埃利诺罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话
联合国演讲稿3篇
联合国演讲稿3篇关于《联合国演讲稿3篇》，是我们特意为大家整理的，希望对大家有所帮助。
以下这篇英文演讲稿是美国著名女演员emma watson在联合国女权主义演讲原文，由应届毕业生演讲稿网站整理提供，希望大家能够喜欢。
today we are launching a campaign called “he for she.”i am reaching out to you because i need your help. we want to end gender inequality—andto do that we need everyone to be involved.this is the first campaign of its kind at the un: we want to try and galvanize as manymen and boys as possible to be advocates for gender equality. and we don’t just want to talk about it, but make sure it is tangible.i was appointed six months ago and the more i have spoken about feminism, the more i have realized that fighting for women’s rights has too often become synonymous with man-hating. if there is one thing i know for certain, it is that this has to stop.for the record, feminism by definition is: “the belief that men and women should have equal rights and opportunities. it is the theory of the political, economic and social equality of the sexes.”i started questioning gender-based assumptions when at eight i was confused at being called “bossy,” because i wanted to direct the plays we would put on for our parents—but the boys were not.when at 14, i started being sexualized by certain elements of the press.when at 15, my girlfriends started dropping out of their sports teams because they didn’t want to appear “muscly.”when at1 8, my male friends were unable to express their feelings.i decided i was a feminist and this seemed uncomplicated to me. but my recent research has shown me that feminism has become an unpopular word.apparently, i am among the ranks of women whose expressions are seen as too strong, too aggressive, isolating, anti-men and, unattractive.why is the word such an uncomfortable one?i am from britain and think it is right that as a woman i am paid the same as my male counterparts. i think it is right that i should be able to make decisions about my own body. i think it is right that women be involved on my behalf in the policies and decision-making of my country.i thinkit is right that socially i am afforded the same respect as men. but sadly i can say that there is no one country in the world where all women can expect to receive these rights.no country in the world can yet say they have achieved gender equality.these rights i consider to be human rights but i am one of the lucky ones. my life is a sheer privilege because my parents didn’t love me less because i was born a daughter. my school did not limit me because i was a girl. my mentors didn’t assume i would go less far because i might give birth to a child one day.these influencers were the gender equality ambassadors that made who i am today. they may not know it, but they are the inadvertent feminists who are. and we need more of those. and if you still hate theword—it is not the word that is important but the idea and the ambition behind it. because not all women have been afforded the same rights that i have. in fact, statistically, very few have been.in 1997, hilary clinton made a famous speech in beijing about women’s rights. sadly many of the things she wanted to change are still a reality today.but what stood out for me the most was that only 30 percent of her audience were male. how can we affect change in the world when only half of it is invited or feel welcome to participate in the conversation?men—i would like to take this opportunity to extend your formal invitation. gender equality is your issue too.because today, i’ve seen my father’s role as a parent being valued less by society despite my needing his presence as a child as much as my mother’s.i’ve seen young men suffering from mental illness unable to ask for help for fear itwould make them look less “macho”—in fact in the uk suicide is the biggest killer of men between 20-49; eclipsing roadaccidents, cancer and coronary heart disease. i’ve seen men made fragile and insecure by a distorted sense of what constitutes male success. men don’t have the benefits of equality either.we don’to ften talk about men being imprisoned by gender stereotypes but i can see that that they are and that when they are free, things will change for women as anatural consequence. if men don’t have to be aggressive in order to be accepted women won’t feel compelled to be submissive. if men don’t have to control, women won’t have to be controlled.both men and women should feel free to be sensitive. both men and women should feel free to be strong… it is time that we all perceive gender on a spectrum not as twoopposing sets of ideals.if we stop defining each other by what we are not and start defining ourselves by what we are—we can all be freer and this is what heforshe is about. it’s about freedom.i want men to take up this mantle. so their daughters, sisters and mothers can be free fromprejudice but also so that their sons have permission to be vulnerable and human too—reclaim those parts of themselves they abandoned and in doing so be amore true and complete version of themselves.you might be thinking who is this harry potter girl? and what is she doing up on stage atthe un. it’s a good question and trust me i have been asking myself the samething. i don’t know if i am qualified to be here.all i know is that i care about this problem. and i want to make it better. and having seen what i’ve seen—and given the chance—i feel it is my duty to say something. english statesman edmund burke said: “all that is needed for the forces of evilto triumph is for enough good men and women to do nothing.”in my nervousness for this speech and in my moments of doubt i’ve told myself firmly—if not me, who, if not now, when. if you have similar doubts when opportunities are presented to you i hope those words might be helpful.because the reality is that if we do nothing it will take 75 years, or for me to be nearlya hundred beforewomen can expect to be paid the same as men for the same work.15.5 million girls will be married in the next 16 years as children. and at current rates it won’t be until 2086 before all rural african girls will be able to receive a secondary education.if you believe in equality, you might be one of those inadvertent feminists i spoke ofearlier. and for this i applaud you.we are struggling for a uniting word but the good news is we have a uniting movement. it is called heforshe. i am inviting you to step forward, to be seen to speakup, to be the he for she. and to ask yourself if not me, who, if not now when.thank you.马拉拉在联合国的演讲稿：书和笔是最好武器昨日，诺贝尔和平奖揭晓，巴基斯坦17岁少女获得该奖项。
罗斯福国耻演讲稿
罗斯福国耻演讲稿尊敬的各位领导、各位同事：今天，我站在这里，深感国耻，深感愧疚。
我们的国家曾经历了无数的屈辱和磨难，我们的人民曾饱受着沉重的苦难。
我们不能忘记那些曾经为国家流血牺牲的英雄，我们更不能忘记那些曾经为国家奋斗拼搏的人民。
然而，我们却在某些时刻背弃了自己的初心，违背了自己的信仰，让国家陷入了深深的羞耻之中。
我们面对的是一个强大的敌人，他们的野心膨胀，他们的侵略不止，他们的残暴无情。
但我们却在某些时刻选择了软弱和妥协，我们放弃了抵抗，放弃了自由，放弃了尊严。
我们的国家被侵略，我们的人民被奴役，我们的民族蒙羞于世。
在这个时刻，我们不能再沉默，我们不能再退缩，我们必须挺身而出，捍卫我们的国家，捍卫我们的尊严。
我们要向世界展示我们的坚定和勇敢，我们要向敌人展示我们的不屈和坚强。
我们要让他们知道，我们有着无尽的力量，我们有着无穷的勇气，我们有着无比的决心。
我们要团结起来，共同面对敌人的挑衅，共同守护我们的国土，共同捍卫我们的尊严。
我们要用行动来证明，我们是一个团结的民族，我们是一个坚强的国家。
我们要向世界宣告，我们绝不屈服，我们绝不退缩，我们绝不放弃。
在这个关键的时刻，我们要铭记历史，珍惜现在，展望未来。
我们要铭记那些为国家流血牺牲的英雄，我们要珍惜那些为国家奋斗拼搏的人民，我们要展望一个更加美好的未来，一个更加繁荣的国家。
让我们携起手来，共同努力，共同奋斗，共同创造一个更加美好的明天。
让我们用自己的行动，向世界展示我们的团结和力量，向敌人展示我们的决心和勇气。
让我们共同守护我们的国家，捍卫我们的尊严，让我们共同书写一个不朽的历史，共同创造一个灿烂的未来。
谢谢大家！。
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿：探究世界和平与合作的前景与责任
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿：探究世界和平与合作的前景与责任：今天，我非常荣幸地站在这里，向全美国和全世界发表就职演说。
这是我作为美国总统的责任，也是我对我们国家和整个国际社会的信仰所在。
我想谈论的今天主题是：世界和平与合作的前景与责任。
正如我们所知道的，我们的世界正在经历巨大的变化。
无论是政治、经济、文化还是科技方面，都在发生着深刻的变革。
这些变化既是机遇，也是挑战，但它们共同呈现的场景是：我们都生活在一个相互关联和相互依赖的世界里。
世界各国和各地区都面临着共同的问题和挑战，需要我们联合起来，共同应对。
我们的历史一再提醒我们，没有和平，就没有繁荣。
如果我们不与我们的邻国和世界其他地方的国家保持良好的关系，那么我们将无法达到我们所期望的繁荣和安宁。
因此，我们必须根据如下几个方面来思考世界和平与合作的前景与责任：我们面临人类共同的挑战。
这儿，我想提到的就是气候变化问题。
这个问题对于全人类来说都是一个严峻的挑战。
如果全世界的政府不能实现紧密的合作，我们就很难在这方面取得进展。
我们需要共同努力，为未来的世代打造一个更加健康和可持续的世界。
我们必须相信个人与自由。
我们要坚定地支持所有国家和人民的自由和权利。
我们的世界在这个方面还有很长的路要走，但我们有责任确保每个人都受到尊重和保护。
我们必须努力打破障碍，让每个人都有机会追求他们的梦想。
我们必须建立一个更公正和平等的世界。
这是一个很长期的方案，但我们需要共同努力才能实现这个目标。
我们必须确保我们的经济、法律和政治系统，不会让任何一群人受到不公正的待遇。
我们应该互相尊重和支持，以建设一个更加公正和平等的世界。
我们必须打击极端暴力行为。
我们都知道恐怖主义带来的倾覆和惨痛的代价。
对于这个威胁，我们必须采取行动。
我们必须与世界上的其他国家和地区合作，从根本上削弱恐怖主义的势力，防止暴力冲突的发生。
我们要相信我们的未来。
我们的世界是个美好的地方，但我们必须确保它能够不断的发展和繁荣。
罗斯福演讲稿
罗斯福演讲稿尊敬的各位听众：大家好！我今天站在这里，非常荣幸地向大家发表我的演讲。
我将谈论一些重要的问题，这些问题关系着我们的未来，关系着我们国家的发展和繁荣。
首先，我想强调的是对于人类的基本权利和自由的重视。
每个人都应该享有平等的权利和自由，不论他们的种族、宗教、性别或社会地位如何。
我们应该建立一个公正和包容的社会，确保每个人都能够发挥他们的潜力，并为社会的进步做出贡献。
其次，我要强调的是教育的重要性。
教育是培养人才、改善社会、推动国家发展的关键。
我们必须努力提高教育水平，确保每个人都能接受良好的教育。
只有通过教育，我们才能激发人们的创造力和智慧，培养出一批具有高尚品质和独立思考能力的人才。
另外，我也要呼吁保护我们的环境和资源。
我们生活在一个美丽而多样化的世界上，但我们的地球正面临着日益严重的环境问题，如气候变化、水资源短缺和生物多样性丧失。
我们必须采取行动，保护我们的地球，减少对环境的破坏，并创造一个可持续发展的未来。
最后，我要谈到社会的团结和和谐。
一个团结的社会能够凝聚人们的力量，推动国家的繁荣和进步。
我们应该鼓励人们互相尊重和理解，加强社会的凝聚力，并共同努力解决我们面临的挑战。
只有通过团结和合作，我们才能实现国家的长远发展和人民的幸福。
在结束之前，我想引用一句格言：“伟大的事业需要伟大的人才。
”我们每个人都有责任为社会的发展做出贡献，为国家的繁荣而努力奋斗。
让我们携手合作，共同创造一个美好的未来！谢谢大家！700字是一个中文文段最大尺寸以上限，因此会节选部分内容生成演讲稿，若需要全篇700字的演讲稿请提出要求。
富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲
富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福是美国历史上唯一连任4届(第4届未任满)的总统，被选为美国最伟大的人物中的第十位。
今天店铺给大家分享一篇富兰克林·罗斯福的经典演讲，希望对大家有所帮助。
富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲总统先生，议长先生，第七十七届国会的成员：我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。
我用“空前的”，因为以前没有已被视为美国的安全受到严重威胁从没有像今天。
由于永久性形成了我国政府在宪法中的1789，大部分在我国历史上危机时期国内事务有关的。
而且，幸运的是，其中只有一个——国家之间的战争4年——威胁过我们的民族团结。
今天，感谢上帝，130000000的美国人在48个国家已经忘记了指南针在国家的统一。
这是真的，之前的1914美国经常被其他大洲事件干扰。
我们甚至已经与欧洲国家进行过两场战争，在西印度群岛中一些未宣战的战争，在地中海和太平洋，为维护美国的权利以及和平贸易的原则。
但是没有一个严重的威胁，提出了对我们国家的安全和持续的独立性。
我想要说的是，美国作为一个国家已在所有时间保持反对党——清楚历史真相，明确反对——任何企图把我们锁在一个古老的中国墙的后面，而游行的文明到过去。
今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的孩子，我们反对强制隔离，为自己或为美洲的其他任何部分。
我们的决心，在过去的这些年，被证明，例如，在早期的战争的四分之一世纪在法国革命之后。
虽然拿破仑的斗争，并威胁到了美国的利益，因为在西印度群岛的法国的立足点，在路易斯安那，当我们从事1812战争来维护我们的和平贸易的权利，它仍然是明确的，无论是法国或英国或其他国家都不可能主宰整个世界。
和喜欢时尚，从1815到1914——九十九年——没有一个单一的战争在欧洲或亚洲的一个真正的威胁，对我们未来的或与美国其他民族的未来构成。
除了在墨西哥的马西米兰的插曲，没有外国势力试图建立自己在这个半球。
【个人手工制作】中学生VOA英语阅读之2015世界人权日
中学生VOA英语阅读之2015世界人权日Human Rights Day 2015Next an editorial reflecting the views of the United States government.接下来的一篇社论反映了美国政府的观点。
On December 10th, 1948, still stunned by the horrendous crimes committed against civilian populations during the Second World War,the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.1948年12月10日，第二次世界大战期间对平民犯下的的罪行仍然骇人听闻，联合国大会通过世界人权宣言。
At the time, one of the Declaration’s chief architects, former First Lady and member of the United States delegation to the United Nations, EleanorRoosevelt,wrote “We have found that the conditions of our contemporary world require the enumeration of certain protectionswhich the individual must have if he is to acquire a sense of security and dignity in his own person.”当时，联合国美国代表团成员，首席架构师之一，前第一夫人埃莉诺·罗斯福，写道：“我们认为我们当代世界的条件要求列举出某些保护，其中，个人必须获得在其看来的安全和尊严感。
联合国最经典的演讲稿
联合国最经典的演讲稿
尊敬的各位来宾,女士们,先生们,朋友们:
大家上午好!很高兴在这里与大家一起回顾联合国成立以来,一些历史性的精彩演讲。
这些演讲凝聚着对和平、发展、合作的宏伟抱负,展现了捍卫人类命运共同体的崇高理想。
1945年,第二次世界大战结束后,联合国在废墟中诞生,承载着人类对和平的渴望。
当年4月在旧金山召开的联合国成立大会上,中国代表团团长顾维钧代表中国签署了《联合国宪章》。
联合国从此扛起了维护世界和平的重任。
1961年,第15届联合国大会上,时任苏联代表团团长的赫鲁晓夫发表了著名的“打破战争机器,建设和平机器”的演说。
他呼吁各国减少军备开支,将节省的资金用于改善人民生活。
这篇反映时代主题的演说产生了深远影响。
1974年,西贡会议上,时任越南外交部长的黎笋发表了具有历史意义的演说。
他呼吁各国停止干涉越南的内政,支持越南实现和平统一。
这篇演说体现了越南人民对独立自主的渴望。
1995年,联合国成立50周年纪念大会上,时任南非总统的曼德拉发表了题为“我们必须统一人类”的演说。
他呼吁世界必须消除贫困和不平等,建设一个更加美好的未来。
这篇演说传递出强烈的正能量。
2015年,第70届联合国大会上,中国国家主席发表了题为“构建人类命运共同体”的重要讲话。
他呼吁各国秉持合作共赢精神,构建更加和谐美好的世界,这为解决全球问题提供了中国方案。
朋友们,这些历史性的演说折射出对美好生活的向往,传递出构建人类命运共同体的理念,给我们以深刻启迪。
让我们不忘初心,振兴联合国,让多边主义的阳光照亮世界!
谢谢大家!。
富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲
富兰克林·罗斯福经典演讲尊敬的美国国民：我很高兴今天能与大家共同庆祝美国独立日。
但是，我也不得不承认，我们所处的时代充满了挑战和不确定性。
我们正处于一个遭受严重经济危机的时代，许多人失去了工作和家园。
同时，我们也正在面对着来自外部的威胁，包括日益嚣张的极权主义势力和被称为“轴心国”的帝国主义国家。
我们需要在这个关键的时刻团结一心，共同面对这些挑战。
我们需要激发起我们内心深处的勇气和决心，继续为我们的国家和我们的自由而努力奋斗。
我们的祖先们在遭受英国殖民统治时也曾面临类似的挑战。
他们以自由、公正和平等为原则，奋起反抗，最终赢得了我们的独立。
如今，我们需要再次将这些原则作为我们的指引，坚持不懈地追求为每个人提供平等机会的目标。
我们需要确立一个公正、民主和自由的社会秩序，使每个人都能够发挥自己的潜力，实现自己的梦想。
但是，我们也需要认识到这一点：仅仅口号并不能解决我们面临的问题。
我们需要采取实际行动，制定具体的政策和计划，确保我们能够实现我们的愿景。
我们需要投资教育、科技和基础设施建设，为未来的发展奠定坚实的基础。
我们需要建立一个能够保护每个人的健康和安全的社会体系，以及一个能够确保每个人有机会获得良好工作和公正报酬的经济体系。
我们也需要保持我们自由和民主的核心价值观，并紧密合作来对抗那些威胁它们的国家和组织。
我的朋友们，这一刻的挑战和不确定性是我们共同的责任。
如果我们能够团结一致，保持我们的信念和勇气，我们一定能够克服这些困难，实现我们的梦想。
我相信，我们将能够创造一个更加美好、更加公正、更加自由的未来。
感谢大家聆听我的演讲，让我们一起为美国和我们的自由而奋斗。
罗斯福国耻演讲稿
罗斯福国耻演讲稿尊敬的各位听众，今天，我站在这里，带着沉重的心情和坚定的信念，与大家共同回顾一段我们国家历史上最为艰难的时刻，那就是罗斯福总统所称的“国耻”。
这不仅是一段痛苦的历史，更是一次深刻的启示，让我们从中汲取力量，砥砺前行。
让我们回顾那段黑暗的岁月。
在20世纪30年代，美国正面临着严重的经济危机，失业率居高不下，民众生活困苦。
就在这时，我们的国家陷入了一场道德和政治的危机，那就是罗斯福总统所称的“国耻”。
在这场危机中，我们看到了人性的丑恶，道德的沦丧。
许多人为了追求个人利益，不择手段地损害国家和社会的利益。
他们利用政治权力，进行贪污腐败，损害了政府的公信力；他们利用经济手段，进行垄断欺诈，损害了市场的公平竞争；他们利用舆论工具，进行虚假宣传，损害了社会的公正性。
这场危机不仅损害了我们的国家，也损害了我们的人民。
它让人们失去了信心，怀疑我们的国家是否能够走出困境，怀疑我们的社会是否还有希望。
然而，就在这时，罗斯福总统站了出来，他用坚定的声音，批判了那些损害国家利益的行为，他用勇敢的行动，打击了那些损害社会公正的势力。
他告诉我们，只有揭露黑暗，才能迎接光明；只有勇敢面对，才能战胜困难。
罗斯福总统的这次演讲，像一把锐利的剑，刺破了黑暗，照亮了前路。
他让我们看到了希望，看到了未来。
他的演讲，激发了我们的民族精神，让我们明白了，只有团结一心，才能战胜困难；只有共同努力，才能实现梦想。
这段历史，让我们看到了人性的弱点，也让我们看到了人性的伟大。
它让我们明白，每个人都有责任维护国家的荣誉和尊严，每个人都有责任为社会的发展和进步贡献力量。
今天，我们站在这里，不仅要回顾那段历史，更要从中汲取力量，砥砺前行。
我们要以罗斯福总统为榜样，勇敢地面对困难，坚定地走出困境。
我们要以那段历史为鉴，时刻提醒自己，不要重蹈覆辙。
让我们携手共进，为实现我们伟大的梦想，为创造我们美好的未来，而努力奋斗！谢谢大家！。
罗斯福演讲稿(共3篇)
罗斯福演讲稿（共3篇）第1篇：罗斯福演讲稿篇一：罗斯福演讲稿 1 演讲全文：pearl harbor addre to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan. the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific. it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace. the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu. yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya. last night, japanese forces attacked hong st night, japanese forces attacked guam. last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands. last night, the japanese attacked wake island. and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island. japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congre and of the people when i aert that wewill not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.i ask that the congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二：中文版罗斯福四大自由演讲稿富兰克林．罗斯福四大自由在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。
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Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights埃利诺·罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话：关于《世界人权宣言》Eleanor Roosevelt Mr. President, fellow delegates,The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation. Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind. There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied. I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years. Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document -- even a great document -- and we propose to give it our full support. The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee. I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here.I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation. The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion. Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission. We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions. But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority. In doing that, we do not give up our convictions. We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful. But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress. So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate.I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate.The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission. As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states "group," and not "individual," rights.The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article. It introduces the terms "democratic view," "democratic systems," "democratic state," and "fascism," which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations.The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this. The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to "discrimination." As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2of the Declaration, so that its restatement elsewhere is completely unnecessary and also has the effect of weakening the comprehensive principles stated in article 2. The new article proposed by the Soviet delegation is but a restatement of State obligation, which the Soviet delegation attempted to introduce into practically every article in the Declaration. It would convert the Declaration into a document stating obligations on states, thereby changing completely its character as a statement of principles to serve as a common standard of achievement for the members of the United Nations.The Soviet proposal for deferring consideration of the Declaration to the 4th session of the Assembly requires no comment. An identical text was rejected in committee 3 by a vote of 6 in favor and 26 against. We are all agreed, I am sure, that the Declaration, which has been worked on with such great effort and devotion, and over such a long period of time, must be approved by this Assembly at this session.Certain provisions of the Declaration are stated in such broad terms as to be acceptable only because of the provisions in article 30 providing for limitation on the exercise of the rights for the purpose of meeting the requirements of morality, public order, and the general welfare. An example of this is the provision that everyone has the right to equal access to the public service in his country. The basic principle of equality and of nondiscrimination as to public employment is sound, but it cannot be accepted without limitation. My government, for example, would consider that this is unquestionably subject to limitation in the interest of public order and the general welfare. It would not consider that the exclusion from public employment of persons holding subversive political beliefs and not loyal to the basic principles and practices of the constitution and laws of the country would in any way infringe upon this right.Likewise, my government has made it clear in the course of the development of the Declaration that it does not consider that the economic and social and cultural rights stated in the Declaration imply an obligation on governments to assure the enjoyment of these rights by direct governmental action. This was made quite clear in the Human Rights Commission text of article 23 which served as a so-called "umbrella" article to the articles on economic and social rights. We consider that the principle has not been affected by the fact that this article no longer contains a reference to the articles which follow it. This in no way affects our whole-hearted support for the basic principles of economic, social, and cultural rights set forth in these articles.In giving our approval to the Declaration today it is of primary importance that we keep clearly in mind the basic character of the document. It is not a treaty; it is not an international agreement. It is not and does not purport to be a statement of law or of legal obligation. It is a Declaration of basic principles of human rights and freedoms, to be stamped with the approval of the General Assembly by formal vote of its members, and to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples of all nations.We stand today at the threshold of a great event both in the life of the United Nations and in the life of mankind. This Universal Declaration of Human Rights may well become the international Magna Carta of all men everywhere. We hope its proclamation by the General Assembly will be an event comparable to the proclamation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the French people in 1789, the adoption of the Bill of Rights by the people of the United States, and the adoption of comparable declarations at different times in other countries.At a time when there are so many issues on which we find it difficult to reach a common basis of agreement, it is a significant fact that 58 states have found such a large measure ofagreement in the complex field of human rights. This must be taken as testimony of our common aspiration first voiced in the Charter of the United Nations to lift men everywhere to a higher standard of life and to a greater enjoyment of freedom. Man’s desire for peace lies behind this Declaration. The realization that the flagrant violation of human rights by Nazi and Fascist countries sowed the seeds of the last world war has supplied the impetus for the work which brings us to the moment of achievement here today.In a recent speech in Canada, Gladstone Murray said:"The central fact is that man is fundamentally a moral being, that the light we have is imperfect does not matter so long as we are always trying to improve it … we are equal in sharing the moral freedom that distinguishes us as men. Man’s status makes each individual an end in himself. No man is by nature simply the servant of the state or of another man … the ideal and fact of freedom -- and not technology -- are the true distinguishing marks of our civilization."This Declaration is based upon the spiritual fact that man must have freedom in which to develop his full stature and through common effort to raise the level of human dignity. We have much to do to fully achieve and to assure the rights set forth in this Declaration. But having them put before us with the moral backing of 58 nations will be a great step forward.As we here bring to fruition our labors on this Declaration of Human Rights, we must at the same time rededicate ourselves to the unfinished task which lies before us. We can now move on with new courage and inspiration to the completion of an international covenant on human rights and of measures for the implementation of human rights.In conclusion, I feel that I cannot do better than to repeat the call to action by Secretary Marshall in his opening statement to this Assembly:Let this third regular session of the General Assembly approve by an overwhelming majority the Declaration of Human Rights as a standard of conduct for all; and let us, as Members of the United Nations, conscious of our own short-comings and imperfections, join our effort in good faith to live up to this high standard."。