美国历届总统就职演说词.(George W. Bush)
2001年美国总统小布什的就职演说
2001年美国总统小布什的就职演说Inaugural Address of George W. Bush;January 20, 2001Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens,The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America';s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America';s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; a nd evenafter nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principle s that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation';s promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America';s schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests; we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation';s promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor';s touch or a pastor';s prayer. Church and charity, synagogue andmosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation';s grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story';s author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.。
历届美国总统就职演讲稿
历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
克林顿就职演讲稿
克林顿就职演讲稿篇一：克林顿就职演讲稿-中英文对照克林顿就职演讲稿-中英文对照Inaugural Address of George W. Bush January 20 2001 President Clinton distinguished guests and my fellow citizens: The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history yet common in our country. With asimple oath we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation and I thank VicePresident Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here where so many of Americas leaders havecome before me and so many will follow. We have a place all of us in a long story. A story we continue but whose end we willnot see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old a storyof a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom the story of a power thatwent into the world to protect but not possess to defend but not to conquer. It is theAmerican story. A story of flawed and fallible people united across the generations bygrand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promisethateveryone belongs that everyone deserves a chance that no insignificant person wasever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our lawsand though our nation has sometimes halted and sometimes delayed we must follow noother course. Through much of the last century Americas faith in freedom and democracy was arock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind taking root in many nations. Ourdemocratic faith is more than the creed of our country it is the inborn hope of ourhumanity an ideal we carry but do not own a trust we bear and pass along and evenafter nearly 225 years we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper others doubt the promise even the justice of ourown country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hiddenprejudice and the circumstances of their birth and sometimes our differences run so deepit seems we share a continent but not a country. We do not accept this and we will notallow it. Our unity our union is the serious work of leaders and citizens in everygeneration and this is my solemn pledge I will work to build a single nation of justice andopportunity. Iknow this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger thanourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that uniteand lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals thatmove us beyond our backgrounds lift us above our interests and teach us what it meansto be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold themand every immigrant by embracing these ideals makes our country more not lessAmerican. Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nations promise through civilitycourage compassion and character. America at its best matches a commitment toprinciple with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will andrespect fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford tobe petty because in a time of peace the stakes of our debates appear small. But thestakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom itwill not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character wewill lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permitour economy to drift anddecline the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility isnot a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism of communityover chaos. This commitment if we keep it is a way to shared accomplishment. America at its best is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in timesof depression and war when defending common dangers defined our common good.Nowwe must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemnus. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead ofpassing them on to future generations. Together we will reclaim Americas schools before ignorance and apathy claim moreyoung lives we will reform Social Security and Medicare sparing our children fromstruggles we have the power to prevent we will reduce taxes to recover the momentumof our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans we will buildour defenses beyond challenge lest weakness invite challenge and we will confrontweapons of mass destruction so that a new century is spared newhorrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake America remainsengaged in the world by history and by choice shaping a balance of power that favorsfreedom. We will defend our allies and our interests we will show purpose withoutarrogance we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength and to allnations we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth. America at its best is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience we knowthat deep persistent poverty is unworthy of our nations promise. Whatever our views ofits cause we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse arenot acts of God they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons however necessaryis no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers they are citizens not problems but priorities and allof us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities forpublic safety and public health for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is thework of a nation not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they willonlyrespond to a mentors touch or a pastors prayer. Church and charity synagogue andmosque lend our communities their humanity and they will have an honored place in ourplans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty but we canlisten to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal When we see that woundedtraveler on the road to Jericho we will not pass to the other side. America at its best is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life notonly in options but in commitments. We find that children and community are thecommitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character on civicduty and family bonds and basic fairness on uncounted unhonored acts of decencywhich give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. Butas a saint of our times has said every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead bythese principles to advance my convictions with civility to pursue the public interest withcourage to speak for greater justice and compassion to call for responsibility and try tolive it as well. In all of these ways I will bring the values of our history to the care of ourtimes. What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek acommon good beyond your comfort to defend needed reforms against easy attacks toserve your nation beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens notspectators citizens not subjects responsible citizens building communities of serviceand a nation of character. Americans are generous and strong and decent not because we believe in ourselvesbut because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missingno government program can replace it. When this spirit is present no wrong can standagainst it. After the Declaration of Independence was signed Virginia statesman John Pagewrote to Thomas Jefferson We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to thestrong.Do you not think an angel rides in thewhirlwind and directs this storm Much timehas passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changesaccumulate but the themes of this day he would know our nations grand story ofcourage and its simple dream of dignity. We are not this storys author who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet Hispurpose is achieved in our duty and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Nevertiring never yielding never finishing we renew that purpose today to make our countrymore just and generous to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind anddirects this storm. God bless you all and God bless America.参考中文翻译: 乔治-布什 2001 年就职演说谢谢大家尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
美国总统就职演讲稿
美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说myfellowcitizens:我的同胞们：istandheretodayhumbledbythetaskbeforeus,gratefulforthetrustyouhavebest owed,mindfulofthesacrificesbornebyourancestors.ithankPresidentBushfor hisservicetoournation,aswellasthegenerosityandcooperationhehasshownth roughoutthistransition.今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。
我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。
我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-fouramericanshavenowtakenthepresidentialoath.Thewordshavebeen spokenduringrisingtidesofprosperityandthestillwatersofpeace.Yet,everyso oftentheoathistakenamidstgatheringcloudsandragingstorms.atthesemomen ts,americahascarriedonnotsimplybecauseoftheskillorvisionofthoseinhigho ffice,butbecausewethePeoplehaveremainedfaithfultotheidealsofourforbear ers,andtruetoourfoundingdocuments.迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。
总统的宣誓有时面对的是国家的和平繁荣，但通常面临的是乌云密布的紧张形势。
美国总统克林顿两届就职演讲稿
美国总统克林顿两届就职演讲稿美国总统克林顿首任就职演讲稿：Myfellowcitizens:TodaywecelebratethemysteryofAmericanrenewal.Thisceremonyisheldinthedepthofwinter.But,bythewordswespea kandthefacesweshowtheworld,weforcethespring.Aspringreborninth eworld'soldestdemocracy,thatbringsforththevisionandcouragetor einventAmerica.WhenourfoundersboldlydeclaredAmerica'sindependencetothewo rldandourpurposestotheAlmighty,theyknewthatAmerica,toendure,w ouldhavetochange.Notchangeforchange'ssake,butchangetopreserve America'sideals;life,liberty,thepursuitofhappiness.Thoughwema rchtothemusicofourtime,ourmissionistimeless.EachgenerationofA mericansmustdefinewhatitmeanstobeanAmerican.Onbehalfofournation,Isalutemypredecessor,PresidentBush,fo rhishalf-centuryofservicetoAmerica.AndIthankthemillionsofmenandwomenwh osesteadfastnessandsacrificetriumphedoverDepression,fascisman dCommunism.Today,agenerationraisedintheshadowsoftheColdWarassumesnew responsibilitiesinaworldwarmedbythesunshineoffreedombutthreat enedstillbyancienthatredsandnewplagues.Raisedinunrivaledprosperity,weinheritaneconomythatisstill theworld'sstrongest,butisweakenedbybusinessfailures,stagnantw ages,increasinginequality,anddeepdivisionsamongourpeople.WhenGeorgeWashingtonfirsttooktheoathIhavejustsworntouphol d,newstraveledslowlyacrossthelandbyhorsebackandacrosstheocean byboat.Now,thesightsandsoundsofthisceremonyarebroadcastinstan taneouslytobillionsaroundtheworld.Communicationsandcommerceareglobal;investmentismobile;tec hnologyisalmostmagical;andambitionforabetterlifeisnowuniversa l.Weearnourlivelihoodinpeacefulcompetitionwithpeopleallacross theearth.Profoundandpowerfulforcesareshakingandremakingourworld,an dtheurgentquestionofourtimeiswhetherwecanmakechangeourfrienda ndnotourenemy.ThisnewworldhasalreadyenrichedthelivesofmillionsofAmerica nswhoareabletocompeteandwininit.Butwhenmostpeopleareworkingha rderforless;whenotherscannotworkatall;whenthecostofhealthcare devastatesfamiliesandthreatenstobankruptmanyofourenterprises, greatandsmall;whenfearofcrimerobslaw-abidingcitizensoftheirfreedom;andwhenmillionsofpoorchildrenca nnotevenimaginetheliveswearecallingthemtolead,wehavenotmadech angeourfriend.Weknowwehavetofacehardtruthsandtakestrongsteps.Butwehaven otdoneso.Instead,wehavedrifted,andthatdriftinghaserodedourres ources,fracturedoureconomy,andshakenourconfidence.Thoughourchallengesarefearsome,soareourstrengths.AndAmeri canshaveeverbeenarestless,questing,hopefulpeople.Wemustbringt oourtasktodaythevisionandwillofthosewhocamebeforeus.Fromourrevolution,theCivilWar,totheGreatDepressiontotheci vilrightsmovement,ourpeoplehavealwaysmusteredthedetermination toconstructfromthesecrisesthepillarsofourhistory.ThomasJeffersonbelievedthattopreservetheveryfoundationsof ournation,wewouldneeddramaticchangefromtimetotime.Well,myfell owcitizens,thisisourtime.Letusembraceit.Ourdemocracymustbenotonlytheenvyoftheworldbuttheengineofo urownrenewal.ThereisnothingwrongwithAmericathatcannotbecuredb ywhatisrightwithAmerica.1/4重点句子1：ThomasJeffersonbelievedthattopreservetheveryfoundationsofourn ation,wewouldneeddramaticchangefromtimetotime.Well,myfellowci tizens,thisisourtime.Letusembraceit.。
历届美国总统就职演讲稿
历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
美国历届总统就职演讲
奥巴马2009年就职演说同胞们：我今天站在这里，因为面前的任务而感到谦卑，因为你们的信任而心存感激，同时铭记先辈们做所出的巨大牺牲。
感谢布什总统为这个国家做出的贡献，同时也谢谢他在整个政权交接期间表现出的慷慨与合作。
迄今已经有44名美国人宣誓就任总统。
这些誓词曾出现在繁荣的上升趋势和如水般平静的和平中，当然，也经常会出现在乌云密布和狂风暴雨之时。
在这各种时刻，美国一直在继续前行，这不仅仅是因为执政的技巧或者有先见之明，而是因为我们的人民一直在坚守先辈们的理想，忠实履行我们的建国宣言。
过去是这样，这一代的美国人仍将会坚持这样做。
众所周知，我们目前正处在危机之中。
我们的国家正在对暴力和仇恨宣战。
我们的经济也被严重削弱，这是一些人贪婪和不负责任的后果，但在做出艰难选择和准备迎接新时代方面，我们出现了集体性的失误。
房屋失去了；工作丢掉了；商业萧条了；我们的卫生保健耗资巨大；我们太多的学校不合格；每天都能找到更多的证据表明我们利用能源的方式使得对手更加强大，并且威胁到了我们整个星球。
这些数据和统计都是危机的表现特征。
虽然无法具备测量，但产生的深远影响是我们的信心受到了侵蚀--担心美国的衰退不可避免，担心下一代会降低他们的期待。
今天我要向你们说的是，我们面临的挑战是真实存在的。
这些挑战很多，而且非常严重，它们不会轻易地或者在短时间内就能得以解决。
但大家也必须认识到，美国，终将会解决这些困难。
今天，我们聚集在这里，是因为我选择用希望来战胜恐惧，用团结来战胜冲突与分歧。
今天，我们来到这里将结束悲戚和错误的承诺，抛弃指责和教条主义这些扼杀我们政治的东西。
我们仍然是一个年轻的国家，但现在应该摒弃充满孩子气的行为，重申我们不朽的精神；选择我们更好的历史；宏扬那些珍贵而且高尚的理念，并将这一代一代地传递下去。
上帝认为天下众生皆平等，众生皆自由，而且都应该拥有追求幸福的机会。
在重申我们国家的伟大时，我们必须明白，伟大绝对不会是一种馈赠，而是要靠我们去努力争取。
美国历届总统就职演讲稿
美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。
这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。
现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。
华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。
在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。
林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。
在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。
罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。
他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。
肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。
他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。
尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。
他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。
这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。
奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。
他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。
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Inaugural Address of George W. BushJanuary 20, 2001President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens inevery generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, buildingcommunities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.。