧。
我们曾用不同的名称称呼信奉相同原则的兄弟。
我们都是共和党人，我们都是联邦党人。
如果我们当中有什么人想要解散我们的联盟，或者想要改变其共和形式，那也不要去触动他们，从而显示他们也能安然无恙。
由了这种安全，错误的意见也就能得到宽容，而任凭理性来自由地与之较量。
我也确实指导，有些诚实的人担心一个共和制的政府不可能变得很强大，而且现在这个政府就不够强大；可是，一个诚实的爱国者，难道会根据这个作为世界最美好希望的政府体制由可能需要活力以图自存这样一种理论和幻想中的担忧，而在这一成功实验的高潮中将一种迄今一直保证我们享有自由和坚定立场的政府体制弃之如敝履吗？我相信不会如此。
相反，我认为这种政府乃是世界上最强大的政府。
我认为唯有在这种体制下，每个人才会一旦听到法律的召唤，便飞快地奔向法律的旗帜之下，把对公共秩序的侵害看成与自己切身利害相关的事情而加以迎头痛击。
有时可以听到一种说法，认为人类是不能委以自治之责的。
那么，难道他们就能被托以治理他人的重任吗？难道我们从国王堆里找到过天使来统治他们吗？这一问题就留待历史来回答吧！
那么，就让我们鼓足勇气和满怀信心，奉行我们自己的联邦和共和的各项原则，深情地拥护联盟和代议制政府吧！大自然和辽阔的海洋仁慈地把我们隔开，使我们没有牵累于地球
上四分之一的地区所发生的那场毁灭性浩劫。
我们心灵十分高尚，难以容忍别人的可耻行径；我们拥有天赐的国土，地域之广袤足以供千秋万代的子孙享用；我们对自己的平等权利有着适当的意识，这些权利包括运用自己的才能，占有自己的劳动所得，获得同胞们给予的荣誉和信任，这种荣誉和信任并非得自出生门第，而是源于我们的行为及同胞们对此的看法；我们受到一种仁慈的宗教的教化，虽然实际信仰的方式各不相同，但均教人以诚实、忠信、节制、感恩和人类之爱；我们承认并崇拜那主宰万物的上帝，他以全部的神意显示，他为人类在此获得的幸福和将要得到的更大幸福而深感欣悦；我们享用所有这些福佑，还另外需要什么东西才能使我们成为一群幸福而繁荣的人民吗？同胞们，确实还需要一种东西，那就是一个明智而节俭的政府。
这个政府可以阻止人们自相残杀，另一方面则任凭他们自由地处理劳动谋生和改善处境的活动，而且也不会从劳动者手中夺走他们挣来的面包。
这乃是良好政府的要旨所在，也是使我们的吉祥好运臻于完善所不可或缺的东西。
同胞们，我即将履行我的各项职责，由于这些职责包含你们所珍视、所认为宝贵的一切，因而，对我所理解的我国政府的各项基本原则，以及与之相应的那些确定行政活动的规章，你们都应当有所了解。
我将把话压缩到最简短的限度，只阐明那些一般性的原则，而不将其所有的限制都囊括无疑。
这些原则包括：对所有人都平等相待和严守公正，而不问其宗教和政治上的地位与信仰如何；与世界各国和平相处、通商往来和友诚相待，但不与任何一国结成同盟；拥护各州政府的一切权利，以此作为处理我国内部利益的最有效能的方式和对付反共和制倾向的最坚实屏障；维护联邦政府的全部宪政活力，以此作为保证我国国内太平和国外安全的可靠手段；谨慎细心地爱护人民的选举权利，这是一种匡正流弊的温和而安全的方法，而一旦没有和平的补救措施可供采用时，就得用革命之剑斩除弊端；绝对承认多数人作出的决定，这是所有共和国的一项关键性原则，反之则不会诉诸舆论而只有强制，此乃专制主义的关键原则和直接根源；建立一支纪律严明、训练有素的民兵，这乃是我们在和平时期最好的保障，一旦战争爆发，他们也可应急，直到正规军来替代他们；文官政府的权威高于军方；节约政府开支以减轻劳工的负担；诚实地偿还我国的债务，神圣地维护公众的信心；鼓励农业和商业，并把商业作为农业的辅助；传播知识，把一切流弊都交由大众理智的法庭进行裁断；宗教信仰自由；出版自由；按照人身保护法保证个人人身自由，并由公正选出的陪审团审理案件。
这些原则构成了明亮的指路星辰，一直在我们前头闪耀，曾引导我们经历了一个革命和改革的时代。
我们贤智之士的智慧和英雄们的热血，一直都倾注于实现这些原则，这些原则应当成为我们政治信仰的信条，成为教导我国民众的课本，成为检验那些我们所信赖者的工作的试金石。
倘若我们因一时糊涂或惊慌失措而偏离了这些原则，那就让我们迅速调转脚步，重新走上这条通向和平、自由和安全的唯一道路。
同胞们，我就要担任你们委诸我的职务，我过去曾出任许多较低的职务，从这种经历中我业已见识了这一最伟大的职务所遇到的种种困难，因而我也懂得，一个并不完美的人在退休时很难获得那种曾把他推向这一职位的声望和好感。
你们曾对我国那位首屈一指的伟大革命任务给予极大的信任，因为他为国家作出了卓越的贡献，赢得了全国人民最衷心的爱戴，而且注定要在一部可信的历史中占有最光辉的一页。
我无意奢求你们对我如此信任，我所有求于各位的信任，只要足以保证我坚定而有效地对你们的事务进行合法治理，便于愿足以。
我可能会由于判断的缺失而经常犯下错误。
即便我是正确的，也可能被那些由于立场局限而无法看到全局的人认为是错误的。
我请求你们谅解我个人的失误，因为我永远不会有意犯下这些错误；同时我也请求你们支持我反对他人的错误，这些人若能全面地看问题则不会对欧文横加指责。
投票的结果显示你们对我过去的作为有所称许，这令我深感欣慰。
我今后的热切希望则是，能够保持那些事先给予我厚爱的人们的好评，并且获得另外那些的称道，因为
我会尽我所能为他们谋利益。
总之，我要成为一个对所有人的幸福和自由有所帮助的人。
承蒙各位给予善意的爱护，我现在谨遵各位之命走向工作岗位，不论你们何时觉得自己有力量做出更好的选择，我随时都准备辞去这一职位。
愿主宰万物的全能上帝，给我们指引一条最好的治国道路，使它通向美好的目的地，为你们带来和平与繁荣。