The Behavior and Performance of Individual Investors in Japan

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人们的行为的英语作文

人们的行为的英语作文

Peoples behavior is a complex and multifaceted subject that can be explored from various angles in an English essay.Here are some key points that could be included in an essay about peoples behavior:1.Cultural Influence:Discuss how cultural norms and values shape the behavior of individuals within different societies.For example,the concept of respect for elders in Asian cultures versus the more egalitarian approach in Western societies.2.Social Conditioning:Explore the idea that peoples behavior is often a result of social conditioning from an early age.This could include the influence of family,peers,and media.3.Personality Traits:Analyze how individual personality traits,such as introversion or extroversion,can affect behavior in different social situations.4.Emotional States:Discuss the impact of emotions on behavior.For instance,how anger can lead to aggressive behavior or how happiness can make someone more sociable.5.Situational Factors:Examine how the context or situation can influence behavior.For example,people might act differently in a professional setting compared to a casual social gathering.6.Ethical Considerations:Reflect on the role of ethics in guiding behavior.Discuss how moral values can influence decisionmaking and actions.7.Conformity and NonConformity:Explore the concept of conformity,where individuals behave in a manner that aligns with the group,and nonconformity,where individuals choose to act differently.8.The Role of Education:Discuss how education can influence behavior by imparting knowledge,values,and critical thinking skills that shape decisionmaking.9.Behavioral Psychology:Delve into psychological theories that explain human behavior, such as operant conditioning,cognitive dissonance,or the stages of moral development proposed by Lawrence Kohlberg.10.The Impact of Technology:Consider how technological advancements,particularly in the realm of social media,have changed the way people interact and behave.11.Stress and Coping Mechanisms:Discuss how stress can affect behavior and thecoping mechanisms people use to deal with challenging situations.12.Behavioral Change:Explore the process of behavioral change,including the factors that motivate individuals to change their behavior and the strategies that can support lasting change.13.Legal and Moral Boundaries:Discuss the intersection of legal and moral boundaries in shaping behavior,and how societal expectations and laws can influence what is considered acceptable behavior.14.The Influence of Role Models:Reflect on the impact that role models,such as celebrities,athletes,or political figures,can have on shaping the behavior of others.15.Future Predictions:Speculate on how behavior might evolve in the future, considering factors such as technological advancements,globalization,and changing societal values.When writing an essay on peoples behavior,its important to provide specific examples, cite relevant research or theories,and maintain a clear and logical structure.Additionally, a balanced perspective that acknowledges the complexity of human behavior and the various factors that influence it will make the essay more compelling and insightful.。

!!学生参与促进发展

!!学生参与促进发展

Student Involvement: A Developmental Theory for Higher EducationAlexander W. AstinA student development theory based on student involvement is presented and described, and the implications for practice and research are discussed.Even a casual reading of the extensive literature on student development in higher education can create confusion and perplexity. One finds not only that the problems being studied are highly diverse but also that investigators who claim to be studying the same problem frequently do not look at the same variables or employ the same methodologies. And even when they are investi-gating the same variables, different investigators may use completely different terms to describe and discuss these variables.My own interest in articulating a theory of student development is partly practical—I would like to bring some order into the chaos of the literature—and partly self-protective. I and increasingly bewildered by the muddle of f indings that have emerged from my own research in student development, research that I have been engaged in for more than 20 years.The theory of student involvement that I describe in this article appeals to me for several reasons. First, it is simple: I have not needed to draw a maze consisting of dozens of boxes interconnected by two-headed arrows to explain the basic elements of the theory to others.Second, the theory can explain most of the empirical knowledge about environmental influences on student development that re-searchers have gained over the years. Third, it is capable of embracing principles from such widely divergent sources as psychoanalysis and classical learning theory. Finally, this theory of student involvement can be used both by researchers to guide their investigation of student development—and by college administrators andOriginally published July 1984. Alexander W . Astin, Graduate School of Education, University of California,Los Angeles.faculty—to help them design more effective learning environments.BASIC ELEMENTS OF THE THEORY Let me first explain what I mean by involvement,a construct that should not be either mysterious or esoteric. Quite simply, student involvement refers to the amount of physical and psycho-logical energy that the student devotes to the academic experience. Thus, a highly involved student is one who, for example, devotes considerable energy to studying, spends much time on campus, participates actively in student organizations, and interacts frequently with faculty members and other students. Conversely,a typical uninvolved student neglects studies,spends little time on campus, abstains from extracurricular activities, and has infrequent contact with faculty members or other students.These hypothetical examples are only intended to be illustrative; there are many other possible forms of involvement, which are discussed in detail below.In certain respects the concept of involve-ment closely resembles the Freudian concept of cathexis, which I learned about in my former career as a clinical psychologist. Freud believed that people invest psychological energy in objects and persons outside of themselves. In other words, people can cathect on their friends,families, schoolwork, and jobs. The involvement concept also resembles closely what the learning theorists have traditionally referred to as vigilance or time-on-task. The concept of effort,although much narrower, has much in common with the concept of involvement.To give a better sense of what I mean by the term involvement , I have listed below the results of several hours that I spent recentlyDevelopmental Theorylooking in dictionaries and a thesaurus for words or phrases that capture some of the intended meaning. Because involvement is, to me, an active term, the list uses verb forms.attach oneself tocommit oneself todevote oneself toengage ingo in forincline towardjoin inpartake ofparticipate inplunge intoshow enthusiasm fortackletake a fancy totake an interest intake ontake part intake totake upundertakeMost of these terms are behavioral in meaning. I could have also included words and phrases that are more “interior” in nature, such as value, care for, stress, accentuate, and emphasize. But in the sense that I am using the term, involvement implies a behavioral compo-nent. I am not denying that motivation is an important aspect of involvement, but rather I am emphasizing that the behavioral aspects, in my judgment, are critical: It is not so much what the individual thinks or feels, but what the individual does, how he or she behaves, that defines and identifies involvement.At this stage in its development, the involve-ment theory has five basic postulates:1.Involvement refers to the investment ofphysical and psychological energy in various objects. The objects may be highly gen-eralized (the student experience) or highly specific (preparing for a chemistryexamination).2.Regardless of its object, involvement occursalong a continuum; that is, different students manifest different degrees of involvement ina given object, and the same student mani-fests different degrees of involvement in different objects at different times.3.Involvement has both quantitative andqualitative features. The extent of a student’s involvement in academic work, for instance, can be measured quantitatively (how many hours the student spends studying) and qualitatively (whether the student reviews and comprehends reading assignments or simply stares at the textbook and day-dreams).4.The amount of student learning and personaldevelopment associated with any edu-cational program is directly proportional to the quality and quantity of student involve-ment in that program.5.The effectiveness of any educational policyor practice is directly related to the capacity of that policy or practice to increase student involvement.These last two propositions are, of course, the key educational postulates, because they provide clues for designing more effective educational programs for students. Strictly speaking, they do not really qualify as postulates, because they are subject to empirical proof. Indeed, much of the recommended research on involvement (dis-cussed below) would be designed to test these two propositions.TRADITIONAL PEDAGOGICAL THEORIESA major impetus for the development of the student involvement theory was my exasperation at the tendency of many academicians to treat the student as a kind of “black box.” On the input end of this black box are the various policies and programs of a college or university; on the output end are various types of achievement measures such as the GPA or scores on standardized tests. It seemed that something was missing: someAstin (1984)mediating mechanism that would explain how these educational programs and policies are translated into student achievement and development.I am not implying that the actions and policies of most faculty members and admini-strators are not guided by some kind of educa-tional theory. But usually any such theory is only implicit in their actions; it is seldom stated formally or examined critically. Even when college personnel are aware of the theories that guide their actions, they seem to accept them as gospel rather than as testable propositions. In any event, it may be useful to examine these implicit pedagogical theories and to show how the theory of student involvement can help tie them more directly to student developmental outcomes. I have identified three implicit pedagogical theories, labeled for simplicity the subject-matter, the resource, and the individualized (or eclectic) theories.The Subject-Matter TheoryThe subject-matter theory of pedagogy, which could also be labeled the content theory, is popular among college professors. According to this theory, student learning and development depend primarily on exposure to the right subject matter. Thus, a “liberal education” consists of an assortment of “worthwhile” courses. Indi-vidual courses, in turn, are evaluated in terms of the content reflected, for example, in course syllabi. Indeed, in most colleges and universities teaching performance is evaluated by inspecting the professor’s course syllabi. Given this strong emphasis on course content, it is not surprising that proponents of this theory tend to believe that students learn by attending lectures, doing the reading assignments, and working in the library. To the extent that written and oral presentations by the student are used as learning tools, they generally focus on the content of the reading or the lecture.In the subject-matter approach to learning, those professors with the greatest knowledge of a particular subject matter have the highest prestige. Indeed, because of this emphasis on specialized knowledge, this approach seems to encourage the fragmentation and specialization of faculty interests and to equate scholarly expertise with pedagogical ability.But perhaps the most serious limitation of the subject-matter theory is that it assigns students a passive role in the learning process: The “knowledgeable” professor lectures to the “ignorant” student so that the student can acquire the same knowledge. Such an approach clearly favors highly motivated students and those who tend to be avid readers and good listeners. Students who are slow readers or who have no intrinsic interest in the subject matter of a particular course are not well served by this approach. In fact, recent attempts to expand educational opportunities for underprepared students have probably been hindered by the continued adherence of most faculty members to the subject-matter theory of learning (Astin, 1982).The Resource TheoryThe resource theory of pedagogy is a favorite among administrators and policymakers. Used here, the term resources includes a wide range of ingredients believed to enhance student learning: physical facilities (laboratories, libraries, and audiovisual aids), human resources (well-trained faculty members, counselors, and support personnel), and fiscal resources (finan-cial aid, endowments, and extramural research funds). In effect, the resource theory maintains that if adequate resources are brought together in one place, student learning and development will occur. Many college administrators believe that the acquisition of resources is their most important duty.One resource measure that is particularly popular is the student-faculty ratio. Many administrators believe that the lower the ratio, the greater the learning and personal develop-ment that will occur. But the resource theory has qualitative as well as quantitative aspects, such as the belief that increasing the proportion of “high-quality” professors on the faculty (quality in this instance is defined primarily in terms of scholarly productivity and national visibility) will strengthen the educational environment. Actually, many research-oriented institutions could probably afford to hire more faculty members ifDevelopmental Theorythey were less committed to recruiting and retaining faculty members who are highly visible in their disciplines. In short, such policies involve a trade-off between quantity and quality.The resource theory of pedagogy also tends to include the belief that high-achieving students are a resource, that large numbers of such students on the campus enhance the quality of the learning environment for all students. Acting on this belief, many institutions invest substantial financial resources in the recruitment of high-achieving students.The resource theory has two principal limitations. First, certain resources, such as bright students and prestigious faculty, are finite. As a result, the institutional energies expended in recruiting high-achieving students and presti-gious faculty serve merely to redistribute these finite resources rather than to add to the total pool of such resources. In other words, a successful faculty or student recruitment program may benefit a particular institution, but the benefit comes at the expense of other institutions. As a consequence, widespread acceptance of the resource theory as it applies to faculty and students tends, paradoxically, to reduce the total resources available to the entire higher education community.The second problem with this approach is its focus on the mere accumulation of resources with little attention given to the use or deploy-ment of such resources. For instance, having established a multimillion-volume library, the administration may neglect to find out whether students are making effective use of that library. Similarly, having successfully recruited a faculty “star,” the college may pay little attention to whether the new faculty member works effec-tively with students.The Individualized (Eclectic) TheoryThe individualized theory—a favorite of many developmental and learning psychologists (Chickering & Associates, 1981)—assumes that no single approach to subject matter, teaching, or resource allocation is adequate for all students. Rather, it attempts to identify the curricular content and instructional methods that best meet the needs of the individual student. With its emphasis on borrowing what is most useful from other pedagogical approaches, this flexible approach could also be termed eclectic.In contrast to the subject-matter approach, which generally results in a fixed set of curricular requirements (i.e., courses that all students must take), the individualized approach emphasizes electives. Most college curricula represent a mixture of the subject-matter and individualized theories; that is, students must take certain required courses or satisfy certain distributional requirements but also have the option of taking a certain number of elective courses.But the individualized theory goes far beyond curriculum. It emphasizes, for instance, the importance to the student of advising and counseling and of independent study. The philosophy underlying most student personnel work (guidance, counseling, selective placement, and student support services) implicitly incor-porates the individualized or eclectic theory of student development.The individualized approach is also associ-ated with particular instructional techniques such as self-paced instruction. This theory has led some educators to espouse the “competency-based” learning model (Grant et al., 1979), whereby common learning objectives (compe-tencies) are formulated for all students, but the time allowed to reach these objectives is highly variable and the instructional techniques used are highly individualized.The most obvious limitation of the indivi-dualized theory is that it can be extremely expensive to implement, because each student normally requires considerable individualized attention. In addition, because there are virtually no limitations to the possible variations in subject matter and pedagogical approach, the indi-vidualized theory is difficult to define with precision. Furthermore, given the state of research on learning, it is currently impossible to specify which types of educational programs or teaching techniques are most effective with which types of learners. In other words, although the theory is appealing in the abstract, it is extremely difficult to put into practice.Astin (1984)THE PLACE OF THE THEORY OF STUDENT INVOLVEMENTIn what way does the theory of student involve-ment relate to these traditional pedagogical theories? I believe that it can provide a link between the variables emphasized in these theories (subject matter, resources, and indivi-dualization of approach) and the learning outcomes desired by the student and the pro-fessor. In other words, the theory of student involvement argues that a particular curriculum, to achieve the effects intended, must elicit sufficient student effort and investment of energy to bring about the desired learning and develop-ment. Simply exposing the student to a particular set of courses may or may not work. The theory of involvement, in other words, provides a conceptual substitute for the black box that is implicit in the three traditional pedagogical theories.The content theory, in particular, tends to place students in a passive role as recipients of information. The theory of involvement, on the other hand, emphasizes active participation of the student in the learning process. Recent research at the precollegiate level (Rosenshine, 1982) has suggested that learning will be greatest when the learning environment is structured to encourage active participation by the student.On a more subtle level, the theory of student involvement encourages educators to focus less on what they do and more on what the student does: how motivated the student is and how much time and energy the student devotes to the learning process. The theory assumes that student learning and development will not be impressive if educators focus most of their attention on course content, teaching techniques, laboratories, books, and other resources. With this approach, student involvement—rather than the resources or techniques typically used by educators—becomes the focus of concern.Thus, the construct of student involvement in certain respects resembles a more common construct in psychology: motivation. I personally prefer the term involvement, however, because it implies more than just a psychological state; it connotes the behavioral manifestation of that state. Involvement, in other words, is more susceptible to direct observation and measure-ment than is the more abstract psychological construct of motivation. Moreover, involvement seems to be a more useful construct for edu-cational practitioners. “How do you motivate students?” is probably a more difficult question to answer than “How do you get students involved?”The theory of student involvement is qualitatively different from the developmental theories that have received so much attention in the literature of higher education during the past few years. These theories are of at least two types: those that postulate a series of hier-archically arranged developmental stages (e.g., Heath, 1968; Kohlberg, 1971; Loevinger, 1966; Perry, 1970) and those that view student develop-ment in multidimensional terms (e.g., Brown & DeCoster, 1982; Chickering, 1969). (For recent, comprehensive summaries of these theories see Chickering & Associates, 1981; Hanson, 1982.) Whereas these theories focus primarily on developmental outcomes (the what of student development), the theory of student involvement is more concerned with the behavioral mech-anisms or processes that facilitate student development (the how of student development). These two types of theories can be studied simultaneously (see “Research Possibilities”section below).Student Time as a ResourceCollege administrators are constantly pre-occupied with the accumulation and allocation of fiscal resources; the theory of student involve-ment, however, suggests that the most precious institutional resource may be student time. According to the theory, the extent to which students can achieve particular developmental goals is a direct function of the time and effort they devote to activities designed to produce these gains. For example, if increased knowledge and understanding of history is an important goal for history majors, the extent to which students reach this goal is a direct function of the time they spend at such activities as listening to professors talk about history, reading books about history, and discussing history with other students. Generally, the more time students spendDevelopmental Theoryin these activities, the more history they learn.The theory of student involvement explicitly acknowledges that the psychic and physical time and energy of students are finite. Thus, educators are competing with other forces in the student’s life for a share of that finite time and energy. Here are the basic ingredients of a so-called “zero-sum” game, in which the time and energy that the student invests in family, friends, job, and other outside activities represent a reduction in the time and energy the student has to devote to educational development.Administrators and faculty members must recognize that virtually every institutional policy and practice (e.g., class schedules; regulations on class attendance, academic probation, and participation in honors courses; policies on office hours for faculty, student orientation, and advising) can affect the way students spend their time and the amount of effort they devote to academic pursuits. Moreover, administrative decisions about many nonacademic issues (e.g., the location of new buildings such as dormitories and student unions; rules governing residency; the design of recreational and living facilities; on-campus employment opportunities; number and type of extracurricular activities and regulations regarding participation; the fre-quency, type, and cost of cultural events; roommate assignments; financial aid policies; the relative attractiveness of eating facilities on and off campus; parking regulations) can significantly affect how students spend their time and energy. RELEVANT RESEARCHThe theory of student involvement has its roots in a longitudinal study of college dropouts (Astin, 1975) that endeavored to identify factors in the college environment that significantly affect the student’s persistence in college. It turned out that virtually every significant effect could be rationalized in terms of the involvement concept; that is, every positive factor was likely to increase student involvement in the undergraduate experience, whereas every negative factor was likely to reduce involvement. In other words, the factors that contributed to the student’s remaining in college suggested involvement, whereas those that contributed to the student’s dropping out implied a lack of involvement.What were these significant environmental factors? Probably the most important and pervasive was the student’s residence. Living in a campus residence was positively related to retention, and this positive effect occurred in all types of institutions and among all types of students regardless of sex, race, ability, or family background. Similar results had been obtained in earlier studies (Astin, 1973; Chickering, 1974) and have been subsequently replicated (Astin, 1977, 1982). It is obvious that students who live in residence halls have more time and oppor-tunity to get involved in all aspects of campus life. Indeed, simply by eating, sleeping, and spending their waking hours on the college campus, residential students have a better chance than do commuter students of developing a strong identification and attachment to under-graduate life.The longitudinal study also showed that students who join social fraternities or sororities or participate in extracurricular activities of almost any type are less likely to drop out. Participation in sports, particularly inter-collegiate sports, has an especially pronounced, positive effect on persistence. Other activities that enhance retention include enrollment in honors programs, involvement in ROTC, and participation in professors’ undergraduate research projects.One of the most interesting environmental factors that affected retention was holding a part-time job on campus. Although it might seem that working while attending college takes time and energy away from academic pursuits, part-time employment in an on-campus job actually facilitates retention. Apparently such work, which also includes work-study combinations, operates in much the same way as residential living: The student is spending time on the campus, thus increasing the likelihood that he or she will come into contact with other students, professors, and college staff. On a more subtle psychological level, relying on the college as a source of income can result in a greater sense of attachment to the college.Retention suffers, however, if the studentAstin (1984)works off campus at a full-time job. Because the student is spending considerable time and energy on nonacademic activities that are usually unrelated to student life, full-time work off campus decreases the time and energy that the student can devote to studies and other campus activities.Findings concerning the effects of different types of colleges are also relevant to the theory of involvement. Thus, the most consistent finding—reported in almost every longitudinal study of student development—is that the student’s chances of dropping out are sub-stantially greater at a 2-year college than at a 4-year college. The negative effects of attending a community college are observed even after the variables of entering student characteristics and lack of residence and work are considered (Astin, 1975, 1977). Community colleges are places where the involvement of both faculty and students seems to be minimal. Most (if not all) students are commuters, and a large proportion attend college on a part-time basis (thus, they presumably manifest less involvement simply because of their part-time status). Similarly, a large proportion of faculty members are em-ployed on a part-time basis.The 1975 study of dropouts also produced some interesting findings regarding the “fit”between student and college: Students are more likely to persist at religious colleges if their own religious backgrounds are similar; Blacks are more likely to persist at Black colleges than at White colleges; and students from small towns are more likely to persist in small than in large colleges. The origin of such effects probably lies in the student’s ability to identify with the institution. It is easier to become involved when one can identify with the college environment.Further support for the involvement theory can be found by examining the reasons that students give for dropping out of college. For men the most common reason is boredom with courses, clearly implying a lack of involvement. The most common reason for women is marriage, pregnancy, or other responsibilities, a set of competing objects that drain away the time and energy that women could otherwise devote to being students.The persister-dropout phenomenon provides an ideal paradigm for studying student involve-ment. Thus, if we conceive of involvement as occurring along a continuum, the act of dropping out can be viewed as the ultimate form of noninvolvement, and dropping out anchors the involvement continuum at the lowest end.Because of the apparent usefulness of the involvement theory as it applied to the earlier research on dropping out, I decided to investigate the involvement phenomenon more intensively by studying the impact of college on a wide range of other outcomes (Astin, 1977). This study, which used longitudinal data on several samples totaling more than 200,000 students and ex-amined more than 80 different student outcomes, focused on the effects of several different types of involvement: place of residence, honors programs, undergraduate research participation, social fraternities and sororities, academic involvement, student-faculty interaction, athletic involvement, and involvement in student govern-ment. In understanding the effects of these various forms of involvement it is important to keep in mind the overall results of this study: College attendance in general seems to strength-en students’ competency, self-esteem, artistic interests, liberalism, hedonism, and religious apostasy and to weaken their business interests.Perhaps the most important general con-clusion I reached from this elaborate analysis was that nearly all forms of student involvement are associated with greater than average changes in entering freshman characteristics. And for certain student outcomes involvement is more strongly associated with change than either entering freshman characteristics or institutional charac-teristics. The following is a summary of the results for specific forms of involvement. Place of ResidenceLeaving home to attend college has significant effects on most college outcomes. Students who live in campus residences are much more likely than commuter students to become less religious and more hedonistic. Residents also show greater gains than commuters in artistic interests, liberalism, and interpersonal self-esteem. Living in a dormitory is positively associated with。

青年亚文化

青年亚文化

周三1.Image you are a policy maker. (i) What issues do you think leaders should consider when planning for youth development in 21st century China? Why? (ii) Give 2 or 3 practical recommendations for the development of youth research in China.想象你是一个政策的制定者,在为21世纪对中国青年发展中,你觉得领导者们需要注意些什么问题?为什么?并为中国年轻一代的发展调查提供两到三个实际性的意见?Creativity is the power for national advancement and it should be highlighted for training methods .For training objects, the differences among teenager-indiviuals ,family environments ,economic conditions and education levels which will lead to youth differences should be paid attention to.Teenagers Internet addiction problems. As a new media and an approach to getting information, Internet has taken up an increasingly important place in people’s daily life, study and work. Unfortunately, it is obviously that Internet has brought negative effects that teenagers are addicted to online games and even they develop the IAD( Internet Addition Disorder), which has become a difficult social problem. If addicted to online games, they will lack of interpersonal communication and tend to be autistic, which will do certain harm totheir physiological and metal health. “Attack, combat and competition”are the main components in online games, and the fierce exciting contents obscure their moral cognitionand weaken the difference between virtual game and real life. Teenagers will misunderstand it is reasonable to hurt others through it. At present, the problems of moral disorder, deviant behavior and illegal criminal activity are gradually increasing and Internet is called electronic heroin. We should do as follows.1) strengthen the network moral education for teenagers, form the good habit of onlinesurfing and make students realize the harmfulness of IAD and constrain their own behaviorconsciously. 2) Establish and improve the youth counseling agencies. We should discover adolescents’ psychological problems and then do the counseling, preventing teenagers with negative psychological characteristics from becoming addicted to online games and developing the IAD.《中国21世纪培养青少年发展战略-褚平》中国青年政治学院学报,2002年1月《China to cultivate teenagers development strategy in the 21st century-Zhupin》在培养方法上需要突出创新性,创新是一个民族进步的动力。

表演才艺的英语作文

表演才艺的英语作文

表演才艺的英语作文Performing talents is a delightful experience that can bring joy to both the performer and the audience. Heres a detailed English composition on showcasing ones talents through various forms of performance.Title The Joy of Performing TalentsFrom the moment we are born we are surrounded by the beauty of human expression. The ability to perform is a gift that can be cultivated and shared with others. Whether its through music dance acting or any other form of art performing ones talents is a way to connect with others on a deeper level.IntroductionThe world of performance is vast and varied. It offers a platform for individuals to express themselves creatively and emotionally. For me the journey of performing began at a young age and it has been a significant part of my life ever since.Body Paragraph 1 The BeginningMy first encounter with performing was in a school play. I was cast as a minor character but the thrill of being on stage was electrifying. The weeks of rehearsal the camaraderie among the cast and the final applause from the audience were experiences that left an indelible mark on me.Body Paragraph 2 The Development of SkillsAs I grew older I explored various forms of performance. I took up piano lessons which allowed me to delve into the world of music. The discipline required to master an instrument taught me patience and perseverance. I also joined a dance class where the rhythm and movement became an extension of my emotions.Body Paragraph 3 The Impact of PerformancePerforming has not only been a source of personal joy but also a means to inspire others.Through my performances I have been able to touch the hearts of the audience evoke emotions and sometimes even change perspectives. The feedback and appreciation I receive are incredibly rewarding and motivate me to continue honing my skills.Body Paragraph 4 Overcoming ChallengesThe path of a performer is not without its challenges. There have been moments of selfdoubt stage fright and the pressure to perform flawlessly. However these challenges have also been opportunities for growth. They have taught me the importance of preparation resilience and the ability to learn from mistakes.ConclusionIn conclusion performing ones talents is a journey of selfdiscovery and selfexpression. It is a way to communicate with the world without words to share stories and to create shared experiences. For me the joy of performing is in the process itselfthe preparation the performance and the connection with the audience. It is a journey that I cherish and look forward to continuing for many years to come.This composition provides a comprehensive view of the experience of performing talents from the initial spark of interest to the ongoing journey of growth and development. It highlights the personal fulfillment and the impact that performing can have on both the performer and the audience.。

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator Being a good motivator is crucial in various aspects of life, whether it be in the workplace, at home, or within a community. The ability to inspire and encourage others can have a significant impact on their performance, well-being, and overall success. As a leader, friend, or family member, being a good motivator can help create a positive and supportive environment, leading to greater productivity, stronger relationships, and a sense of fulfillment. In this essay, we will explore the importance of being a good motivator from different perspectives, including the benefits it brings to individuals, teams, and organizations. From an individual perspective, being a good motivator can make a world of difference in someone's life. Whether it's a colleague struggling with a project, a friend facing a personal challenge, or a family member pursuing a goal, the support and encouragement of a good motivator can provide the necessary pushto overcome obstacles and achieve success. When someone feels motivated and inspired, they are more likely to stay focused, work harder, and maintain apositive attitude, leading to personal growth and a sense of accomplishment. As a good motivator, one has the power to instill confidence and determination in others, helping them to believe in themselves and their abilities. In the context of a team or organization, the role of a good motivator becomes even more critical.A motivated team is a productive team, and a productive team is essential for the success of any organization. A good motivator can help create a positive work environment, boost morale, and foster a sense of unity among team members. By recognizing and appreciating the efforts of others, providing constructive feedback, and setting clear goals, a good motivator can help individuals and teams perform at their best. Moreover, a good motivator can also inspire creativity and innovation, as individuals feel empowered to take risks and think outside the box. Furthermore, being a good motivator can also have a ripple effect, impacting not only those directly influenced but also the overall culture and atmosphere of a community or organization. When individuals feel motivated and supported, they are more likely to pass on that positive energy to others, creating a chain reactionof inspiration and encouragement. This can lead to a more cohesive and harmonious community, where individuals are willing to help and support each other, leadingto a more fulfilling and enriching experience for everyone involved. On the other hand, the absence of motivation can have detrimental effects on individuals, teams, and organizations. Without proper encouragement and support, individuals may feel disengaged, uninspired, and unappreciated, leading to decreased productivity, low morale, and a negative work environment. This can ultimately result in high turnover rates, decreased performance, and a lack of innovation within an organization. In a personal context, the absence of motivation can lead tofeelings of self-doubt, lack of fulfillment, and a sense of stagnation, hindering personal growth and success. In conclusion, being a good motivator is essentialfor personal, professional, and communal growth and success. The ability toinspire and encourage others can have a profound impact on their well-being, performance, and overall satisfaction. Whether it's providing support to a colleague, motivating a team, or fostering a positive community, the role of a good motivator is invaluable. By recognizing the importance of being a good motivator and actively cultivating this skill, individuals can create a more positive, productive, and fulfilling environment for themselves and those around them.。

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator Motivation is a crucial aspect of human behavior and performance. It is the driving force that compels individuals to take action, achieve goals, and strive for success. Being a good motivator is essential in various aspects of life, whether it be in the workplace, in personal relationships, or even in self-motivation. The ability to inspire and encourage others can have a significant impact on their morale, productivity, and overall well-being. In this essay, we will explore the importance of being a good motivator from different perspectives, and how it can positively influence individuals and the environment around them. From a professional standpoint, being a good motivator is essential for effective leadership and management. A leader who can inspire and motivate their team members is more likely to see improved performance, higher productivity, andbetter overall job satisfaction. Employees who feel motivated are more engaged in their work, leading to increased creativity, innovation, and a positive work environment. Moreover, a good motivator can help individuals overcome challenges and obstacles, fostering a resilient and determined workforce. This, in turn, can lead to higher retention rates and lower turnover, as employees are more likely to stay committed to an organization where they feel motivated and valued. In addition to the workplace, being a good motivator is also crucial in personal relationships. Whether it be with family, friends, or significant others, the ability to inspire and encourage others can strengthen bonds and create a supportive and nurturing environment. A good motivator can provide emotional support, offer guidance, and instill confidence in others, helping them navigate through difficult times and achieve their goals. By being a source of motivation, individuals can feel empowered to pursue their dreams and aspirations, knowingthat they have someone cheering them on every step of the way. Furthermore, being a good motivator is essential for self-motivation and personal growth. Individuals who can motivate themselves are more likely to set and achieve their goals, overcome challenges, and maintain a positive outlook on life. Self-motivation is a key factor in resilience and mental well-being, as it allows individuals to bounce back from setbacks and stay focused on their aspirations. By cultivating self-motivation, individuals can become more confident, independent, and proactive inpursuing their dreams and aspirations. From a psychological perspective, motivation plays a significant role in shaping human behavior and decision-making. Motivation is driven by a combination of internal and external factors, such as personal values, beliefs, and the influence of others. A good motivator can tap into these factors, understanding what drives individuals and using that knowledge to inspire and encourage them. By understanding the unique motivations of others, a good motivator can tailor their approach to effectively connect with and influence others, leading to more meaningful and impactful interactions. In conclusion, being a good motivator is essential in various aspects of life, from the workplace to personal relationships and self-motivation. The ability toinspire and encourage others can have a significant impact on their morale, productivity, and overall well-being. By understanding the importance of motivation and cultivating the skills to be a good motivator, individuals can create a positive and empowering environment for themselves and those around them. Whether it be in a professional or personal setting, the ability to motivate others is a valuable skill that can lead to greater success, fulfillment, and happiness.。

职业和组织行为的英语作文

职业和组织行为的英语作文

职业和组织行为的英语作文Title: The Role of Profession and Organizational Behavior in the Modern Workplace。

Introduction:In the modern workplace, the role of profession and organizational behavior plays a crucial role in shaping the success and growth of individuals and organizations alike. This essay explores the significance of a profession and the impact of organizational behavior on the overall functioning and productivity of an organization.Body:1. The Role of Profession:A profession refers to a specialized field of work that requires specific knowledge, skills, and expertise. It provides individuals with a sense of purpose and identity,allowing them to contribute to society in a meaningful way. Professions often have ethical codes and standards that guide the behavior and conduct of professionals. By adhering to these standards, professionals ensure the integrity and credibility of their work.2. Professionalism and Ethical Behavior:Professionalism is characterized by a high level of competence, integrity, and ethical behavior. Professionals are expected to demonstrate these qualities in their interactions with colleagues, clients, and the wider community. Ethical behavior ensures that professionals act in the best interests of their clients and maintain the trust and confidence of those they serve.3. Organizational Behavior:Organizational behavior refers to the study of how individuals and groups behave within an organization. It encompasses various aspects such as communication, leadership, motivation, and decision-making. Understandingand managing organizational behavior is essential for creating a positive work environment and achieving organizational goals.4. The Importance of Organizational Behavior:Effective organizational behavior fosters a healthy and productive work culture. It promotes teamwork, collaboration, and open communication, which leads to increased employee satisfaction and engagement. When employees feel valued and supported, they are more likely to perform at their best, resulting in improvedproductivity and organizational success.5. Leadership and Organizational Behavior:Leaders play a crucial role in shaping organizational behavior. A good leader inspires and motivates employees, sets clear goals, and provides guidance and support. By promoting a positive work culture and leading by example, leaders can influence the behavior and attitudes of their team members, ultimately impacting the overallorganizational behavior.6. Impact of Organizational Behavior on Performance:Organizational behavior directly affects the performance and productivity of an organization. A positive work environment encourages innovation, creativity, and problem-solving, leading to better outcomes. On the other hand, negative organizational behavior, such as conflicts, lack of communication, and resistance to change, can hinder progress and result in decreased productivity.Conclusion:Profession and organizational behavior are integral components of the modern workplace. A profession provides individuals with a sense of purpose and identity, while organizational behavior influences the overall functioning and productivity of an organization. By promoting professionalism, ethical behavior, and positive organizational behavior, individuals and organizations cancreate a conducive work environment that fosters growth, success, and satisfaction.。

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator

The Importance of Being a Good Motivator Being a good motivator is essential in both personal and professional settings. Whether it's leading a team, supporting a friend, or inspiring oneself, motivation plays a crucial role in achieving goals and overcoming obstacles. The ability to motivate others and oneself is a valuable skill that can lead to success, productivity, and overall well-being. In this essay, we will explore the importance of being a good motivator from various perspectives, including leadership, personal development, and mental health. From a leadership standpoint, being a good motivator is a fundamental aspect of effective management. A leader who can inspire and encourage their team members is more likely to foster apositive and productive work environment. Motivated employees tend to be more engaged, committed, and willing to go the extra mile to achieve organizational goals. This, in turn, can lead to higher levels of performance, increased job satisfaction, and lower turnover rates. Leaders who possess strong motivational skills can influence the morale and overall success of their teams, making it a critical trait for effective leadership. On a personal level, the ability to motivate oneself is equally important. Self-motivation is the driving force behind setting and achieving personal goals, pursuing passions, and overcoming challenges. It requires a combination of self-discipline, positive mindset, and the ability to stay focused and determined in the face of adversity. A good motivator understands the power of self-talk, setting realistic goals, and celebrating small victories along the way. Cultivating self-motivation can lead to a more fulfilling and purposeful life, as individuals are empowered to take control of their own destiny and pursue their aspirations. In the realm of mental health, motivation plays a significant role in shaping one's overall well-being. Individuals who strugglewith motivation may experience feelings of apathy, lack of direction, and a sense of stagnation in their lives. This can have detrimental effects on mental health, leading to issues such as depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. On the other hand, those who are able to harness motivation as a tool for personal growth and resilience are more likely to experience greater levels of happiness, fulfillment, and a sense of accomplishment. Motivation can be a powerful force in overcoming mental health challenges and building resilience in the face of adversity.Furthermore, being a good motivator involves understanding the unique needs and motivations of others. Not everyone responds to the same incentives or methods of encouragement. It requires empathy, active listening, and the ability to tailor motivational strategies to fit the individual or team. By recognizing and acknowledging the strengths, weaknesses, and aspirations of others, a good motivator can effectively inspire and support those around them. This personalized approach to motivation can lead to stronger relationships, increased trust, and a more cohesive and supportive community. In conclusion, the importance of being a good motivator cannot be overstated. Whether in a leadership role, on a personal journey of self-improvement, or in the context of mental health, the ability to inspire and encourage oneself and others is a valuable skill with far-reaching implications. By recognizing the significance of motivation and cultivating the necessary skills to be a good motivator, individuals can unlock their full potential, foster positive environments, and contribute to the well-being of those around them. Ultimately, the impact of being a good motivator extends beyond individual success, shaping the dynamics of teams, communities, and the world at large.。

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The behavior and performance of individual investors in JapanKenneth A. Kim a and John R. Nofsinger b,*a School of Management, State University of New York at Buffalo, Buffalo, NY 14260, USAb College of Business and Economics, Washington State University, Pullman, WA 99164, USANovember 2002______________________________________________________________________________ AbstractWe examine the behavior and performance of individual investors in Japan. In empirical tests using market level data, we find that Japanese individual investors own risky and high book-to-market stocks, trade frequently, make poor trading decisions, and buy recent winners. Further, these behaviors and characteristics appear to vary depending on the bull or bear market conditions. As such, we believe our results provide important additional insights into the behaviors of individual investors. Interestingly, we also observe that it is primarily during a bull market where individuals tend to hold high book-to-market stocks, as opposed to a bear market where they exhibit an inclination toward high beta stocks. Overall, the poor performance by individual investors can largely be explained by this tendency to hold value stocks during advancing markets and high risk stocks during declining stocks. Finally, the fact that these behaviors reveal themselves at the market level also represents an important finding.Key words: Individual investors; OverconfidenceJEL classification: G11; G14; G15; D70______________________________________________________________________________ _____________________* Corresponding author: Tel: (509) 335-7200, Fax: (509) 335-3857, john_nofsinger@. We thank seminar participants at SUNY-Buffalo, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the University of Tokyo, George Washington University, the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, the 2001 Midwest Finance Association meeting, and the 2001 FMA meeting for comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper. We are also particularly grateful to Akiyoshi Horiuchi, Qinghai Wang, and Yishay Yafeh for comments and discussions. The usual disclaimer applies.The behavior and performance of individual investors in Japan______________________________________________________________________________ AbstractWe examine the behavior and performance of individual investors in Japan. In empirical tests using market level data, we find that Japanese individual investors own risky and high book-to-market stocks, trade frequently, make poor trading decisions, and buy recent winners. Further, these behaviors and characteristics appear to vary depending on the bull or bear market conditions. As such, we believe our results provide important additional insights into the behaviors of individual investors. Interestingly, we also observe that it is primarily during a bull market where individuals tend to hold high book-to-market stocks, as opposed to a bear market where they exhibit an inclination toward high beta stocks. Overall, the poor performance by individual investors can largely be explained by this tendency to hold value stocks during advancing markets and high risk stocks during declining stocks. Finally, the fact that these behaviors reveal themselves at the market level also represents an important finding.Key words: Individual investors; OverconfidenceJEL classification: G11; G14; G15; D70______________________________________________________________________________The behavior and performance of individual investors in Japan 1. IntroductionWe study the behavior and performance of individual investors in Japan. The purpose of our study is to contribute to the expanding literature that argues, and finds, that individuals are overconfident and that their overconfidence causes them to make mistakes. For example, Barber and Odean (2000) and Odean (1998) argue that individual investors are overconfident and as a result, individuals will trade too much, hold risky stocks, and underreact to information. Similarly, Wang (2000) shows that overconfidence causes investors to trade aggressively, and have higher expected returns and experience higher price variance. There are also models that suggest that the degree of overconfidence will vary over time (Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001) and Gervais and Odean (2001)). These models contend that bull markets in particular can foster overconfidence. For example, Gervais and Odean (2001) posit that during bull markets, individual investors will attribute too much of their success to their own abilities, which makes them even more overconfident. In addition, Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001) predict that as a result of investor overconfidence, the tendency for mispricing fundamentals may be greater during bull markets.The benefits of studying Japanese individual investors are twofold: First, we wish to study individual investor behavior from a culture that is entirely distinct from Western culture. That is, we investigate whether the overconfident behaviors identified for U.S. investors are also found in a non-U.S. setting. Culture can breed overconfidence at varying levels (e.g., see Yates, Zhu, Ronis, Wang, Shinotsuka, and Toda (1989)) and there is some evidence that suggests that people raised in Asian cultures exhibit more overconfidence than people from the U.S. (e.g., Yates, Lee, and Bush (1997)). This contention has useful implications for our purposes as1Barber and Odean (2001) specifically suggest identifying a category of people who are prone to overconfidence to identify overconfident behaviors (e.g., they study males). Therefore, a study on Japanese individual investors, in and of itself, potentially represents an excellent opportunity to assess and to identify the behavior of overconfident investors.Second, the Japanese market experienced a long bull run from 1984 to 1989, which is characterized by double-digit growth in every year, and a long bear market after the 1990 market crash. These dramatically contrasting subperiods provide us with the unique opportunity to test Gervais and Odean’s (2001) contention that bull markets especially encourage overconfident behaviors and Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam’s (2001) prediction that overconfidence effects are more prevalent during periods of high valuation.In our paper, our empirical approach is as follows. First, we attempt to identify the behavior and performance of Japanese individual investors using our full sample time period. We use aggregate market data to conduct our tests. Specifically, we identify stocks with varying degrees of individual ownership to detect the behavior and preferences of individual investors. We find that stocks with the highest levels of individual investor ownership are riskier, as measured by systematic risk and firm size, have larger book-to-market ratios, and experience frequent trading. Curiously, we also find that these stocks with high individual investor ownership underperform those stocks with low individual ownership. This result is curious for two reasons. First, on average, stocks with high systematic risk should be expected to perform well over time. Second, stocks with high book-to-market ratios (i.e., value stocks) have been shown to outperform low book-to-market stocks. Individual ownership tilts toward both value stocks and stocks with higher systematic risk, yet they underperform.2Next, we also identify stocks with different degrees of year-to-year changes in the level of individual ownership. Here, we find that stocks that experience the greatest increase in individual ownership earn a negative 12% abnormal return during the year, while stocks that experience the greatest decrease in individual ownership earn a positive 19% abnormal return. That is, during the year that individuals buy and sell, we observe striking evidence that purchased stocks dramatically underperform sold stocks, suggesting that individual investors are making poor buying and selling decisions. To gain additional insight into their buying and selling behavior, we examine the past performance of these bought and sold stocks and we find that stocks that experience significant increases in individual ownership (purchased stocks) were past winners. This is consistent with individuals underreacting to ‘relevant’ information. However, stocks that experience significant decreases in individual ownership (sold stocks) were also past winners. This finding is not consistent with an underreaction explanation, but it is consistent with the disposition effect (see Shefrin and Statman (1985)), which causes investors to be pre-disposed to selling their winners and holding their losers.Next, we test to see if these behaviors are stronger during a bull market where overconfidence is posited to flourish, as individuals have more opportunities and chances of being right and as valuations are high. Overall, we do find that their tendencies with regard to their preferences and actions, particularly with regard to trading activity, are especially manifested during the bull market period (1984-89).Finally, because we can compare individual investor behavior during a bull market versus a bear market, we also take this opportunity to provide some empirical evidence for a recent theoretical model. Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001) describe overconfident investors as undervaluing fundamental information (e.g., earnings and dividends announcements)3in such a way that they can move prices away from fundamental value, thus affecting fundamental-to-price ratios (e.g., book-to-market is one such ratio). If such mispricing occurs, then stocks with low market valuations relative to their fundamental values are more likely to experience high returns. In contrast, when investors are not overconfident, the book-to-market (BM) effect may disappear allowing the predictive power of more systematic risk measures (such as beta) to play a larger role in predicting expected returns. In our investigation, we find a strong positive relation between individual ownership and BM during the bull market, but not during the bear market. In contrast, we find that individual ownership and beta have a strong positive relation in the bear market, but not during the bull market. Taken together, this evidence can be viewed as supporting Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001) that the existence of overconfident investors ‘causes’ the mispricing of fundamentals. Therefore, we believe our findings provide an important empirical link between investors and price ratios. In this regard, we add to the debate on the return predictability of beta and BM (e.g., see Daniel, Titman, and Wei (2001)). Furthermore, these behaviors solve the curious mystery previously identified. That is, how can investors tilt toward both value firms and stocks with high systematic risk and still underperform? We find here that individuals tilt toward value stocks during the bull market and toward higher systematic risk stocks during bear markets. In other words, Japanese individual investors take the opposite position of what a rational ‘market timer’ would do, which would be to take high systematic risks during a bull market and low risks during a bear market.The rest of our paper proceeds as follows: In the next section, we discuss the behavior of individual investors. In section 3, we describe our data. Section 4 outlines our empirical approach and presents findings. Section 5 investigates the comparative behavior of individual4investors during a bull and bear market. Finally, the last section offers a summary and conclusion.2. The behavior of individual investors2.1 Individual investors as being overconfidentThere is now an abundant literature that theoretically argues that individuals are overconfident and that this overconfidence will be exhibited in their investing behavior. For example, several researchers have formulated trading models where a type of trader is mistaken about either the precision of his knowledge and/or his assessment of the riskiness of the expected return. Although these models take different approaches in modeling overconfidence, they make similar predictions about how overconfident individuals behave. Specifically, individuals are posited to: (1) own riskier portfolios because they underestimate the risks (see Benos (1998), De Long et al. (1990a), Kyle and Wang (1997), Odean (1998), and Wang (1998)); (2) misprice fundamental information causing market prices to be different than their fundamental valuation (see Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001)); (3) trade frequently because they are certain of their abilities and they are not tentative (see Benos (1998), Kyle and Wang (1997), Odean (1998), and Wang (1998, 2000)); and (4) underreact to (or are slow to respond to) more relevant information, which leads to buying (selling) past winners (losers) (see De Long et al. (1990b), Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (1998), Hirshleifer, Subrahmanyam, and Titman (1994), and Odean (1998)).Empirical tests on the behavior of individual investors have been done predominately on U.S. individual investor portfolios. The empirical evidence from individual investor portfolios supports the predictions of the overconfidence models. For example, using a sample of portfolio holdings of 78,000 U.S. households over the 1991-97 period, Barber and Odean (2000, 2001)5and Odean (1999) show that overconfident individual investors trade too much and hold high-risk portfolios. In an attempt to identify the prior performance of stocks that individual investors trade, Bange (2000) finds that individuals buy (sell) past winners (losers), which is also consistent with overconfident behavior. As argued by Barber and Odean (2001) and Odean (1998), overconfident investors believe too much in their ability to interpret anecdotal and ambiguous information so they will often be slow to acknowledge and process statistical and relevant information (such as corporate earnings) and the information of others (such as rational informed investors). As a result, overconfident investors will underreact to information, which is consistent with buying (selling) past winners (losers).Although not directly linked to the overconfidence models, two other findings are applicable. In his examination of overconfident individual investors, Odean (1999) shows that excessive trading is especially problematic for traders because the stocks they purchased underperform the stocks they sold. Apparently, overconfident investors are not only harmed by trading costs, but also by poor choices. The other important finding is that investors are sometimes disposed to selling their winners and holding their losers—a behavior that Shefrin and Statman (1985) call the “disposition affect.” They suggest that investors may sell winners to realize gains because they want to experience pride, but that they will hold onto losers because they don’t want to feel regret.Even though the overconfidence literature, and with it the individual investor literature, continues to grow, very little has been done in empirically assessing the behavior of overconfident individuals in non-U.S. settings, especially with regard to investing behavior. We feel that this neglect is significant, especially because out-of-sample tests usually yield the most compelling evidence in support of theoretical models and existing empirical evidence. We6believe that Japanese individuals, in particular, can provide important additional insight into the behavior of overconfident individuals.2.2 Japanese individual investors as being overconfidentPsychologists have found that different groups of people experience different levels of cognitive biases in different situations. For example, in masculine tasks such as investment decision-making, men are more overconfident then women (Lundeberg, Fox, and Puncochar (1994) and Barber and Odean (2001)). Additionally, overconfidence can be learned through successful actions (Wolosin, Sherman, and Till (1973) and Gervais and Odean (2001)). For example, Christoffersen and Sarkissian (2002) find that overconfidence characteristics are associated with high-performing U.S. mutual funds located in financial centers.Differences in cognitive biases between groups arise from the different environments in which their experiences occur.The difference in environments can be quite dramatic between cultures. These differences are frequently expressed in cognitive studies as an individualism-collectivism continuum (Hofstede (1980)). Asian cultures tend to be based on a more socially collective paradigm than Western cultures. In Asian cultures, family or other group members will step in to help out any group member who encounters a large catastrophic loss. In the individualist Western cultures, a person making a risky decision will be expected to personally bear the adverse consequences of their decisions. Collective oriented societies allow for the social diversification of risky decisions in a similar manner to the purchase of an insurance policy. Therefore, since the impact of a catastrophic loss is different between the Asian and Western cultures, the perception of this type of risk may be different. Stulz and Williamson (2001) argue7that these cultural differences effect investor protection. Investors are likely to behave differently under different investor protection environments.Additionally, since cognitive biases may be learned, the differences in cultural life experiences and education may cause differences in overconfidence. For example, according to Yates et al. (1989), the Chinese education system encourages students to follow traditions and precedents rather than to criticize them. The American education system encourages students to challenge others’ and their own opinions. They suggest that this “critical” thinking style of Western cultures reduce the tendency to be overconfident.Do differences in culture lead to differences in overconfidence? Initial indications from the psychology literature suggest that Asian cultures have a higher degree of overconfidence than Western cultures. However, the literature is sparse. In a recent review article Weber and Hsee (2000) conclude that... “The bottom line is that the topic of culture and decision making has not received a lot of attention from either decision researchers or cross-cultural psychologists, (page 34).” A few studies are applicable, however. In studies of general knowledge, Asians (China and Taiwan were studied) are found to be more overconfident than Americans (see Yates, Lee, and Shinotsuka (1996) and Yates, Lee, and Bush (1997)). Studies of risk perception also find that people in Asian cultures (China, Japan, and Hong Kong were test groups) are less risk adverse and more overconfident then people in Western cultures (United States, Germany, and Poland were test groups) (see Kleinhesselink and Rosa (1991), Weber and Hsee (1998), and Keown (1989)).1 Based on these studies, therefore, it is not surprising that Ito (1990) observes overconfidence specifically for Japanese individuals. In Ito’s (1990) study, Japanese individuals 1 There are also important implications of cultural differences in risk perceptions for finance. This study expands the overconfidence literature to an Asian culture, Japan. However, many other interesting questions arise. One function of a stock market is to spread the risk of equity ownership among market participants. How will the globalization of stock markets be affected by the differences is risk perception in different countries? How should8were surveyed about their predictions of the future yen/dollar exchange rate. Both importers and exporters made forecasts that reflected “wishful expectations.” Therefore, studying Japanese individual investors should prove useful to assess and to identify overconfident behaviors. As argued by Barber and Odean (2001), when studying overconfident behavior, it is important to study a group of people who are prone to overconfidence.2.3 Overconfidence and market impactIn contrast to prior empirical studies on individual investors, which primarily rely on individual portfolio data, we examine the behavior and performance of individual investors using aggregate market data. Recent models, such as those of Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001), Gervais and Odean (2001), Hirshleifer (2001), and Barberis and Huang (2001), make predictions of how cognitive biases can affect the aggregate market in terms of, for example, asset pricing and return predictability. Therefore, according to Odean (1998) and Daniel, Hirshleifer, and Subrahmanyam (2001), investor behavior should be observable in market level data. However, despite their contention, there has been very little research that examines the effect of cognitive biases on the aggregate market. We mention several notable exceptions. DeBondt and Thaler (1985) investigate the notion that investors are poor Baysian decision-makers. They find evidence that markets overreact in the long term, three to five years. A second paper is a study of overconfidence and aggregate market volume by Statman and Thorely (2001). Examining the U.S. stock market, they find that high trading volume follows high stock return periods. Their results are consistent with the predictions of Gervais and Odean (2001) and Odean (1998) overconfidence models. However, neither study empirically links investors (or one type of investor) with market level findings.global markets be designed to take advantage of one group’s ability to take more of one type of risk and less of another? How is risk sharing affected between groups of shareholders in international cross-listing?9The way we attempt to identify the behavior of overconfident individual investors, using aggregate market data, is as follows. We examine firms with different levels, and with different changes, of individual ownership to detect and to assess the behavior of individual investors. We will also repeat these tests by differentiating between bull and bear market periods to see if individual investors behave differently under different economic conditions.3. DataOur monthly stock returns, annual individual share-ownership, and financial statement data for Japanese firms come from the Pacific-Basin Capital Markets (PACAP) Research Center. For each firm, annual ownership data is reported at the end of each fiscal year (usually March 31) for the years 1975-1997. The sample of firms with ownership data, monthly returns, market-capitalization, and book-to-market ratio varies from 826 (in 1975) to 1,758 (in 1997). The total sample comprises 33,877 firm-years of data. The PACAP ownership and returns data have been used in numerous other studies on the Japanese markets, with some studies specifically focusing on the interrelationship between ownership and returns. For example, Kim and Nofsinger (2002) use this data to investigate institutional herding while emphasizing the influence of conglomerate governance structures (i.e., the keiretsu). Kang and Stulz (1997) use this data to identify Japanese firms with high foreign ownership to study the home bias phenomenon.In Japan, all shares are registered. According to Japan’s Commercial Code, a firm must report their shareholder profile (i.e., the number of shares owned by different owner-types) in their formal annual report, yuka-shoken hokokusho or yu-ho (the U.S.’s 10-K equivalent), and in their annual corporate disclosure report, tan-shin, to the stock exchanges. The yu-ho and the tan-shin must be filed within three and two months after the fiscal-year end, respectively. There is also a semi-annual report, chukan-kessan hokokusho, but the shareholder profile data is only in10the annual report. If investors don’t wish to go through each firm’s yu-ho, then the most timely and easy way to obtain exhaustive corporate financial information is to subscribe to a database from an independent private firm. These database vendors claim that they can compile and store data into their online databases for client subscribers, usually brokerage firms, as soon as the data are released. Toyo Keizai and Nikkei are the two major Japanese firms that provide this service. The PACAP-Japan database used in our study is an academic database, and its ownership data was provided by Toyo Keizai.2We define individual ownership as the fraction of total shares outstanding for the firm owned by individual investors.3 The change in ownership for the year is the fraction of ownership at the end of the year less the fraction at the beginning of the year. Thus, if individuals owned 10% of a firm at the beginning of the year and 15% of the firm at the end of the year, we record the change for the year as 0.05.Two methods of calculating abnormal returns are used. First, an abnormal return is computed as a market-adjusted return using the Japanese equal-weighted market index. The abnormal return for each month during the year is the firm's return less the return on the market index. Our second abnormal return is a size and book-to-market adjusted return. Here, we sort each firm, for each year, into ten portfolios by their book-to-market equity ratio. We then use these deciles, along with our capitalization deciles, to create 100 size and book-to-market portfolios. The abnormal return for each month is the firm’s return less the return from one of 2 The details outlined here are based on extensive discussions with numerous officials from Toyo Keizai and the Japan Securities Research Institute.3 Specifically, we use data item JAF80 of the PACAP Database, which is entitled “Shares owned by Individuals & Others.” In discussions with TSE officials, ‘others’ include unincorporated associations such as investment clubs (which are virtually still non-existent in Japan) or some non-profit organizations (a zaidan is one such example, they provide financial assistance to foreigners who wish to study in Japan and they operate on donations which are invested in stocks for the dividend income.) TSE officials contend that the ownership stake of ‘others’ is insignificant. In fact, using aggregate annual summary data from both the TSE Fact Book (1997) and Japan11the 100 portfolios for which the firm belongs. Annual abnormal returns are the compounded monthly abnormal returns.We have five other firm-specific variables, which include three measures of risk (volatility, beta, and a market capitalization decile), a book-to-market ratio, and a trading volume measure. Volatility is calculated as the standard deviation of monthly returns measured over the year. Beta is calculated for each year from the market model where we regress each firm’s 12 monthly returns onto the equal-weighted market return. Firms’ market capitalization are measured at the beginning of the year and sorted into deciles, where decile 10 (1) denotes firms with the largest (smallest) market capitalization. The book-to-market ratio, measured each year, is the book value of equity divided by the market value of the shares outstanding. Finally, trading volume is defined as the number of shares traded during the month divided by the total shares outstanding for the firm. This standardized monthly volume is then averaged for the year and reported as mean monthly turnover.4. Empirical results4.1 Levels of individual investor ownershipAll firms are sorted into 10 portfolios based on the fraction of individual ownership at the beginning of each fiscal year (which predominately begins in April). The characteristics of these portfolios are reported in Table 1. Individual investors own 11.5%, on average, of the firms in the portfolio with the smallest individual investor ownership (Decile 1). By design, ownership monotonically increases through Decile 10, which reports those individual investors own 60.6% of each of these firms, on average. The statistic in the second to the last column reports the F-value from a test that the mean level of ownership is equal across all ten portfolios. The statisticSecurities Research Institute (1996), our own estimation is that over 99 percent of the investments in this category are held by individuals. Our database also specifies ownership by the government, institutions, and foreigners.12。

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