麦克阿瑟将军告别演讲

合集下载

关于朝鲜战争——道格拉斯麦克阿瑟给国会的告别演说

关于朝鲜战争——道格拉斯麦克阿瑟给国会的告别演说

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟:致国会的告别演说总统先生、议长先生、尊敬的国会议员们:站在这讲台上,我感到深深的谦卑和无比的骄傲——谦卑,因为在我之前站在这里的那些设计和塑造了我们历史的伟大的美国人的重大影响;骄傲,因为感慨于这议会之家的辩论乃是迄今为止人们所设计出的关于人类自由的最完美形式的代表,因为它是凝聚全人类的希冀、渴望和信仰的所在。

我并非作为某个党派理念的鼓吹者站在这里,我要讨论的问题是如此基本以致远远超出了党派考虑的范畴,它们必须提升到国家利益的高度来决断——我们的方针政策是否被证明合理?我们的未来是否确有保障?因此,我相信你们对我要说的话会有一个正确的评价。

那些话——我不得不说——乃是一个美国人关于时局的深思熟虑的观点的略显孤独的表达。

我在此向你们致告别辞,既无抱怨亦无置身于生命衰退的黄昏的辛酸,萦绕心头的只有一个念头:报效我的祖国。

我们面临的问题是如此地全球化和彼此勾连,以至当我们只考虑一个地区的问题而忽略另一些地区的问题时,便只能招致全局的灾难。

正如当我们普遍地把亚洲说成欧洲的门户时,丝毫也不能减少“欧洲是亚洲的门户”这一判断的正确性;而对一个地区产生广泛影响的事物也不会对其他地区毫无影响。

有些人声称,我们的力量不足以应付两条战线因而我们不能分散自己的努力。

我想不出比这更糟的关于失败主义的表达了。

如果一个潜在的敌人能够把它的力量分别用于两条战线,我们便只能在两条战线上击退它的努力。

共产主义的威胁是全球同一的,它在一个地区的成功推进对其他任何一个地区都是破坏和毁灭的预兆。

你不可能在亚洲安抚或者放任共产主义,同时却不破坏我们在欧洲阻止其推进的努力。

在对真实情形的一般性陈述之后,我将把我的讨论限定在亚洲地区。

一个人要能客观地评价亚洲的现状,他必须了解它的过去以及那些给它目前的进程打上烙印的革命性变化。

在所谓殖民势力的长期剥削之下,没有机会获得任何程度的社会正义、个体尊严以及稍高些的生活水平——正是这些目标引导着我们在菲律宾的良好统治——亚洲人民刚刚在已结束的战争中找到了他们摆脱殖民主义桎梏的机会,现在又看到了获得至今尚未体验过的高贵和政治自主的尊严的机会的曙光。

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。

整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。

我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。

如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。

我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。

虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。

且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。

一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。

我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。

如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。

共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。

他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。

我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。

说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。

在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。

被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削,便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度,维护个人尊严,或者实现一个高水平的生活,就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府,亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光,一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人数,有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量,精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。

不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念,这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。

整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。

我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。

如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。

我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。

虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。

且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。

一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。

我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。

如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。

共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。

他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。

我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。

说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。

在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。

被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削,便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度,维护个人尊严,或者实现一个高水平的生活,就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府,亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光,一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人数,有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量,精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。

不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念,这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死Dear friends, colleagues, and fellow citizens,It is with a heavy heart that I bid farewell to you all today. As I prepare to step down from my position as the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, I cannot help but reflect on the incredible journey that has led me to this moment.It has been my honor and privilege to serve this great nation for over four decades, and to stand shoulder to shoulder with some of the most courageous and dedicated soldiers our country has ever produced. From the battlefields of Vietnam, to the sands of Iraq and Afghanistan, I have witnessed firsthand the bravery, valor, and selflessness that define the American soldier.However, as I take my leave, I am left with one thought above all others: the legacy of our service. For the past seventy-five years, since the end of World War II, our soldiers have been engaged in conflicts around the world, fighting for freedom and democracy, and defending the values that make America truly great.And it is this legacy that I am most proud of. As I look back on my own career, I am humbled by the sacrifices made by those who came before me, and inspired by the dedication and determination of those who will continue to serve.For the soldier, the mission never ends. Whether in peacetime or in war, we are called upon to defend our country and our way of life. We do not seek conflict, but when it comes, we are ready to meet it head on.This is why I believe that the soldier never dies. Yes, we may leave the military, and we may even pass from this life, but the spirit of the soldier lives on. It is the courage, the honor, and the commitment that we embody that will endure, and inspire future generations of Americans to step forward and answer the call to serve.As I close, I want to thank each and every one of you for your support, your dedication, and your unwavering commitment to our cause. You are the backbone of our great nation, and it is through your strength and resilience that we will continue to thrive and prosper.So let us honor the legacy of those who have come before us, and pledge to carry the torch of freedom and democracy forward into the future. For the soldier never truly dies - we march on, guided by the principles of duty, honor, and country.Thank you, and God bless America.。

老兵不死——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲

老兵不死——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲

《老兵不死》——麦克阿瑟的告别演讲麦克阿瑟简介:道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur),美国陆军五星上将。

出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。

1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校,1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业,到工程兵部队任职,并赴菲律宾执勤。

麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验,被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”,而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”,凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略,麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。

提起这句话:“老兵永远不死,只会慢慢凋零”(Old soldiers never die, they just fade away),就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟,和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。

演讲全文如下:Old soldiers never die, they just fade awayMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of afellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia withoutsimultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to thegeneral areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back towardthe area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemycould and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into thePacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every othermajor segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character ofa united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this typeof imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise thealleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support ofthe North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since thebeginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, andindustrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation notcontemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effectiveoperations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forcescommitted to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past bypractically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign,including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from themilitary standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new politicaldecisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, Iformally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through theages have been attempted to devise aninternational process to prevent or settledisputes between nations. From the verystart workable methods were found in sofar as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality oflarger international scope have neverbeen successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path tobe by way of the crucible of war. Theutter destructiveness of war now blocksout this alternative. We have had our lastchance. If we will not devise somegreater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. Theproblem basically is theological andinvolves a spiritual recrudescence andimprovement of human character that willsynchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes theonly other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemyin the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack anddevastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to mewere: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and Ican report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they justfade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light tosee that duty.Good Bye.。

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说(双语对照)

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说(双语对照)

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说(双语对照)General Douglas MacArthur 道格拉斯麦克阿瑟Sylvanus Thayer Award Acceptance Address'Duty, Honor, Country' 责任、荣誉、国家这是美国五星上将道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟82岁时的西点告别演说(翻译仅供参考)General Westmoreland ([注]Gen. Westmoreland 就是后来出任驻越南美军司令的魏摩兰将军), General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps!As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, 'Where are you bound for, General?' And when I replied, 'West Point,' he remarked, 'Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?'今天早晨,当我走出旅馆时,看门人问道:“将军,您上哪去?”一听说我要去西点,他说:“那是个好地方,您从前去过吗?”No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is anexpression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always.这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死

麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死MacArthur's farewell speech: Veterans never die演讲人:JinTai College麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿:老兵永不死前言:演讲是指在公众场合,以有声语言为主要手段,以体态语言为辅助手段,针对某个具体问题,鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解和主张,阐明事理或抒发情感,进行宣传鼓动的一种语言交际活动。

本文档根据题材主题演讲内容要求展开说明,具有实践指导意义,便于学习和使用,本文档下载后内容可按需编辑修改及打印。

总统先生,演讲者,议会杰出的成员们:我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。

整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。

我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护,因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。

如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此,我相信,你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。

我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情,但心中只有一个目的:为我的祖国效劳。

虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门,但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。

且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。

一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路,我们不能分散精力。

我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。

如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线,那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。

共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。

他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。

我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。

说了太多的共知之理,我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。

在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前,他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。

麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Address to Congress

麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲 Farewell Address to Congress

三一文库()/演讲致辞/英语演讲稿麦克阿瑟将军国会大厦告别演讲Farewell Address to Congressmr.president,mr.speaker,anddistinguishedmember softhecongress:istandonthisrostrumwithasenseofdeephumilityand greatpride--humilityinthewakeofthosegreatameri canarchitectsofourhistorywhohavestoodherebefor eme;prideinthereflectionthatthisforumoflegisla tivedebaterepresentshumanlibertyinthepurestfor myetdevised.herearecenteredthehopesandaspirati onsandfaithoftheentirehumanrace.idonotstandher easadvocateforanypartisancause,fortheissuesare fundamentalandreachquitebeyondtherealmofpartis anconsideration.theymustberesolvedonthehighest planeofnationalinterestifourcourseistoprovesoundandourfutureprotected.itrust,therefore,thaty ouwilldomethejusticeofreceivingthatwhichihavet osayassolelyexpressingtheconsideredviewpointof afellowamerican.iaddressyouwithneitherrancornorbitternessinthe fadingtwilightoflife,withbutonepurposeinmind:t oservemycountry.theissuesareglobalandsointerlo ckedthattoconsidertheproblemsofonesector,obliv ioustothoseofanother,isbuttocourtdisasterforth ewhole.whileasiaiscommonlyreferredtoasthegatew aytoeurope,itisnolesstruethateuropeisthegatewa ytoasia,andthebroadinfluenceoftheonecannotfail tohaveitsimpactupontheother.therearethosewhocl aimourstrengthisinadequatetoprotectonbothfront s,thatwecannotdivideoureffort.icanthinkofnogre aterexpressionofdefeatism.ifapotentialenemycan dividehisstrengthontwofronts,itisforustocounte rhiseffort.thecommunistthreatisaglobalone.itss uccessfuladvanceinonesectorthreatensthedestruc tionofeveryothersector.youcannotappeaseorother wisesurrendertocommunisminasiawithoutsimultaneouslyunderminingoureffortstohaltitsadvanceineu rope.beyondpointingoutthesegeneraltruisms,ishallcon finemydiscussiontothegeneralareasofasia.before onemayobjectivelyassessthesituationnowexisting there,hemustcomprehendsomethingofasiaspastandt herevolutionarychangeswhichhavemarkedhercourse uptothepresent.longexploitedbytheso-calledcolo nialpowers,withlittleopportunitytoachieveanyde greeofsocialjustice,individualdignity,orahighe rstandardoflifesuchasguidedourownnobleadminist rationinthephilippines,thepeoplesofasiafoundth eiropportunityinthewarjustpasttothrowoffthesha cklesofcolonialismandnowseethedawnofnewopportu nity,aheretoforeunfeltdignity,andtheself-respe ctofpoliticalfreedom.musteringhalfoftheearthspopulation,and60percen tofitsnaturalresourcesthesepeoplesarerapidlyco nsolidatinganewforce,bothmoralandmaterial,withwhichtoraisethelivingstandardanderectadaptatio nsofthedesignofmodernprogresstotheirowndistinc tculturalenvironments.whetheroneadherestotheco nceptofcolonizationornot,thisisthedirectionofa sianprogressanditmaynotbestopped.itisacorollar ytotheshiftoftheworldeconomicfrontiersasthewho leepicenterofworldaffairsrotatesbacktowardthea reawhenceitstarted.inthissituation,itbecomesvitalthatourowncountr yorientitspoliciesinconsonancewiththisbasicevo lutionaryconditionratherthanpursueacourseblind totherealitythatthecolonialeraisnowpastandthea sianpeoplescovettherighttoshapetheirownfreedes tiny.whattheyseeknowisfriendlyguidance,underst anding,andsupport--notimperiousdirection--thed ignityofequalityandnottheshameofsubjugation.th eirpre-warstandardoflife,pitifullylow,isinfini telylowernowinthedevastationleftinwarswake.wor ldideologiesplaylittlepartinasianthinkingandar elittleunderstood.whatthepeoplesstriveforisthe opportunityforalittlemorefoodintheirstomachs,alittlebetterclothingontheirbacks,alittlefirmer roofovertheirheads,andtherealizationofthenorma lnationalisturgeforpoliticalfreedom.thesepolit ical-socialconditionshavebutanindirectbearingu ponourownnationalsecurity,butdoformabackdropto contemporaryplanningwhichmustbethoughtfullycon sideredifwearetoavoidthepitfallsofunrealism.ofmoredirectandimmediatebearinguponournational securityarethechangeswroughtinthestrategicpote ntialofthepacificoceaninthecourseofthepastwar. priortheretothewesternstrategicfrontieroftheun itedstateslayonthelittorallineoftheamericas,wi thanexposedislandsalientextendingoutthroughhaw aii,midway,andguamtothephilippines.thatsalient provednotanoutpostofstrengthbutanavenueofweakn essalongwhichtheenemycouldanddidattack.thepacificwasapotentialareaofadvanceforanypred atoryforceintentuponstrikingattheborderingland areas.allthiswaschangedbyourpacificvictory.ourstrategicfrontierthenshiftedtoembracetheentire pacificocean,whichbecameavastmoattoprotectusas longasweheldit.indeed,itactsasaprotectiveshiel dforalloftheamericasandallfreelandsofthepacifi coceanarea.wecontrolittotheshoresofasiabyachai nofislandsextendinginanarcfromthealeutianstoth emariannasheldbyusandourfreeallies.fromthisisl andchainwecandominatewithseaandairpowereveryas iaticportfromvladivostoktosingapore--withseaan dairpowereveryport,asisaid,fromvladivostoktosi ngapore--andpreventanyhostilemovementintothepa cific.*anypredatoryattackfromasiamustbeanamphibiouse ffort.*noamphibiousforcecanbesuccessfulwithout controlofthesealanesandtheairoverthoselanesini tsavenueofadvance.withnavalandairsupremacyandm odestgroundelementstodefendbases,anymajorattac kfromcontinentalasiatowardusorourfriendsinthep acificwouldbedoomedtofailure.undersuchconditions,thepacificnolongerrepresen tsmenacingavenuesofapproachforaprospectiveinva der.itassumes,instead,thefriendlyaspectofapeac efullake.ourlineofdefenseisanaturaloneandcanbe maintainedwithaminimumofmilitaryeffortandexpen se.itenvisionsnoattackagainstanyone,nordoesitp rovidethebastionsessentialforoffensiveoperatio ns,butproperlymaintained,wouldbeaninvinciblede fenseagainstaggression.theholdingofthislittora ldefenselineinthewesternpacificisentirelydepen dentuponholdingallsegmentsthereof;foranymajorb reachofthatlinebyanunfriendlypowerwouldrenderv ulnerabletodeterminedattackeveryothermajorsegm ent.thisisamilitaryestimateastowhichihaveyettofind amilitaryleaderwhowilltakeexception.forthatrea son,ihavestronglyrecommendedinthepast,asamatte rofmilitaryurgency,thatundernocircumstancesmus tformosafallundercommunistcontrol.suchaneventu alitywouldatoncethreatenthefreedomofthephilippinesandthelossofjapanandmightwellforceourweste rnfrontierbacktothecoastofcalifornia,oregonand washington.tounderstandthechangeswhichnowappearuponthechi nesemainland,onemustunderstandthechangesinchin esecharacterandcultureoverthepast50years.china ,upto50yearsago,wascompletelynon-homogenous,be ingcompartmentedintogroupsdividedagainsteachot her.thewar-makingtendencywasalmostnon-existent ,astheystillfollowedthetenetsoftheconfucianide alofpacifistculture.attheturnofthecentury,unde rtheregimeofchangtsolin,effortstowardgreaterho mogeneityproducedthestartofanationalisturge.th iswasfurtherandmoresuccessfullydevelopedundert heleadershipofchiangkai-shek,buthasbeenbrought toitsgreatestfruitionunderthepresentregimetoth epointthatithasnowtakenonthecharacterofaunited nationalismofincreasinglydominant,aggressivete ndencies.throughthesepast50yearsthechinesepeoplehavethu sbecomemilitarizedintheirconceptsandintheiride als.theynowconstituteexcellentsoldiers,withcom petentstaffsandcommanders.thishasproducedanewa nddominantpowerinasia,which,foritsownpurposes, isalliedwithsovietrussiabutwhichinitsownconcep tsandmethodshasbecomeaggressivelyimperialistic ,withalustforexpansionandincreasedpowernormalt othistypeofimperialism.thereislittleoftheideologicalconcepteitheronew ayoranotherinthechinesemake-up.thestandardofli vingissolowandthecapitalaccumulationhasbeensot horoughlydissipatedbywarthatthemassesaredesper ateandeagertofollowanyleadershipwhichseemstopr omisethealleviationoflocalstringencies.ihavefromthebeginningbelievedthatthechinesecom munistssupportofthenorthkoreanswasthedominanto ne.theirinterestsare,atpresent,parallelwiththoseofthesoviet.butibelievethattheaggressiveness recentlydisplayednotonlyinkoreabutalsoinindo-c hinaandtibetandpointingpotentiallytowardthesou threflectspredominantlythesamelustfortheexpans ionofpowerwhichhasanimatedeverywould-beconquer orsincethebeginningoftime.thejapanesepeople,sincethewar,haveundergonethe greatestreformationrecordedinmodernhistory.wit hacommendablewill,eagernesstolearn,andmarkedca pacitytounderstand,theyhave,fromtheashesleftin warswake,erectedinjapananedificededicatedtothe supremacyofindividuallibertyandpersonaldignity ;andintheensuingprocesstherehasbeencreatedatru lyrepresentativegovernmentcommittedtotheadvanc eofpoliticalmorality,freedomofeconomicenterpri se,andsocialjustice.politically,economically,andsociallyjapanisnow abreastofmanyfreenationsoftheearthandwillnotag ainfailtheuniversaltrust.thatitmaybecountedupontowieldaprofoundlybeneficialinfluenceoverthec ourseofeventsinasiaisattestedbythemagnificentm annerinwhichthejapanesepeoplehavemettherecentc hallengeofwar,unrest,andconfusionsurroundingth emfromtheoutsideandcheckedcommunismwithintheir ownfrontierswithouttheslightestslackeninginthe irforwardprogress.isentallfourofouroccupationd ivisionstothekoreanbattlefrontwithouttheslight estqualmsastotheeffectoftheresultingpowervacuu muponjapan.theresultsfullyjustifiedmyfaith.ikn owofnonationmoreserene,orderly,andindustrious, norinwhichhigherhopescanbeentertainedforfuture constructiveserviceintheadvanceofthehumanrace.ofourformerward,thephilippines,wecanlookforwar dinconfidencethattheexistingunrestwillbecorrec tedandastrongandhealthynationwillgrowinthelong eraftermathofwarsterribledestructiveness.wemus tbepatientandunderstandingandneverfailthem--as inourhourofneed,theydidnotfailus.achristiannat ion,thephilippinesstandasamightybulwarkofchristianityinthefareast,anditscapacityforhighmoral leadershipinasiaisunlimited.onformosa,thegovernmentoftherepublicofchinahas hadtheopportunitytorefutebyactionmuchofthemali ciousgossipwhichsounderminedthestrengthofitsle adershiponthechinesemainland.theformosanpeople arereceivingajustandenlightenedadministrationw ithmajorityrepresentationontheorgansofgovernme nt,andpolitically,economically,andsociallythey appeartobeadvancingalongsoundandconstructiveli nes.withthisbriefinsightintothesurroundingareas,in owturntothekoreanconflict.whileiwasnotconsulte dpriortothepresidentsdecisiontointerveneinsupp ortoftherepublicofkorea,thatdecisionfromamilit arystandpoint,provedasoundone,aswe--asisaid,pr ovedasoundone,aswehurledbacktheinvaderanddecim atedhisforces.ourvictorywascomplete,andourobjectiveswithinreach,whenredchinaintervenedwithnu mericallysuperiorgroundforces.thiscreatedanewwarandanentirelynewsituation,as ituationnotcontemplatedwhenourforceswerecommit tedagainstthenorthkoreaninvaders;asituationwhi chcalledfornewdecisionsinthediplomaticsphereto permittherealisticadjustmentofmilitarystrategy .suchdecisionshavenotbeenforthcoming.whilenomaninhisrightmindwouldadvocatesendingou rgroundforcesintocontinentalchina,andsuchwasne vergivenathought,thenewsituationdidurgentlydem andadrasticrevisionofstrategicplanningifourpol iticalaimwastodefeatthisnewenemyaswehaddefeate dtheold.apartfromthemilitaryneed,asisawit,toneutralize thesanctuaryprotectiongiventheenemynorthofthey alu,ifeltthatmilitarynecessityintheconductofthewarmadenecessary:firsttheintensificationofour economicblockadeagainstchina;twotheimpositiono fanavalblockadeagainstthechinacoast;threeremov alofrestrictionsonairreconnaissanceofchinascoa stalareasandofmanchuria;fourremovalofrestricti onsontheforcesoftherepublicofchinaonformosa,wi thlogisticalsupporttocontributetotheireffectiv eoperationsagainstthecommonenemy.forentertainingtheseviews,allprofessionallydes ignedtosupportourforcescommittedtokoreaandbrin ghostilitiestoanendwiththeleastpossibledelayan datasavingofcountlessamericanandalliedlives,ih avebeenseverelycriticizedinlaycircles,principa llyabroad,despitemyunderstandingthatfromamilit arystandpointtheaboveviewshavebeenfullysharedi nthepastbypracticallyeverymilitaryleaderconcer nedwiththekoreancampaign,includingourownjointc hiefsofstaff.icalledforreinforcementsbutwasinformedthatreinforcementswerenotavailable.imadeclearthatifnot permittedtodestroytheenemybuilt-upbasesnorthof theyalu,ifnotpermittedtoutilizethefriendlychin eseforceofsome600,000menonformosa,ifnotpermitt edtoblockadethechinacoasttopreventthechinesere dsfromgettingsuccorfromwithout,andifthereweret obenohopeofmajorreinforcements,thepositionofth ecommandfromthemilitarystandpointforbadevictor y.wecouldholdinkoreabyconstantmaneuverandinanapp roximateareawhereoursupplylineadvantageswerein balancewiththesupplylinedisadvantagesoftheenem y,butwecouldhopeatbestforonlyanindecisivecampa ignwithitsterribleandconstantattritionuponourf orcesiftheenemyutilizeditsfullmilitarypotentia l.ihaveconstantlycalledforthenewpoliticaldecis ionsessentialtoasolution.effortshavebeenmadetodistortmyposition.ithasbe ensaid,ineffect,thatiwasawarmonger.nothingcouldbefurtherfromthetruth.iknowwarasfewothermenno wlivingknowit,andnothingtomeismorerevolting.ih avelongadvocateditscompleteabolition,asitsvery destructivenessonbothfriendandfoehasrenderedit uselessasameansofsettlinginternationaldisputes .indeed,ontheseconddayofseptember,nineteenhund redandforty-five,justfollowingthesurrenderofth ejapanesenationonthebattleshipmissouri,iformal lycautionedasfollows:mensincethebeginningoftimehavesoughtpeace.vari ousmethodsthroughtheageshavebeenattemptedtodev iseaninternationalprocesstopreventorsettledisp utesbetweennations.fromtheverystartworkablemet hodswerefoundinsofarasindividualcitizenswereco ncerned,butthemechanicsofaninstrumentalityofla rgerinternationalscopehaveneverbeensuccessful. militaryalliances,balancesofpower,leaguesofnat ions,allinturnfailed,leavingtheonlypathtobebyw ayofthecrucibleofwar.theutterdestructivenessof warnowblocksoutthisalternative.wehavehadourlas tchance.ifwewillnotdevisesomegreaterandmoreequitablesystem,armageddonwillbeatourdoor.theprob lembasicallyistheologicalandinvolvesaspiritual recrudescenceandimprovementofhumancharactertha twillsynchronizewithouralmostmatchlessadvances inscience,art,literature,andallmaterialandcult uraldevelopmentsofthepastXXyears.itmustbeofthe spiritifwearetosavetheflesh.butoncewarisforceduponus,thereisnootheralterna tivethantoapplyeveryavailablemeanstobringittoa swiftend.warsveryobjectisvictory,notprolongedindecision .inwarthereisnosubstituteforvictory.therearesomewho,forvaryingreasons,wouldappease redchina.theyareblindtohistorysclearlesson,for historyteacheswithunmistakableemphasisthatappe asementbutbegetsnewandbloodierwar.itpointstono singleinstancewherethisendhasjustifiedthatmeans,whereappeasementhasledtomorethanashampeace.l ikeblackmail,itlaysthebasisfornewandsuccessive lygreaterdemandsuntil,asinblackmail,violencebe comestheonlyotheralternative."why,"mysoldiersaskedofme,"surrendermilitaryad vantagestoanenemyinthefield?"icouldnotanswer.somemaysay:toavoidspreadoftheconflictintoanall -outwarwithchina;others,toavoidsovietintervent ion.neitherexplanationseemsvalid,forchinaisalr eadyengagingwiththemaximumpoweritcancommit,and thesovietwillnotnecessarilymeshitsactionswitho urmoves.likeacobra,anynewenemywillmorelikelyst rikewheneveritfeelsthattherelativityinmilitary orotherpotentialisinitsfavoronaworld-widebasis .thetragedyofkoreaisfurtherheightenedbythefactt hatitsmilitaryactionisconfinedtoitsterritorial limits.itcondemnsthatnation,whichitisourpurposetosave,tosufferthedevastatingimpactoffullnava landairbombardmentwhiletheenemyssanctuariesare fullyprotectedfromsuchattackanddevastation.ofthenationsoftheworld,koreaalone,uptonow,isth esoleonewhichhasriskeditsallagainstcommunism.t hemagnificenceofthecourageandfortitudeofthekor eanpeopledefiesdescription.theyhavechosentoriskdeathratherthanslavery.the irlastwordstomewere:"dontscuttlethepacific!"ihavejustleftyourfightingsonsinkorea.theyhavem etallteststhere,andicanreporttoyouwithoutreser vationthattheyaresplendidineveryway.itwasmyconstantefforttopreservethemandendthiss avageconflicthonorablyandwiththeleastlossoftim eandaminimumsacrificeoflife.itsgrowingbloodshe dhascausedmethedeepestanguishandanxiety.thosegallantmenwillremainofteninmythoughtsandi nmyprayersalways.iamclosingmy52yearsofmilitaryservice.whenijoin edthearmy,evenbeforetheturnofthecentury,itwast hefulfillmentofallofmyboyishhopesanddreams.the worldhasturnedovermanytimessinceitooktheoathon theplainatwestpoint,andthehopesanddreamshavelo ngsincevanished,butistillremembertherefrainofo neofthemostpopularbarrackballadsofthatdaywhich proclaimedmostproudlythat"oldsoldiersneverdie; theyjustfadeaway."andliketheoldsoldierofthatballad,inowclosemymi litarycareerandjustfadeaway,anoldsoldierwhotri edtodohisdutyasgodgavehimthelighttoseethatduty .goodbye.。

  1. 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性,平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
  2. 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
  3. 3、如文档侵犯您的权益,请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间:9:00-18:30)。

Andy Xie: Good Tidings in 2011The global economy may be coming up for a breach of fresh air in 2011. Fiscal and monetary policies around the world have been highly stimulated for three years. The additional monetary and fiscal stimulus measures by the U.S. could generate an upside surprise to its 2011 growth rate. Most emerging economies continue to grow rapidly. By the middle of 2011, most analysts may declare that the world has finally put the financial crisis behind.The reality is quite different. The global economy is kept afloat by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus around the world. The main problem in the global economy – high costs and declining competitiveness in the developed world, and inflation plus asset bubbles in the developing world continue unabated. Either inflation in the developing world or unsustainable sovereign debt in the developed world will spark the next crisis.China has an opportunity to gain immunity against the next crisis.The last crisis started in the U.S. If China hadn't reformed a decade ago, it could have started in China. An economic crisis in China would have prolonged the U.S.'s economic cycle by bringing down oil and other commodity prices, which would have improved the U.S.'s cash flow.The most likely candidates to trigger the next global crisis are the U.S.'s sovereign debt or China's inflation. When one goes down first, the other can prolong its economic cycle. China may have won the last race. To win the next one, China must tackle its inflation problem, which is ultimately a political and structural issue, in 2011. If China does, the U.S. will again be the cause for the next global crisis. China will suffer from declining exports but benefit from lower oil prices.On the other hand, if China has a hard landing, the U.S.'s trade deficit can drop dramatically, maybe by 50 percent, due to lower import prices. It would boost the dollar's value and bring down the U.S.'s treasury yield. The U.S. can have lower financing costs and lower expenditures. The combination allows the U.S. to enjoy a period of good growth.One could describe the global economy as a race between the U.S. and China, to see who goes down first.This coming year is China's opportunity.The Obama administration just passed a big tax reduction bill. This is happening even as the U.S. already has a massive fiscal deficit and the national indebtedness is the highest since the World War II. The Fed just reemphasized its commitment to QE 2. It has made its intention crystal clear: As long as the unemployment rate is high and inflation rate is low, it will continue with QE.I have argued several times before why the U.S.'s stimulus won't bring lasting growth. I'm not sure that the stimulus advocates in the U.S. believe what they say. The real intention for the new Obama tax cut is to get him re-elected in 2012. The mid-term election this year shows that, unless the U.S.'s unemployment rate drops significantly, he will lose hisre-election bid then.The Fed's intention, I think, is to inflate away the U.S.'s debts. The U.S.'s household sector needs to cut its leverage by half to become normal again. If it is done through saving more, the U.S. economy will be weak for a long time, which would keep the fiscalrevenue low and the government deficit out of control. The U.S. could slide into a vicious spiral. If the Fed manages to bring it down through inflation, the U.S. economy may escape such a fate.Inflation is good for the U.S., because foreigners own nearly 100 percent of its GDP in financial assets. With its massive U.S. debt holdings, China will suffer especially hard. Indeed, if China's foreign exchange reserves evaporate in value, it becomes very vulnerable, unless its structural problems are solved.Regardless of how one views the intentions and effectiveness of the U.S.'s policies, they lead to a good environment in 2011 for China to tackle its inflation problem without worrying about a big growth slowdown.Stability, not fast growth, is China's priority.China's nominal GDP may reach US$ 6 trillion in 2010. If it rises at 10 percent per annum in the next decade, half as much as in the past decade, it would reach US$ 15.6 trillion by 2020, rivaling the U.S.'s GDP today. Stable growth, rather maximum growth at high risk is now in China's best interest.Some analysts argue that a developing country must go through a period of breakneck and unbalanced growth for it to jump out of poverty. I share this view. For most developing countries, they need to spend as much on infrastructure and increasing manufacturing capacity as possible. The conventional view on investment efficiency doesn't apply to developing countries. But, China has jumped through already. "Steady as she goes," can bring China into the developed world in the foreseeable future.Now is not the time for China to take on too much risk for maintaining growth. Even a six percent growth rate is good enough for China. China should err on the conservative side in the trade off between growth and stability.A big financial crisis is never about an innocent mistake. It is often due to policies that prolong the economic cycle while avoiding necessary structural changes. For the developed world, the fundamental problem is that its high cost society built after World War II isn't sustainable in the age of globalization, because its labor income is being pulled down by globalization, which decreases fiscal revenue for supporting the welfare society. Greenspan's bubble-prone liquidity policy gave incentive to the U.S.'s household sector to defend its lifestyle through increasing debt, which covered up the underlying structural problem for a decade.The European sovereign debt crises are due to the same force. The Southern European countries were hit especially hard during the past decade of globalization. They were quite dependent on labor intensive manufacturing before. As these industries were wiped out, they turned to government largesse to sustain their living standards. The establishment of the euro allowed these countries to borrow at the German interest rate, which made the debt problem manageable for the time being. When the market saw through them, they had to pay third world interest rates. They must cut their public expenditures dramatically to stay solvent.The U.S. is dealing with its consequences of its financial crisis by running up government debt. It is doing what some European countries have been doing. Of course, the Fed can monetize the government debt, i.e., the U.S. doesn't have to beg for help to deal with its public debt in the future. But, printing money on such a scale will likely lead to the totalcollapse of the dollar's value, like the Russian ruble in 1998, and result in hyperinflation. While hyperinflation is beneficial to the U.S. by wiping clean its foreign debt, the dollar will forever lose its reserve currency status that might be worth three percent of GDP per annum and over half of GDP in present value. The U.S. may not gain from such a solution. Developing economies are suffering from inflation and asset bubbles. Globalization is bringing unprecedented amounts of capital into them as multinational corporations move to arbitrage the cost difference between developed and developing world. The low interest rates in the former have also sparked hot money flow into the later. Some inflation in the developing world is inevitable.The asset bubbles are even more serious for the developing world. Globalization has brought prosperity to the developing world, but not evenly across their populations. The ones that hold jobs that the developed world still has enjoy first world wages. Those who compete against others in the developing world only receive third world wages. The former group pays less their counterparts in the developed world for living and has big savings to buy assets. It leads to rising asset prices. The governments are attracted by it as an easy revenue source. Hence, they support the bubbles.The inflation and bubbles in the developing world are not yet destabilizing because the dollar is weak and the hot money supports their currency values. Historically, inflation becomes a crisis in the developing world when the dollar turns around and appreciates. However, it is possible for inflation to create a crisis without a currency crisis. It erodes the purchasing power of the people at the bottom. Social unrest can lead to political crisis. China must address its property bubble.China's inflation problem stems from the country's rapid monetary growth in the past decade. That is due to the need to finance a vast property sector, which is, in turn, to generate fiscal revenues for local governments to finance their vast expenditure programs. Unless something is done to limit local government expenditure, China's inflation problem is likely to get out of control.The government now recognizes inflation as the country's main challenge. It has raised interest rates once, deposit reserve ratios several times, and announced its intention to introduce price controls. The barrage of unconventional measures is due to the belief that China's economy is different from others and the conventional measure of raising interest rates may not be effective or necessary. The reluctance to change the price of money and the willingness to change the price of goods and services has not worked well so far. Many in China argue that it is better to control the quantity of money rather than price. The price and quantity are two sides of the same coin. For the quantity measure to be effective, it needs to bring down inflation dramatically. A powerful government could make the quantity policy work by limiting credit expansion and forcing down the prices of goods and services. The Chinese government is trying to do exactly that.The policy's effectiveness is quite limited so far. The government has been targeting credit expansion for the past year. But, the credit expansion outside of the system has made up for the slowdown within. For example, banks can sell corporate loans to their depositors directly, shrinking its balance sheet to meet the government's target. But, nothing has changed in reality. Fitch documented this phenomenon in its recent report.The ineffectiveness of the recent measures casts doubts on the government's sincerity infighting inflation. The constant and marginal policy announcements could be interpreted that the inflation fighting is now largely a propaganda job. Such perceptions could spark popular panic, which would cause the household sector to hoard goods like rice and cooking oil. When the masses flee from holding money, a full blown crisis will unfold.I have been arguing for increasing interest rates. That won't cure inflation either. It is meant to compensate depositors to sustain the value of their wealth. It can prevent social unrest. To cure inflation, China must deal with government expenditures. Unless it is restrained, inflation will continue and keep rising.There are two ways to limit local government expenditure. One is to cut their funding source. Their main revenue sources are land sales, property taxes, and bank loans. The last source is drying up a bit, as banks are saddled with high exposure to the sector already and are trying to decrease it. This change isn't biting yet because local governments haven't spent all the money they borrowed before.Deflating the property bubble will have a bigger effect on local government funding. Last year, new property sales reached 14 percent of GDP. The money went one way or another into the government's coffers. Considering the pace of the property market growth local governments expect much more from it in the future. They have planned their expenditures accordingly.The property under contraction may be worth half of China's 2010 GDP. The land banks that the property developers hold and local governments have prepared could build properties worth considerably more. If all these properties are sold at the current prices, the money supply needs to expand rapidly, at least continuing the 20 percent per annum pace of the past eight years, i.e., money supply doubling every four years. Runaway inflation is inevitable in such a scenario.One could play games with the money supply statistics by limiting the quantity under the formal definition while leaving loopholes for credit expansion through other channels. It won't change the reality. Inflation will continue to rise even when the government reports slower monetary growth.Only when property prices drop sharply can we believe that the government is serious about fighting inflation. The level of property prices defines how much local governments can spend. Fighting the property bubble is a must for fighting inflation. As long as property price remains elevated, fighting inflation must be a show only.Is the solution to the problem is to cut off funding for local governments? I'm not sure. China's local governments are so powerful that they can decisively influence the national policies and find new ways to raise revenues. Without reforming the local governments China's inflation problem may not be solvable.While conspiracy theories are very popular in China, the reality is that only a bad mistake by itself can cause a big crisis. China is so large and so popular among multinational corporations that it has numerous advantages in the today's world. The international environment is a big plus for the country. Only a big mistake by itself can trigger a crisis. China has a strong government. The household sector or the business sector lives in the shadow of the government. Only the government system malfunctioning can cause a crisis to bring down the economy. Runaway government expenditure is a clear and present danger to the country. The coming year provides a great opportunity for China todeal with the problem. But, if China lets the property bubble grow, as has happened under previous circumstances, China could suffer a hard landing in 2012. It could unsettle China's development path like so many times in the past century.。

相关文档
最新文档