外国农业经济学课程论文
农业技术经济学论文：发展生态农业的意义及途径
视点FAZHAN·SHIDIAN党的十七大报告第一次以党的纲领性文件提出建设“生态文明”的概念，把我国今后的发展阶段确定为生态文明，而生态农业是“生态文明”的一个重要方面。
生态农业是按照生态学原理和经济学原理，运用现代科学技术成果和现代管理手段，以及传统农业的有效经验建立起来的，能获得较高的经济效益、生态效益和社会效益的现代化农业。
一、发展生态农业的重大意义（一）发展生态农业有利于农村经济可持续发展。
随着工业化进程加快和人口增长，工业“三废”和城市生活污水与废弃物的排放量日益增长，农田被迫作为消纳污染物的场所，受到严重污染；我国农业自然资源也处于高负荷运行状态，不仅自然资源生态性能得不到恢复和提高，农业生产本身化学农药和化肥用量剧增，也给农田生态系统造成很大影响，点源污染、面源污染和立体污染并存，使环境污染不仅将“小污”变成“大污”，而且“小污”已经酿成“大害”，给生态农业的发展设置了障碍。
因此，加强农业生态环境保护，大力推进生态农业产业已成为现代农业可持续发展的必然选择。
（二）发展生态农业有利于提高人民群众的生活质量。
由于大量施用化肥、农药，不仅引起水体污染，造成生态环境的破坏，而且使粮食、蔬菜、水果和其他农副产品中的有毒成分增多，影响食品安全，危害人体健康；况且，食品供给的链条越来越长，环节越来越多，增加了食品被污染的可能性。
特别是转基因食物出现使人们对食品安全更为担心。
所有这一切，都使得消费者越来越青睐生态、环保食品，从而推动了生态农业的迅速发展，有利于从根本上改善农村人居环境改善，提高人民群众的生存质量和生活质量。
（三）发展生态农业有利于提高农产品的国际市场竞争力。
目前，世界上普通农产品普遍供大于求，国际市场越来越关注农产品的生产环境、种植方式和内在质量，对食品卫生和质量的监控越来越严，标准也越来越高，尤其是对与农产品生产和贸易有关的环保技术和产品卫生安全标准要求更加严格。
各国在降低关税的同时，与环境、技术相关的非关税壁垒日趋森严。
国外农业保险论文2篇
国外农业保险论文2篇第一篇一、国外运行农业保险的主要模式（一）日本采用相互式农业保险日本农业保险主要以政府扶持、补贴，由非盈利团体进行经营模式。
养殖业和种植业能够直接影响国计民生并对农民的生活和收入产生决定性作用，国家会以法律政策的形式强制性保险，而对其他险种则以农民自愿为准。
农业保险的经营机构是非盈利的民间保险互助社，他们是由村、镇、市各级农业共治组以及府县、道、都各级农业共济组合联合组成。
政府指导和监督农业保险行为，并提供管理费补贴、保费补贴和再保险补贴风措施对农业保险进行扶持。
（二）公助民办是发达国家普遍采用的模式西欧的一些经济发达国家采用公助民办的农业保险构建形式。
这种模式的突出特点是，政府不参与或者经营农业保险，全国没有农业保险统一的体系和制度。
所谓公助就是政府和国家在保费和税收等方面对农业保险进行一定补助和扶持。
而民办就是由保险互助会、合作社或者各大私营公司进行联合经营。
（三）以政府主导的美国、加拿大的模式加拿大、美国、智利、瑞典等国家采用政府主导的农业保险模式，这是一种以国家专门机构经营和主导关于农业类的保险，经营过程中实行私营和政府相互作用和联系的农险双轨制模式，以强制和自愿保险相结合的模式，并构建完善的法律作保障体系。
政府支持、鼓励保险互助会、股份联合保险公司和私营保险公司共同加入农业保险，并对农作物承保的各种险种提供税收优惠、费用补贴以及保费补贴等优惠政策。
（四）重点扶持是亚洲国家农业保险普遍选择的方式孟加拉、印度、巴基斯坦、泰国等亚洲国家农业保险都选择国家重点扶持的模式。
这种险种少，承保范围小，利用政府与联合共保的方法模式，主要的承保的对象主要为粮食作物，对畜禽养殖类鲜有涉及。
在农业保险的经营和运作过程中，政府负责贷款、业务补贴、保费补贴等方面提供支持。
对世界各国经营的农业保险进行分析，虽然模式不尽相同，但是政府的扶持方式基本相同，大多采用行政指导、法律保护、减免税收、财政支持、以及农业信贷和业务发展的衔接等方式，这对我国构建农业保险模式具有启发性作用。
英语作文-农业科学研究和试验发展行业的农村经济发展模式与农民收入增长研究
英语作文-农业科学研究和试验发展行业的农村经济发展模式与农民收入增长研究Rural Economic Development Model and Farmers' Income Growth in the Agricultural Science Research and Experimental Development Industry。
Agriculture, as the foundation of a nation's economy, plays a crucial role in rural economic development. In recent years, the agricultural science research and experimental development industry has emerged as a key driver of innovation and growth in rural areas. This article explores the relationship between the development of this industry and the increase in farmers' income, focusing on the rural economic development model it has fostered.The agricultural science research and experimental development industry encompasses a wide range of activities, including research institutions, experimental farms, agricultural technology companies, and government agencies. These entities work together to develop new technologies, improve agricultural practices, and promote sustainable development in rural areas.One of the key ways in which the agricultural science research and experimental development industry contributes to rural economic development is through the adoption of new technologies. For example, the development of drought-resistant crops, precision farming techniques, and biotechnology has helped farmers improve their productivity and reduce their reliance on traditional farming methods.Another important aspect of the industry's contribution to rural economic development is its role in promoting sustainable agriculture. By conducting research on soil health, water conservation, and pest management, the industry helps farmers adopt practices that are environmentally friendly and economically viable.In addition to technological innovation and sustainability, the agricultural science research and experimental development industry also plays a crucial role in humancapital development in rural areas. By providing training and education to farmers, researchers, and agricultural workers, the industry helps build a skilled workforce that can drive further innovation and growth in the sector.The development of the agricultural science research and experimental development industry has had a significant impact on farmers' income levels. By improving productivity, reducing input costs, and creating new market opportunities, the industry has helped farmers increase their incomes and improve their livelihoods.In conclusion, the agricultural science research and experimental development industry plays a vital role in rural economic development. Through technological innovation, sustainability initiatives, and human capital development, the industry has helped drive growth and improve incomes in rural areas. Moving forward, it will be important to continue supporting the development of this industry to ensure a prosperous and sustainable future for rural communities.---。
美国农作物保险计划的政治经济学【外文翻译】
本科毕业论文外文翻译外文题目：The Political Economy of the US Crop Insurance Program 出处：The Economic Impact of Public Support to Agriculture(2010)7:243-308作者：Bruce A.Babcock原文The Political Economy of the US Crop Insurance Program Abstract：Taxpayer support for the crop insurance industry has grown rapidly since 2000 even though total crop acres insured is stagnant and the number of policies sold has declined. Staunch support for the program by key members of Congress meant defeat for proposals in the 2008 Farm Bill to significantly reduce cost. These proposals included large changes in the formulas used to calculate industry reimbursement and for new programs that would be integrated with or reduce the amount of risk insured by the crop insurance program. The reason for this resilience is program complexity and biased analysis, which has allowed the industry to claim that they are undercompensated despite a doubling of taxpayer support. One unforeseen outcome of the strength of the crop insurance industry in protecting its interests is that a new insurance program called Average Crop Revenue Selection (ACRE) was passed in the farm bill. Large unintended consequences that could be brought about by ACRE include the likely demise of the marketing loan and countercyclical programs, increased risk that the United States will violate its amber box limits, and in the not-too-distant future, a complete change in the way that US crop insurance is delivered to farmers.IntroductionThe difficulty with which Congress passed a US Farm Bill was hampered more by a need to find increased funds than with any broad philosophical debate about the proper direction for US farm policy. At first perusal, the new US commodity policy largely follows the policy set forth in the 2002 farm bill. Direct payments,countercyclical payments, and the marketing loan program still exist and are largely unchanged. Wheat and soybeans have a slightly higher target price and lentils have a slightly lower loan rate. To maintain this program structure largely in tact while boosting funding for nutrition programs required Congress to find new funds.Congress had no appetite for reducing direct payments, which left only the crop insurance program that could be tapped for savings. The debate over how much to take away from the crop insurance program provided many with their first detailed reason to understand a program that has grown tremendously since 2000. The stakes of those with vested interests in the program are now in the billions of dollars annually, which makes change more difficult than when the stakes were in the millions of dollars. Not surprisingly, those with a large vested interest in the crop insurance program came out largely unscathed in the 2008 farm bill. Although supporters of the program lament the large cuts that crop insurance took, the cuts really only took away a small portion of the gains that accrue to its beneficiaries.One unforeseen outcome of the strength of the crop insurance industry in protecting its interests is that the new insurance program that was passed in the farm bill will be operated completely by the Farm Service Agency (FSA) instead of by the Risk Management Agency (RMA). The new program, called ACRE (Average Crop Revenue Election), will not be integrated into the existing crop insurance program because such integration would have meant less risk being handled by the crop insurance industry.The remainder of this chapter provides a political/economic analysis of why the United States finds itself with two crop insurance programs and an exploration of the possibly large, unintended consequences of having both programs. The explanation for why we have both programs lies, not surprisingly, in Congress trying to find an outcome that would give a diverse set of interest groups what they want, while providing the necessary funds for expanded nutrition programs, which was a major objective of House leadership. The large unintended consequences that could be brought about by ACRE include the likely demise of the marketing loan and countercyclical programs, increased risk that the United States will violate its amber box limits, and in the not-too-distant future, a complete change in the way that UScrop insurance is delivered to farmers.Background on the US Crop Insurance ProgramThe US crop insurance program has two broad public policy objectives: help farmers manage financial risk and eliminate the need for Congress to pass supplemental ad hoc disaster assistance programs. To meet these twin objectives, Congress reformed the program in 2000 with the Agricultural Risk Protection Act (ARPA). The reform was justified by President Clinton in his statement upon signing the Agricultural Risk Protection Act (ARPA) of 2000: “I have heard many farmers say that the crop insurance program was simply not good value for them, providing too little coverage for too much money. My FY 2001 budget proposal and this bill directly address that problem by making higher insurance coverage more affordable, which should also mitigate the need for ad hoc crop loss disaster assistance such as we have seen for the last three years.” And in 2006 testimony before the House Subcommittee on Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies, former USDA under secretary J.B. Penn said, “One of the overarching goals of the crop insurance program has been the reduction or elimination of ad hoc disaster assistance.”By all accounts, Congress has seemingly succeeded in its objective to help farmers manage risk. Coverage is provided to more than 350 commodities in all 50 states and Puerto Rico. And more than 80% of eligible acres are now insured under the program. However, this success has come at a high cost. Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projections made in 2007 indicate that the crop insurance program will cost taxpayers an average of more than $5 billion per year for the next 5 years, which is about double what the program would have cost without the reform. Actual expenditures will be much higher if crop prices stay high. One might be able to justify this additional cost if the second objective of the program had been met also. But passage of ACRE and a permanent disaster program in the new farm bill indicates that crop insurance provides inadequate coverage for farmers, as does inclusion of $3.5 billion in yet another disaster assistance program in the 2008 Iraq funding bill. Members of the House and Senate Agricultural Committees justify the need for disaster assistance despite large amounts of crop insurance aid because even an expanded crop insurance program cannot provide adequate assistance to farmers in financial stress. The large losses in Iowa from excess rainfall in 2008 will once again test Congress’ ability to count on the crop insurance program to deliver adequate aid to farmers.A Simple Model of Competition in Crop InsuranceThere are five main players in the crop insurance industry: Congress, government regulators, farmers, crop insurance agents, and crop insurance companies. Taxpayer subsidies created and provide continual support the industry. Congress reacts to political pressure by passing laws that regulate and subsidize the industry. Regulators implement those laws. Farmers buy crop insurance from a crop insurance agent. Crop insurance agents decide which crop insurance company will receive each farmer’s business. Agents make money by earning commission on each policy that they sell. The variable cost of selling policies is much less than the commission on most policies, so the more policies they sell, the more money agents make. Thus agents have an incentive to compete with other agents for a farmer’s business. Crop insurance companies make money from underwriting gains and from A&O reimbursements. The non commission variable costs are much less than A&O and expected underwriting gains in almost all states. Thus, the more policies that they can obtain, the more money they can make. This creates an incentive for companies to compete for agents’ books of business. Agents and companies and farmers have an incentive to lobby Congress to pass laws that work to their favor. Because taxpayer subsidies are the only source of revenue for companies or agents, any lobbying that they do uses taxpayer funds.There exist two sources of competition in this model. Agents compete for farmers business and companies compete for agents business. The agent competition for farmers’ business cannot include price competition beca use of laws passed by Congress at the behest of agents. So agents must compete in terms of service. The types of service that can be offered include educating farmers about the types of insurance coverage offered; lowering the farmer cost of filling out required forms; and keeping farmers informed of any information that may prove useful to farmers. All of these services are of second-order importance to farmers because either they are one-time benefits or because they do not directly increase farmers’ prof its. By default, a farmer’s business remains with an agent year after year. So unless an agent convinces a farmer to switch agents, no switch will take place. To a farmer, the benefit of switching must be greater than the cost of switching, which involves some paperwork, possibly alienating a local neighbor or business person, and search costsfor an agent that can provide superior service. Because there are positive switching costs and only indirect benefits, the incentive for most farmers to switch is not very high, although exact measurement of the incentive would be difficult. Consequently, the productivity of agent investments designed to induce farmers to switch will not be high. In equilibrium, each agent invests an optimal amount to keep his or her business and to perhaps attract new business, and each farmer has found the agent where the benefits of further switching are outweighed by the costs. Entry costs, although nominally seemingly low, are actually quite high because new entrants will find it difficult to build up their book of business by inducing an adequate number of farmers to switch. Thus each agent has essentially a captive book of business.Average Crop Revenue ElectionsACRE is an optional program that if chosen by a farmer would reduce a farmer’s direct payment by 20%, eliminate countercyclical payments, and dramatically reduce the farmer’s loan rate. In exchange, a farmer would receive a state revenue guarantee equal to 90% of the product of Olympic average of the previous 5 years of state yields and the average of the previous 2 years’ season average prices. If the product of actual state yield and season average price is less than this guarantee, then a farmer will receive the difference (up to 25% of the guarantee) on 85% of planted acres for all program crops. Farmers can choose ACRE beginning with the 2009 crop year. Once chosen, the choice cannot be revoked for the life of the farm bill.Because this new program looks back in time for the price that it uses to set the guarantee, the actual path of prices will determine how many farmers will find it profitable to choose ACRE. For the 2009 crop year, the price used to set the guarantee were the 2007/2008 and 2008/2009 marketing year prices.The key to farmer participation will be the 2009 expected season average price. If market prices stay substantially above the ACRE price, then farmers will not be receiving any marketing loan gains or countercyclical payments because the loan rates and target prices are so low relative to expected market price. But ACRE will also be providing an out-of-the-money guarantee so farmers may feel that the 20% cut in direct payments is too high a price to pay for potential ACRE payments. In this case, note that the 2010 ACRE price will be even higher than the 2009 price so farmerswould know that their 2010 ACRE guarantee would be even higher than the 2009 guarantee so that there is little downside of signing up in 2009.If many farmers participate in ACRE, then marketing loans and countercyclical payments will not play an important role in the next farm. But before we can conclude that all farmers will choose ACRE, we must consider the impact on the ACRE guarantee if market prices fall in 2009 and in subsequent years. It could be that the ACRE guarantee falls so low in 2011 and 2012 that it makes the current program more advantageous.However, a provision in the ACRE program does not allow the guarantee to increase or decrease more than 10% in any year. This means that the 2013 guarantee can only drop to 65.61% of the 2009 guarantee. Because the 5-year Olympic average of state yields will not typically increase or decrease a dramatic amount, it is reasonable to ask whether an ACRE price of 65.61% of the 2009 ACRE price makes marketing loan gains and countercyclical payments more attractive than ACRE.If the 2007 and 2008 WASDE estimates of marketing year prices are true so that the 2009 ACRE prices come in at $5.08 and $10.88 for corn and soybeans, then 65.61% of these prices are $3.33 and $7.14, respectively. This is the minimum ACRE price that could be reached in the 2008 farm bill period. At these ACRE prices, the net benefit to ACRE is still positive. Thus, it seems that ACRE dominates the current program for corn and soybean farmers. This suggests that if 2008 market prices are anywhere close to where WASDE projects them to be, then all farmers will have an incentive to choose ACRE.Future ImplicationsThe crop insurance lobby was successful at defeating area revenue insurance programs that would have replaced or been integrated with crop insurance. Instead we have the ACRE program that because it is backward looking has the potential for making dramatically higher payments than if a forward-looking program like Group Risk Income Protection had been adopted instead. Although its supporters claim that the program is more market oriented than programs with a fixed guaranteed price, this does not mean that it is less distortionary than current programs because of the potential for in-the-money revenue guarantees at planting time. These in-the moneyguarantees could imply difficulty in meeting WTO commitments if price levels continue higher for a year or two and then fall dramatically, perhaps because of a rethinking of US ethanol policy.It is likely that when the vast majority of farmers choose ACRE in the years ahead, they will find that state-level revenue guarantees are not the same as countyor farm-level guarantees. That is, very low state yields that trigger payments will likely be associated with farm-level losses, but there will be years in which farm level losses occur, but state losses do not. This will increase pressure in the next farm bill for farmers to push for a more disaggregate guarantee, perhaps at the county level. In addition, the backward-looking price-setting mechanism will be difficult to defend. Using futures prices is a much more transparent and market-oriented means of setting program guarantees. Finally, ACRE will likely lead to a wholesale reevaluation of the crop insurance program as the primary means of delivering risk management support to farmers. Farmers will find that risk management can be delivered from the farm program at much lower cost by simply taking the systemic risk out of the crop insurance program and covering this risk in the farm bill. This has the potential for being a much more cost-effective approach than the current approach of insuring both pool able and systemic risk in the farm bill.译文美国农作物保险计划的政治经济学摘要：文章分析了美国农业保险的背景，然后从纳税人支持农作物保险服务，行政和操作补贴，净承销的收益，保费补贴四个方面对美国农业保险的现状作了阐述，然后建立了一个模型，最后对农业保险在美国发展的前景进行了描述，认为农业保险讲在美国取得全国性的成功。
世界农业结课论文[5篇模版]
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世界农业结课论文[5篇模版]第一篇：世界农业结课论文我国生态农业现状存在问题及发展对策摘要：生态农业是我国现代农业的发展方向和主导模式。
大力发展生态农业，对于促进中国农业可持续发展、加速我国农业现代化进程具有十分重要的现实意义。
文章阐述了我国生态农业的现状、存在的问题，依据我国生态农业发展的实际情况，提出发展我国生态农业的对策思路。
关键词：生态农业；可持续发展；发展对策我国的生态农业是运用生态学、生态经济学原理和系统科学的方法，通过合理的外部能源投入，把现代科学技术成就与传统农业技术的精华有机结合根据资源、环境特色，通过技术、知识密集，将农业生产、农村经济发展和生态环境治理与保护、资源培育与高效利用融为一体的良性循环综合农业体系。
其特征是在可行范围内主要依靠作物轮作、秸秆、牲畜粪肥、豆科作物、绿肥作物培肥地力，利用生物和人工技术防治病虫草害，尽量减少化肥、农药、动植物生长调节剂和饲料添加剂的使用量，最终实现农业和环境的协调发展，达到经济、社会、生态效益的全面提高。
１，中国生态农业发展现状自２０世纪六七十年代开始，我国在发展农业生产过程中，由于化肥、农药的过量使用以及滥砍盗伐、毁林垦荒，造成许多地方出现生态环境恶化、农业环境污染日趋严重的现象。
１９８０年，在银川召开了全国农业生态经济学术讨论会，在这次会议上，我国首次使用了“生态农业”这一名词。
经过２０多年的发展，我国生态农业取得了长足进步，逐渐成为农业现代化生产的一种新方式。
目前，全国有不同类型的生态农业试点２０００多个分布在全国的３０个省（市、区）及４个单列市，其中国家级生态农业示范县１０２个，省级３００多个，地市级１０多个，还重点推广面积超过６６６．６７万ｈｍ２，同时引导２０多万生态农业户走上生态致富的道路，而且正以更快的速度在各国发展和推广。
从实施的效果来看，２００２年，我国生态农业示范县的国内生产总值、农业总产值和农民人均收入平均年增长８．４％、７．２％和６．８％，比全国平均水平高２．２、０．６和１．５个百分点。
世界农业课程论文
本科生课程论文论文题目：在比较中求发展课程名称：世界农业专业：食品质量与安全班级：学号：姓名：2015年12月20日在比较中求发展西南大学食品科学学院【摘要】：甘肃省平凉市泾川县荔堡镇的农业主要以“家庭小农经济”经济为主，粮食作物种植种类比较单一、土地利用率低、技术落后，但是该地区最近几年的农业发展速度加快，巨大的发展潜力得到进一步挖掘；重庆市北碚区静观镇的农业主要以规模化的彩色苗木（花卉）的种植为主，土地的利用率以及投入产出比较大，家乡在农业发展的过程中可以向北碚区静观镇借鉴很多经验。
关键词：农业；比较；借鉴；发展；正文：（一）甘肃省平凉市泾川县荔堡镇农业发展概况该地区属温带大陆性气候，四季分明，气候温和，雨水集中，昼夜温差大，年降雨量553毫米，相对湿度69%，年平均气温11℃，光照资源充足，日照时数2243小时，年有效积温3320℃，无霜期174天。
主要有：“泾龙牌”富士苹果、黄金梨、地膜洋芋、“透心红”胡萝卜、“玻璃脆”芹菜、朱家涧大葱、嫩玉黄架豆、“泾丰牌”泾州大葱、甘蓝、西红柿、白菜、西葫芦等特色产品，产量高、品质好。
县委县政府最近几年重点推广了农业新品种选育、果树更新换代、保护性耕地等增产增效技术，有效提高了科技对农业增长的贡献率。
2012年，农业良种率达到93%以上，先进适用技术普及率达到98%，测土配方施肥覆盖率达到54%，科技成果转化率年提高1.3个百分点、达到50%，土地产出率年递增9.7%、达到1430元/亩。
发展‚高产、优质、高效、生态、安全‛的农林产品，已成为该地区追求奋斗的目标。
该地区紧紧围绕果畜草菜四大产业开发，延伸产业链条，提升产业化经营水平。
先后建办了恒兴果汁公司、旭康肉食、元通果品包装、润泰牧业公司、昕达万吨果蔬贮藏保鲜库、恒兴万吨胡萝卜汁生产线、王村脱水蔬菜厂等龙头企业。
鼓励、引导和扶持种植、养殖、加工、销售大户走专业合作之路，累计建成农民专业合作经济组织108个，资产总额937.3万元，拥有会（社）员1.68万个（户），带动农户2.95万户。
西方经济学对农业发展的研究与政策建议
西方经济学对农业发展的研究与政策建议农业作为国民经济的重要组成部分，在全球范围内都具有重要的地位和作用。
西方经济学家们通过对农业发展的研究，提出了一系列重要的政策建议，旨在促进农业的可持续发展和农民收入的提高。
本文将探讨西方经济学对农业发展的研究成果，并提出相应的政策建议。
1. 农业现代化与技术创新农业现代化是农业发展的关键驱动力之一，西方经济学家认为，技术创新是实现农业现代化的核心要素之一。
投资于农业科技研究，加强对农业生产力的提升和技术创新是至关重要的。
例如，利用遗传工程技术培育抗虫、抗病品种，提高农作物产量和质量；推广现代化的灌溉技术，提高水资源的利用效率；引进机械化设备，提高农业生产效率等等。
同时，政府应当提供资金和政策支持，鼓励农民投资于科技创新，促进农业现代化的发展。
2. 农业产业化与农产品质量西方经济学家强调农业产业化的重要性。
农业产业化可以提高农产品的加工技术水平和附加值，推动农业发展转型升级。
政府可以通过商业化办法提供支持，鼓励农民参与农产品加工和销售，促进农业产业链的延伸。
此外，建立和完善农产品质量标准体系，强化农产品质量监管，提高农产品市场竞争力，对于农业产业化发展至关重要。
3. 农户收入与农村经济发展西方经济学家认为，提高农户收入是农业发展的重要目标之一。
为了增加农民的收入来源，政府应当加大对农村经济发展的支持力度。
通过农产品价格补贴、农村金融支持、农民培训等方式，帮助农民提高农产品销售收入和其他补充性收入。
此外，为了解决农村逆城市化问题，西方经济学家建议通过农村产业发展、基础设施建设和公共服务配套，提高农村基础设施和公共服务水平，吸引和留住农民在农村居住和生活。
4. 可持续农业与环境保护可持续农业是农业发展的重要方向，西方经济学家在农业发展研究中提出了一系列环境保护和可持续发展的政策建议。
例如，加强农业资源的合理利用，推广有机农业和绿色农业生产方式，减少化肥农药的使用，保护农业生态环境；加强耕地保护和农业生态保护，防止土地的过度开发和水源的污染等等。
英文写的经济学论文
英文写的经济学论文In recent years, the global economy has experienced significant challenges with regard to trade, investment, and economic growth. One of the major issues facing the global economy is the rise of protectionist policies and trade barriers imposed by various countries. Such policies have led to increased tensions and disruptions in international trade, leading to concerns about the future of the global economy.Protectionist policies, such as tariffs and quotas, are often implemented by countries in an attempt to protect domestic industries and jobs. However, these policies can have detrimental effects on the global economy by reducing trade and investment opportunities, increasing consumer prices, and hindering economic growth. Furthermore, protectionism can lead to retaliatory measures from other countries, further exacerbating tensions and uncertainties in the global economy.Another significant challenge facing the global economy is the issue of inequality. Economic inequality has been on the rise in many countries, leading to social unrest and political instability. In addition, inequality can have negative repercussions for economic growth, as it can limit opportunities for human capital development and lead to a less efficient allocation of resources.The global economy also faces challenges related to technological advancement and automation. While technological advancements have the potential to boost productivity and economic growth, they also pose risks of job displacement and income inequality. As automation continues to advance, many workers may findthemselves without the skills necessary to secure well-paying jobs, leading to further economic disparities.In order to address these challenges, it is essential for policymakers to work together to promote free and fair trade, reduce economic inequality, and support workers in adapting to technological changes. Additionally, there is a need for increased cooperation and coordination among countries to address the underlying causes of these economic challenges and to promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth.In conclusion, the global economy is facing significant challenges with regard to trade, inequality, and technological advancement. These challenges require coordinated efforts from policymakers and international organizations to promote economic stability and inclusive growth. By addressing these issues, the global economy can overcome the current challenges and pave the way for a more prosperous and sustainable future.In response to the challenges facing the global economy, various strategies can be implemented to promote economic stability and inclusivity. First and foremost, efforts to reduce trade barriers and promote fair trade practices are crucial. This can be achieved through bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that aim to lower tariffs, eliminate non-tariff barriers, and establish transparent and predictable trading rules. Additionally, international organizations, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), can play a significant role in mediating trade disputes and promoting a rules-based global trading system. Addressing economic inequality is another critical aspect of fostering a sustainable global economy. Governments andinternational organizations can consider implementing policies aimed at redistributing wealth, such as progressive taxation, social safety nets, and investments in education and healthcare. Additionally, promoting inclusive economic policies that provide opportunities for marginalized groups, such as women and minority communities, can contribute to a more equitable distribution of economic benefits.Furthermore, addressing the potential job displacements resulting from technological advancements is essential. Governments and businesses can invest in retraining and upskilling programs to equip workers with the necessary skills for the evolving job market. Additionally, fostering entrepreneurship and innovation can create new economic opportunities and mitigate the adverse effects of automation on the labor force.Another crucial aspect of addressing global economic challenges is enhancing international cooperation and coordination. Countries can work together to address common concerns, such as climate change, sustainable development, and the regulation of global financial systems. Additionally, collaborative efforts to address geopolitical tensions and conflicts can contribute to a more stable and predictable global economic environment.In conclusion, the challenges facing the global economy require a comprehensive and coordinated approach involving trade policy reforms, measures to address economic inequality, strategies to adapt to technological changes, and enhanced international cooperation. By working together to address these challenges, theglobal economy can move towards a more sustainable, inclusive, and prosperous future.。
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外国农业经济学课程论文日本农协发展经验对中国的启示作者：杨晓茹院系：经管土管专业：农林经济管理年级：08级学号：2008306202320日本农协发展经验对中国的启示摘要中国是一个农业大国，农村的发展对于国民经济的发展起到很大的作用。
为了保证综合国力的发展，则必须努力解决好“三农问题”，为此中央下达了好几次文件。
然而，现实生活中还是存在着一些政策所触碰不到的地方，所以，我们就要多学些别的国家的经验，借鉴别的国家的经验，然后结合我国的实际国情，走出一条属于我们自己的农业道路。
本文就日本在农协方面的成果，联系我国的具体国情，讲述日本农协对于我国的启示。
关键字日本农协合作经济组织正文我们不时的就可以在网上或是新闻报纸、杂志上看到，某地的大白菜又滞销了，大白菜都烂到地里了。
针对这样的状况，农民朋友们有的实在没办法，或是贱卖，或是就让它烂到地里，同时，也有许多热心的朋友想到了一些办法，如在网上发布消息组织订购。
然而，这些都是治标不治本的方法。
为什么政府就不能够有效的解决这样的问题呢？是解决力度不够大？还是就没有一个具体的解决政策呢?针对上述问题，我决定对日本在农协方面的经验做一个简要的论述，以期找到对中国政府在农业方面有启示作用的方法。
为了阐述日本在农协方面的做法及经验，首先就要对日本农协的信息进行筛选。
以下就是日本农协的部分相关信息。
一、日本农协的起源与发展日本农协全称日本农业协同组合，是根据日本《农业协同组合法》创立的民间社会组织，以全国农民和小店经营者为基本会员，以协力共振为基本方针，围绕如何更好地指导和帮助农户经营农牧业生产、增加经济收入、提供互助共济保险、改善农牧民自身福利待遇和提高农村生活水平这样一个目的米发挥它相应的职能作用，开展相应的事业活动。
日本农协起源于1900年，其发展经过了3个阶段：第一阶段以1900年日本政府颁发“产业组合法”为标志，帮助中小生产者通过互相合作提高生产能力，创立了“信用组合、贩卖组合、购买组合及生产组合”等4种组合制度。
第二阶段是1943年颁发“农业团体法”，这是为战时需要建立的农会组织。
第三阶段是在1947年战后，日本农业濒临崩溃，种植业以粮食生产为主，科技含量低，产量不高，出现了粮食危机。
日本为建立农协制订了专门法律——《农业协同组合法》，开始仿照欧美农业发展模式，在全国范围内组建了农协，使农协走上了法制化发展轨道。
二、日本农协的主要职能与欧美及中国合作经济组织相比，日本农协最大特点是半官半民性质。
在日本政府积极扶助下，农协在日本农村举足轻重，政治影响力巨大，经济辐射遍及农村方方面面。
农协不仅从事农业的产、购、销、信贷、保险事业，还组织其成员和辖地居民进行农业技术指导、医疗卫生保健和文体等活动。
具体如下：（一）桥梁职能。
农协是连接政府和农民的桥梁和纽带，国家关于农村发展的政策与策略要依靠或通过农协来实现，政府对农业生产的保护、农业生产技术的推广普及、低息贷款发放等工作也都是通过农协来完成的。
（二）购销服务职能。
包括帮助农民采购农业生产资料、生活用品，收购、加工、储藏、销售农产品。
日本的农村供销基本是由农协控制的，农协供给农民的生产资料占农户总购买量的74%左右，农民通过农协销售的农产品达到了农民年销售额的90%以上。
（三）信用、保险服务职能。
农协的金融机构提供吸收社员存款、优惠贷款给社员的信用服务及防备意外灾害的保险服务。
（四）技术教育培训和生产服务职能。
农协购置大型农机具租赁给农户使用或为农户代耕;向农户提供优良品种的种苗和畜禽良种;派营农指导员向农民介绍先进农业科学技术，并设有专门培训教育部门，对农民进行技术和经营技能教育培训。
（五）社会服务职能。
日本各地的农协一般都设有医疗卫生服务部门，提供医疗保健服务，还设有文化中心和生活中心，提供农民需要的各项服务。
在日本政府的政策支持和农协本身的努力下，现在的日本农协的业务范围已经渗透到了日本国民经济生活的各个方面，“实际上是日本农村的生产和生活的组织者，是农村社会的支柱”。
受上述业务范围的影响，日本农协的种类主要是综合性的，专业性农协的比例较小。
可见，日本农协起初是一个半官半民的、非盈利性的、以生产服务为主并涉及社员生产生活方方面面的、以综合性为主、专业性为辅的合作组织。
三日本农协的地位和作用农协对于第一产业提供政治以及经济上的优惠条件，一定程度上稳定了第一产业的发展。
积极进行收入所得的再分配，有效地防止了一系列社会问题，在一定程度上消除了社会贫富差距，安定了社会秩序。
其作用：1. 培育农畜优良品种，推广农业先进技术，对农民进行指导和培训。
农协组织水稻、大米和大豆栽培讲习会和现场讨论会，指导样板田的工作；建立新农药、肥料试验田和低农药大米试验田；开展对异常气象造成冷冻的对策研究。
农协还组织农民扩大花卉、水果、蔬菜等特种园艺的生产，指导农民提高栽培技术水平，如组织花农到先进地区参观学习，举办花卉展览评比，从园艺品种的搜集、育苗到产品的出售实行一条龙服务。
为加快畜产品的生产，农协组织农民开展了引进良种、建立生产高品质牛肉的畜牧场、加快肉牛的育肥等一系列活动。
一些专业农户还自愿组成麦作生产组合、养蚕部会、植木生产部会、肉牛繁殖部会、蔬菜花卉部会等，在农协的领导下开展了农业技术研讨、联合运输、共同育苗等经常性的活动。
2. 承担农业生产资料供应和农产品加工销售，免除了农民的后顾之忧。
农民通过农协销售的产品有粮食、园艺品、畜产品等。
1993年，平均每户农民通过农协销售的农产品为166万日元。
农民通过农协购买的商品有肥料、农药、饲料、农机具、石油、大米及其他生活资料。
平均每户农民由农协供给的生产和生活资料达96万日元。
3. 为农民提供农业信贷服务并组织农民互助共济。
1993年农协给农民的贷款总额为63.8亿日元，其中包括住宅资金(18%)、营农资金(19.3%)、事业资金(18.9%)等。
每户农民当年向农协存款637万日元。
农协的互助支出用于农民养老、育儿、住房和火灾、车祸等伤害的款项，共计4.8亿日元。
农协为农民的社会化服务是全方位的，既包括对农业生产的产前、产中、产后的全过程服务，又包括为全体农协会员、准会员的日常生活服务，凡是生活在其中的人都已离不开它。
但也存在一些不容忽视的问题，一是农协应以服务农民为目的，而现在却以盈利为目的。
二是农协成了一个无所不包的综合经营机构，什么都要管，有的农民认为不自由。
三是农协管理机关人员太多，加重了农民的负担。
四、日本农协的成功经验（一）法律保护日本早在1947年就颁布了《农业协同组合法》，赋予农协合法的社会地位并对其行为进行规范。
日本农协还根据经济发展和环境的变化提议政府不断修改原有的法律和制定新的法律，使农协的一切活动都有可靠的法律依据。
（二）政策支持有了法律保护的日本农协，在发展过程中同样得到了政策的大力支持。
体现在日本各级政府制定的农业政策、税收及金融政策等方面。
（三）农民的积极参与日本农协把分散农民组织起来，以共同组织生产，进入市场为宗旨，不以盈利为目的，坚持服务第一，得到了广大农民的拥护。
农民踊跃参加农协，服从农协的指导，保证了农协发展有坚实的基础。
这在农协成立之初表现得最为明显。
（四）重视农业科学技术的普及与人才的培养日本政府一贯重视农业科研与推广工作，通过正规教育和社会教育并举的办法，采用灵活多样的方式培养农业科技人才。
农协也建有完整的教育体系，用协同共济精神培养农协人才。
五、日本农协对中国的启示在中国，也同样存在着一些类似于日本农协的农业合作组织，但是这些合作组织的往往起不到其应当发挥的作用。
究其原因，有很多不同的说法。
有的人认为是合作组织追求功利化而忽视了对农民的引导、帮助，从而脱离了其原有的出发点。
有的人则认为，所谓的合作组织是由政府操作，往往会官僚化，办事效率低，不能很好的为农民带来利益。
所以，从对日本农协的了解后，我们应该针对我国在这方面的具体国情，具体的做出一些改变。
（一）提高农民的参与程度农业合作组织是为农民服务的，所以农民应该成为其主要的参与者，真正成为组织的主人翁。
而只有拥有主人翁的自觉性，才会真正的为了它变好，做出不懈努力。
就像日本农协一样，它不是政府部门的职能管理机构，而是广大农民在自愿的基础上通过联合而建立起来的群众性经济组织。
（二）合作经济组织的发展要有一贯性中国已经具备了一些农业合作组织，在此基础上，为了不造成组织资源的浪费，首当其冲的，不是建立新的合作组织体系，而是充分利用现有的组织资源和体系，在现有农村合作体系基础上，进行系统内部的调整和变革，以适应新形势的需要。
（三）合作经济组织与政府间的关系要摆正农民合作经济组织是代表农民利益、协助政府执行相关法律政策的组织。
政府对农民合作经济组织的规范应主要通过法律和经济手段，过多的、不必要的政府行政干预往往会起到拔苗助长的作用。
政府应对农民自愿组成的合作组织进行正确的引导和积极有效的支持。
我国当前最迫切的是应尽快制定一部有中国特色的合作社法，确立合作社的法律地位，规范政府和合作社的关系，依法保护合作社及其社员的各项生产经营活动和资产收益不受侵害。
与日本农协相比，我国农业合作组织还处于探索阶段。
为了促使我国农业合作组织的快速而有效地发展，我们要积极吸取别国的经验，并结合我国的具体国情，找到一条属于我们国家的农业发展道路。
如现在经常发生的蔬菜滞销，针对此类状况，若是有完整的农协体系在旁协作的话，可以有效地传递蔬菜产地的情况，并组织销售。
而且，农协可以对以后的蔬菜需求做出预测，然后，农民可以针对这些预测做出适当的种植调整，避免滞销状况的出现。
参考文献[1]张冠宇日本农协的发展与思考[期刊论文]-大众科学报2009[2敏日本农协的发展经验及其发展新趋势《合作经济参考》5期[3]陈慧萍.王玉斌.武拉平日本农业产业化发展对中国的启示[期刊论文]- 世界农业2010(9)[4]刘俊武“日本农协组织”的经验及启示。