模联峰会背景文件
卓越之路模拟联合国大会ECOSOC背景文件
卓越之路模拟联合国大会2011卓越之路模拟联合国大会2011联合国经济与社会理事会背景文件议题：G20峰会后，国际贸易规则改革联合国经济与社会理事会主席团2011/2/6目录1.版权申明2.主席团寄语3.委员会介绍4.议题介绍5.核心词汇解释6.案例分析7.相关阅读8.作业版权申明本文件的版权归卓越之路模拟联合国大会2011组委会所有。
若有引用的需要须注明，谢谢合作！主席团寄语尊敬的各位代表：你们好！首先，欢迎你们来到 “卓越之路模拟联合国大会J T H M U N C2011”的中文会场——联合国经济及社会理事会，接下来的一段日子里，希望各位代表能够认真研究背景资料，投身学术，燃烧对于模联的热情吧！主席团的哥哥姐姐主席会在背景资料里面给予各位代表本次会议的重点信息，希望各位代表仔细阅读背景文件，做好充足的会前准备，在会前积极磋商，在会议过程中展现自己的才华。
在此衷心地祝愿大家能在这次会议中展现自我，体会模拟联合国的魅力。
P S：E C O S O C唯一指定用群：129736206（谁加谁知道）联合国经济于社会理事会主席团成员董建玮华丰汪至钦任之杰委员会介绍联合国经济和社会理事会（简称“经社理事会”，Economic and Social Council--ECOSOC）是协调14个联合国专门机构、10个职司委员会和5个区域委员会的经济、社会和相关工作的主要机构，是《联合国宪章》规定的联合国6个主要机关之一。
经社理事会是联合国６个主要机构之一。
协调联合国及各专门机构的经济和社会工作；研究有关国际间经济、社会、发展、文化、教育、卫生及有关问题；就其职权范围内的事务，召开国际会议，并起草公约草案提交联合国大会审议；其他联合国大会建议执行的职能。
理事会实质性会议每年7月举行一次，会期４周，在纽约和日内瓦之间交替举行。
经社理事会设有9个职司委员会、5个区域性机构以及５个常设委员会，处理有关工作。
此外，经社理事会还同14个有关经济、社会、文化方面的联合国专门机构建立工作关系，以及与四、五百个非政府组织建立咨询关系。
模拟联合国背景文件
长沙大学Changsha University第三届模拟联合国The 3rd Model United Nation英文组English Group背景文件Background GuideStatement of the ProblemThe world is in an unusually prolonged and widespread global expansion—the strongest in more than three decades. Economic integration and technological change have played a crucial part in driving this expansion and sustaining it in the face of recent shocks and some daunting longer-term economic policy challenges.Yet there remains substantial ambivalence about the benefits of globalization. To many, the costs seem more compelling than the benefits. The sources of this ambivalence are varied. Some are familiar and some new.Concerns about the distributional impact of trade have been given new force by the de cline in labor’s share of national income; the long-term trend of rising income inequality; the increase in the share of goods and services that are tradable, and therefore of the broader scope of the population affected by the pressure of competition; and the perceived acceleration in the pace of economic change.The greater mobility of financial flows has increased the sense among policymakers in many countries that their jobs have become harder, that they are less the masters of their own fate than in the past, and that they have a diminished ability to shield their companies and citizens from volatility.But do these changes in economic circumstances and in perceptions fundamentally change what we know about the broad economic merits of global integration? I do not believe the basic economics of that judgment have changed.Few would argue that economic integration by itself is sufficient to achieve broad-based gains in income growth both within and across countries. The relative prosperity of nations reflects different choices made by governments about a range of policies and institutions beyond the realm of trade and financial restrictions. But integration is an essential ingredient for achieving sustained growth. Reasonable people can disagree on the magnitude of gains that can be attributed to trade rather than other economic policies. But the evidence in support of the broad consensus that openness and integration contribute significantly to better growth outcomes remains compelling.Just as compelling is the evidence against the proposition that protection in the form of restrictions on trade increases growth or reduces inequality. The world has a lot of experience with different policies designed to slow the pace of integration or to insulate parts of the economy from its effects, and these policies have generally been associated with worse economic outcomes. The poor do not benefit from protectionism.Although the balance of economic evidence has not fundamentally changed, the politics around globalization and integration have become more challenging.The fact that the United States is now in the fifth consecutive year of expansion and that unemployment is now at 4.4 percent doesn’t seem to have made trade any more popular. A recent Pew poll suggested that that nearlytwo-thirds of Americans feel less secure about their jobs than in earlier generations. And many attribute this increase in anxiety to trade.This phenomenon of persistent and perhaps rising ambivalence about integration in the face of solid growth in average incomes is not unique to the United States. Here, as in many countries, the political consensus in favor of economic openness seems more fragile than it once was.The debate about how to respond to this challenge tends to see the economic and political imperatives as in conflict. The most appealing political response—usually some form of selective restriction on trade or investment—is generally the option with the worst economic return. The typical political impulse is to try to address directly the source of the competitive pressure and to relieve it, but these measures cannot offer lasting relief. The economic price of protection, in terms of distorted incentives, reduced flexibility and broader costs on the economy as a whole, seem both more substantial and more enduring than any temporary political benefit.The policy strategies that offer a better longer-term return do not try directly to relieve the pressures that come from economic and financial integration. Instead, they focus on the broader complement of policies and institutions that improve the capacity of economies to adapt to change and to absorb shocks. Those countries that have experienced the greatest gains as the world has become more integrated have been those with the type of policy and institutional infrastructure that facilitates economic flexibility and resilience in the face of change. The policies that offer the most promise in terms of broad-based income gains are not those that try to provide insulation from volatility, but those that make it easier to live with volatility.In the realm of macroeconomic policy, this means further progress toward monetary policy credibility and fiscal sustainability, so that central banks and governments have the capacity to react to adverse shocks and mitigate the damage they can cause.Even with the remarkable improvements in the conduct of monetary policy around the world over the past two decades, central banks in many countries do not have institutional independence, in law or in practice. And many still operate under policy regimes directed at limiting exchange rate changes—objectives that will necessarily conflict with their ability to achieve price stability, as their capital accounts become progressively more open. Economies with flexible exchange rate regimes generally fare better in the face of adverse external shocks. And in countries where central bank credibility is more firmly established, monetary authorities are better able to react to a sharp fall in asset prices or a negative demand shock.In fiscal policy, the same basic point applies. Where fiscal sustainability is more firmly established, governments have more scope to respond to adverse demand shocks by reducing taxes or increasing expenditures. Where deficits and debt to GDP ratios are high and rising, governments have less scope for countercyclical fiscal policy. In these cases fiscal stimulus is more likely to bemet by a rise in risk premier, reducing, if not fully offsetting, the desired benefits to growth. Even in those emerging markets that have seen the most impressive progress toward fiscal sustainability, few have reached the point where they have built much of a cushion against future shocks. And in the United States and many other economies, the demographic changes now working their way through the economy entail very large future deficits and consequently very limited fiscal room for maneuver.The right macroeconomic policy framework is crucial. But we have come to recognize that other issues, traditionally the province of microeconomics, have a vital role in contributing to effective macroeconomic policy. A critical factor distinguishing long-term economic performance among countries with relatively good monetary and fiscal policies is the degree of overall flexibility they exhibit in labor, product and financial markets. This is not simply about the presence or absence of regulation. It is a function of the incentives regulation creates and the extent to which it gets in the way of competition, impedes the allocation of labor and capital to industries with a higher return, favors established firms, and creates barriers to new entrants.As the substantial body of research on structural reforms by the OECD has demonstrated, where regulation is more compatible with flexibility, productive growth has generally been higher, as technological advances have been diffused and adopted more rapidly. The IMF’s latest World Economic Outlook reports that, among the major economies, those with more flexible labor markets have seen smaller declines in labor’s share of income.Open economies, of course, need strong and resilient financial systems. As financial systems develop and capital markets become more open and integrated, savings should be allocated more efficiently and risks distributed more broadly, both within and across countries. This process, however, is messy and very challenging to manage well. The history of economic crises over the last two decades is a history not just of fiscal profligacy and monetary policy mistakes, but of financial system weakness—often the result of rapid deregulation and capital account liberalization in a context of weak supervision and a broad government guarantee of bank liabilities.The development of deeper and more resilient financial markets is important for economies to be able to cope better with exchange rate flexibility and capital mobility. And financial strength is an important part of the arsenal of macro policy tools, for monetary policy is less effective in cushioning the effects of asset price and demand shocks in circumstances where the banking sector is impaired.A final and critical dimension of the policy framework that is important to the successful management of economic integration is the design of the public or social infrastructure. Raising the quality of educational outcomes is vital, as is the design of the network of insurance mechanisms, from unemployment insurance and training support, to health care and pension schemes. As progressively larger shares of the population become more exposed to thepressures of competition, as economies become more flexible, governments have to do a better job of designing programs of assistance that can ease the costs of adjustment.These policies and institutional reforms are fundamentally the responsibility of national governments. International institutions can help, with technical assistance and financial support, but these challenges are essentially national challenges. The reforms of the international institutions now underway to make them more representative of the changing balance of economic activity in the world are laudable. And we share a common interest in a broad range of informal mechanisms for cooperation on policies in the financial arena. But ultimately it is the quality of the choices national governments make that will determine how their economies fare in a more open global economy.Global integration is not the primary source of the world’s economic problems, nor can it be the primary solution to them. But economic integration can contribute significantly to sustained growth, rising incomes and declining poverty rates. The most effective policy response to the concerns of those who fear the consequences of further integration is to direct more political capital to the challenge of developing the economic and institutional infrastructure that will enable governments and their citizens to adapt more readily to change. History of the ProblemA Short History of the Integrated FrameworkThe first WTO Ministerial Conference, held in 1996, recognized that the Least-Developed Countries (LDCs) faced difficulties integrating into the global economy. This led to the adoption of the WTO Plan of Action forLeast-Developed Countries. The following year, the WTO convened a High Level Meeting to discuss the specific needs of the LDCs and to formulate a programme to strengthen their trade capacities, including supply-side and market access capacities. The outcome of this meeting was what became known as the Integrated Framework for Trade-Related Technical Assistance to Least-Developed Countries or the "IF" in short.The main objective of the IF was to improve the capacity of the LDCs to formulate, negotiate and implement trade policy so as to be able to fully integrate into the multilateral trading system and to take up the market opportunities this presents. Support was offered to the IF by six major multilateral agencies, namely the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the International Trade Centre (ITC), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the World Bank (WB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO).The achievements of the IF during the early years were modest, with only a handful of LDCs accessing benefits from the initiative. When the six agencies met in 2000 to review progress they adopted a number of recommendations and implemented institutional changes to improve the IF's effectiveness. Two main objectives were formulated for the revamped IF; firstly, to mainstream trade into the LDCs' Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) or similarnational development plans; and secondly, to assist in the coordinated delivery of trade-related technical assistance.A new tripartite governance and management structure was established to enable the IF to be more country-driven and better coordinated.Current SituationIn LDCsThe National EIF Focal Point (FP) leads the EIF process in the LDC –usually a senior government official appointed by the LDC and supported by a National Implementation Unit (NIU).The EIF Donor Facilitator (DF) works with the FP to facilitate donor coordination and the donor/government dialogue on trade issues and Aid for Trade. The DF is a representative from the donor community active in supporting an LDC’s trade agenda and is identified by the government and other donors.The EIF National Steering Committee (NSC) is the senior level forum for decision-making and coordination among government partners on trade, the private sector, civil society and the donor community.GloballyThe EIF Steering Committee reviews the overall effectiveness of the EIF and ensures transparency of the EIF process. The Steering Committee is made up of all LDCs, all donors to the Trust Fund, the six EIF core partner agencies, the ES and TFM ex officio, and others granted observer status by the EIF Board. The EIF Board is the key decision-making body for the EIF programme looking at policy, financial and operational issues. The Board is made up of three capital-based LDC and donor representatives each, members from the core and observer agencies, as well as the ES and TFM ex officio.The EIF Executive Secretariat, housed in the WTO, works in support of the EIF together with the EIF Trust Fund Manager, represented through the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) as selected by the EIF Board.Relevant WTO ActionsThe Work of the Task ForceGiven the growing interest in trade and development, and the weaknesses noted above, the Development Committee of the World Bank and IMF at their meeting in September 2005 concluded3 that the IF should be enhanced and provided with additional resources. The World Bank staff estimated that an amount of between US$200 million and $400 million would be needed for an enhanced IF, based on the needs identified in the current 40 recipient countries and assuming that the IF would be expanded to include the "IDA-only" countries. Subsequent to this, the IFSC established a Task Force to develop proposals fo r such an enhancement, including expanding the IF’s resources and scope, and making it more effective. The Terms of Reference of the Task Force are provided in Appendix I.The Task Force included representatives of LDCs and donors (see Appendix IIfor list of members) and, after an initial meeting chaired by the Ambassador of Zambia, the Ambassador of Canada was invited to assume the Chair. The Task Force conducted its work in two phases, before and after the Hong Kong WTO Ministerial. In its initial phase the Task Force developed consensus recommendations on its terms of reference and key elements. These were approved by Ministers at Hong Kong.Subsequently, the Task Force met twelve times between January and May, 2006, including a session to hear the views of the IF agencies (WTO, World Bank, UNDP, IMF, UNCTAD, ITC). To guide its substantive discussions, individual discussion papers were prepared by members on scope, funding,in-country performance, and on management, governance and administration. The Task Force conducted a two-day workshop, 1 to 2 April, at Coppet, Switzerland, to develop initial recommendations. In its final meetings the Task Force refined these recommendations, a task considerably aided by contributions made by the IF agencies.Throughout its work the Task Force benefited from the strong engagement of its members, ensuring that there was always a lively and informed discussion. Task Force members took their responsibilities extremely seriously. It was particularly gratifying to note that there was often representation from capitals (from both the LDCs and donors) as well from the Geneva missions, illustrating the importance attached to the work of the Task Force by its members. The Task Force benefited from a strong blend of development and trade expertise among its membership.The point of departure for the substantive discussions of the Task Force was the Hong Kong Ministerial Declaration4, which reaffirmed the commitment "to effectively and meaningfully integrate LDCs into the multilateral trading system," noted that the Ministers attached "high priority to the effective implementation of the Integrated Framework" and recognized the "urgent need to make the IF more effective and timely" (paragraph 48). Ministers required the Task Force to report back to the IF Steering Committee by 30 April 2006 so that an enhanced IF could be launched by 31 December 2006.It was agreed that the enhanced IF should comprise three specific elements:(i) Increased, additional, predictable financial resources to implement Action Matrices;(ii) Strengthened in-country capacities to manage, implement and monitor the IF process; and(iii) Enhanced IF governance.The Task Force recognized the importance of trade liberalization and the fact that such liberalization should lead to improved economic conditions in the LDCs and assist in meeting the Millennium Development Goal of reducing poverty by half. However there was also a recognition that trade liberalization in itself would not bring about such improvements unless it was handled in a sustainable manner and integrated into a country's overall developmentstrategy.The Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness was seen as very important in this process, and our recommendations draw on these principles.The Paris Declaration makes specific commitments in the following areas:1. Strengthening partner countries’ national development strategies and associated operational frameworks (e.g., planning, budget, and performance assessment frameworks).2. Increasing a lignment of aid with partner countries’ priorities, systems and procedures and helping to strengthen their capacities.3. Enhancing donors’ and partner countries’ respective accountability to their citizens and parliaments for their development policies, strategies and performance.4. Eliminating duplication of efforts and rationalizing donor activities to make them as cost-effective as possible.5. Reforming and simplifying donor policies and procedures to encourage collaborative behavior and progressive alignment with partner countries’ priorities, systems and procedures.6. Defining measures and standards of performance and accountability of partner country systems in public financial management, procurement, fiduciary safeguards and environmental assessments, in line with broadly accepted good practices and their quick and widespread application.NICA National Integration Council (NIC) to promote and foster social integration among Singaporeans and with new Singapore Citizens and Permanent Residents has been formed.It will be chaired by Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Community Development, Youth and Sports, and will be composed of leaders from the community, private sector and government.Plans for the formation of the NIC were first announced during the Committee for Supply debate in February, and was announced by the Minister at a Ministerial Community Walkabout.The NIC will encourage collaborative social integration efforts among the people, the public and the private sectors. The NIC will drive new integration initiatives in schools, workplaces, the community, and through the media. Enhanced Integrated FrameworkThe Enhanced Integrated Framework (EIF) is a multi-donor programme, which helps least-developed countries (LDCs) play a more active role in the global trading system. The program has a wider goal of promoting economic growth and sustainable development and helping to lift more people out of poverty.The program is currently helping 47 LDCs worldwide, supported by a multi-donor trust fund with a funding target of US$ 250 million.The EIF Trust FundThe EIF programme is supported by a Multi-Donor Trust Fund. As ofJanuary 2011, there were contributions from 22 donors. Total funding available stood at approximately US$ 120 million, with total pledges of US$ 182 million to be disbursed over a five year period. In 2007 at the High-Level Conference in Stockholm pledges were made of up to US$ 170 million, against a target of US$ 250 million.Proposed SolutionsOnce the IFSC has approved the Task Force's recommendations more work will need to be done to flesh out the details and undertake some specific actions so that implementation of the enhanced IF can proceed in January 2007. This work will need to focus on:• Institutional issue s, including staffing of the Executive Secretariat,• defining the in-country approach and programming issues, and• launching the replenishment process.The specific institutional issues include:• transmitting details of the enhanced IF to all stakeh olders,• drafting new terms of reference for the IFSC and the Board,• transforming the IFWG into the Board,• clarifying the status of the Executive Secretariat and its relationshipwith the WTO,• drafting a service agreement with the WTO,• specif ying the type of staff for the Executive Secretariat, includingdrafting job descriptions,• initiating the recruitment process for the CEO and other staff, and• investigating the most cost-effective method for managing the trust fund.The in-country issues that have to be fleshed out include the following:• detailing likely in-country measures needed to support the Focal Pointthrough the national implementation unit,• discussing the role of donors in-country including that of the donor coordinator,• clarifying the roles of the different agencies and other stakeholders, and • working out details for in-country programming whereby the differentagencies would have a clearer picture of their possible specificresponsibilities and how the process would work, including pre-DTIS work, preparation of the DTIS, mainstreaming work, preparation for andimplementation of activities funded through Tier 2.The work regarding the replenishment process includes:• Further clarifying the cost estimates, and• Fixing a date for and organizing a pledging conference.。
模拟联合国大会现场创意版工作文件范例
（d）完善当地基础设施建设，提供应急避难场所；
13.禁止任何机构组织、国家向苏丹政府或反政府武装出售军火；
14.达尔富尔问题属于苏丹内政：
（a）任何国家不得挑拨是非，干扰问题的解决进程；
（b）认为苏丹政府应适当改进统治办法，保护难民。
（a）积极发展石油工业，与其他国家达成更多贸易协定：
ⅰ.提高石油开采技术，勘探油田；
ⅱ.扩大石油贸易市场，增加输出量；
（b）发展石油业的同时注重与其他行业的协同发展，发展第二、第三产业，调整经济结构；
（c）发展科技含量高的产业，减少对自然环境的依赖程度；
（d）发展经济的同时，注重生态环境的保护，实现可持续发展；
（a）国际组织应增加对达尔富尔地区的资源补助；
（b）应募对达尔富尔地区的人道主义救援：
（a）每年提供更多粮食补助；
（b）提供医疗救助；
ⅰ.发展中国家可以定期派出医疗团队参与援助工作；
ⅱ.发达国家还可以和苏丹政府合作兴建医院设施；
ⅲ.应提供更多的治疗各种疫病的注射剂，各种常见药物；
8.联合国和非盟应继续组成维和部队维持达尔富尔地区秩序，人数上可适当减少；
9.联合国与非盟应主持谈判促成苏丹政府和反政府武装的协定；
10.在联合国和非盟的框架下，促成问题合理解决：
（a）形成以苏丹政府、非盟、联合国共同主导的“三方机制”
（b）世界各国应达成一定共识，缓和各阶层矛盾；
11.其他国际组织：
工作文件
委员会：特别政治和非殖民化委员会（第四委员会）
议题：达尔富尔问题
起草国：伊朗、中国、苏丹、南苏丹、肯尼亚、中非、刚果共和国、以色列
通过会议进行中的讨论磋商，针对合理解决达尔富尔问题，伊朗、中国、苏丹、南苏丹、肯尼亚、中非、刚果共和国、以色列提出：
模联立场文件范文
模联立场文件范文
《模联立场文件范文》
尊敬的主席、各位代表：
我们所代表的国家，对于当前所讨论的议题持有以下立场。
首先，我们坚决支持国际社会的和平与安全。
我们认为，只有在一个和平稳定的世界环境下，各国才能真正发展和繁荣。
因此，我们愿意与其他国家一道，共同维护国际和平与安全的局面。
其次，我们支持促进全球经济发展和合作。
我们认为，各国间的经济合作和贸易交流能够为全球经济带来更多机遇和活力。
我们将积极参与并推动各种形式的国际经济合作，以实现共赢局面。
同时，我们高度重视人权和民主的发展。
我们认为，尊重和保障人权是每个国家应尽的责任。
我们将致力于维护人权和民主的普遍性，为全世界的人民谋求幸福和福祉。
最后，我们愿意与其他国家建立和加强友好合作关系。
我们将积极推动国际合作，共同解决全球性问题，为人类的共同利益和发展作出贡献。
在此，我们郑重声明以上立场，并愿意在未来的合作中与各国携手共进，共同开创美好的未来。
谢谢！。
模联策划书
模拟联合国大会策划书模拟联合国（model united nations）简称mun,是模仿联合国及相关的国际机构，依据其运作方式和议事原则，围绕国际上的热点问题召开的会议。
由青年学生组成的代表们遵循大会规则，在会议主席团的主持下，通过演讲阐述“自己国家”的观点，为了“自己国家”的利益进行辩论、游说，他们与友好的国家沟通协作，解决冲突；他们讨论决议草案，促进国际合作；他们在“联合国”的舞台上，充分发挥自己的才能。
模拟联合国是世界各国官方和民间团体特意为青年人组织的活动。
青年学生们扮演各个国家的外交官，以联合国大会的形式，通过阐述观点、政策辩论、投票表决、做出决议等亲身经历，熟悉联合国的运作方式，了解世界发生大事对他们未来的影响，了解自身在未来可以发挥的作用。
作为21世纪的中国青年，在这样一个充满激情和挑战的时代，在我国刚刚加入wto，改革开放继续深化，国际局势依然复杂多变的背景下，积极参与模拟联合国活动不仅有助于我们对联合国的了解，更重要的是可以利用自身的专业素质，为中国的外交事业服务，为中国在复杂的国际环境中蓬勃发展贡献自己的力量。
当今模拟联合国在我国各大高校中有举足轻重的地位，越来越多的学校都加入到这个行列中。
是否举办模拟联合国甚至成为了衡量一个学校实力的重要因素。
2011年6月，校学生会已经在我们学校举办了一次模拟联合国大会，同时，我们学校也积极抓住机遇，在今年准备举办“中国矿业大学第二届模拟联合国大会”。
“模拟联合国”是一项健康积极、极富教育意义的学生活动。
它的开展有着重大的意义： 1、“模拟联合国”有利于增进同学们组织、策划、筹款和财务管理的能力，研究和写作的能力，公开发言和辩论的能力，解决冲突、寻求妥协和达成一致从而缔结合作的能力(谈判的能力、求同存异或消除分歧的能力)，运用英语的能力，与他人沟通交往等多方面能力2、同时，“模拟联合国”有利于丰富我校学生的课余生活，扩大国际视野，锻炼我校学生们的领袖气质与合作精神。
模联立场文件范文
模联立场文件范文尊敬的各位模联代表：首先，我代表本国团队向各位代表和观察员表示热烈的欢迎和诚挚的问候。
本次会议的召开标志着世界各国团结合作、共同应对全球性挑战的决心和信心。
我们相信，在今后的会议中，各国代表将充分发扬合作精神，共同推动会议取得圆满成功。
本次会议的议题是“全球气候变化与可持续发展”。
气候变化是当今世界面临的最严重的环境问题之一，对全球的经济、社会和环境产生了深远的影响。
我们认为，应对气候变化、推动可持续发展是各国共同的责任和义务。
本国团队坚信，只有通过国际合作和共同努力，才能有效应对气候变化，实现可持续发展的目标。
首先，我们认为应对气候变化需要全球范围内的合作和协调。
气候变化是全球性的问题，没有任何一个国家能够独自解决。
各国应该加强合作，共同制定应对气候变化的政策和措施，共同推动全球减排目标的实现。
只有通过国际合作，才能有效降低全球碳排放量，减缓气候变化的速度。
其次，我们认为可持续发展是解决气候变化问题的根本之道。
可持续发展是指满足当前世代的需求，同时不损害未来世代满足其需求的能力。
各国应该积极推动可持续发展理念的落实，加强环境保护和资源利用，推动经济、社会和环境的协调发展。
只有通过可持续发展，才能有效应对气候变化，实现经济的可持续增长。
最后，我们认为应对气候变化需要全社会的参与和共同努力。
气候变化是全社会共同面临的问题，需要政府、企业、社会组织和个人共同参与。
各国应该加强社会各界的宣传和教育，提高公众对气候变化问题的认识和意识，推动全社会共同参与气候变化应对工作。
总之，本国团队坚信，只有通过全球范围内的合作和协调，推动可持续发展，加强全社会的参与，才能有效应对气候变化，实现全球的可持续发展目标。
我们期待在今后的会议中，各国代表能够充分发扬合作精神，共同推动会议取得圆满成功。
谢谢！。
模联发言稿格式及范文
尊敬的主席，各位代表，大家好！今天，我站在这里，有幸代表我国参与此次模拟联合国会议。
在此，我将结合我国国情和国际形势，就本次会议的议题发表几点看法。
一、模联发言稿格式模联发言稿格式一般包括以下几个部分：1. 开场白：向主席和各位代表表示问候，简要介绍自己的身份和发言目的。
2. 背景介绍：阐述本次会议议题的背景，包括历史、现状和存在的问题。
3. 我国立场：阐述我国在本次会议议题上的立场和主张。
4. 国际合作：提出我国在解决本次会议议题上的国际合作建议。
5. 总结：对本次发言进行总结，强调我国在解决本次议题上的决心和信心。
6. 结束语：向主席和各位代表表示感谢，表达对我国在国际事务中发挥作用的期待。
二、模联发言稿范文尊敬的主席，各位代表：大家好！我是来自中国的代表，非常荣幸能在此就本次会议议题发表我国立场。
一、背景介绍近年来，全球气候变化问题日益严重，给人类生存和发展带来了严重威胁。
各国应共同努力，加强国际合作，共同应对气候变化。
二、我国立场1. 我国政府高度重视气候变化问题，积极参与国际气候变化谈判，坚定支持《巴黎协定》。
2. 我国致力于实现绿色发展，推动能源结构优化，加大低碳技术研发和推广。
3. 我国将加强国内政策制定，确保实现《巴黎协定》中的承诺。
三、国际合作1. 建立全球气候治理体系，加强各国在气候变化领域的政策协调。
2. 加大资金支持，帮助发展中国家应对气候变化。
3. 推动全球气候治理体系改革，提高发展中国家在气候治理中的话语权。
四、总结气候变化是全球性问题，需要各国共同努力。
我国将坚定不移地履行国际义务，为全球气候治理作出贡献。
我们相信，在各国共同努力下，一定能够战胜气候变化这一挑战。
最后，感谢主席和各位代表给予我国发言的机会。
我国期待与国际社会携手合作，共同应对气候变化，共创美好未来！谢谢大家！。
模联会议背景文件资料
2014年四川师范大学模拟联合国大会环境规划署背景文件议题：气候变化——人类面临的新挑战主席团欢迎信：大家好！欢迎大家来到2014年四川师范大学模拟联合国大会，参与模拟联合国中文组环境规划署会议议程的讨论。
作为新世纪的有志青年，我们以模拟联合国大会的形式来支持联合国的纲领和行动，表现出我们这一代青年参与国际合作、企盼世界和平的理想信念。
在此，我盼望各位代表能够在团结和睦、和平友好的基本精神指引下，共同举办一次高水平、有深度的模联大会。
联合国环境规划署，作为联合国统筹全世界环保工作的组织，在国际社会和各国政府对全球环境状况及世界可持续发展前景愈加深切关注的二十一世纪，受到了越来越广泛的重视，并且正在发挥着不可替代的作用。
其宗旨是促进环境领域内的国际合作，并提出政策建议；在联合国系统内提供指导和协调环境规划总政策，并审查规划的定期报告；审查世界环境状况，以确保可能出现的具有广泛国际影响的环境问题得到各国政府的适当考虑；经常审查国家和国际环境政策和措施对发展中国家带来的影响和费用增加的问题；促进环境知识的取得和情报的交流。
在社会经济快速发展的二十一世纪，气候恶化、生态失衡、地质变异和环境污染等环境问题日渐突出。
如何优化人类生存环境，处理好经济发展与环境之间的关系成为了一项关系到世界各国可持续发展的重大难题。
委员会的议题设置便是基于这一问题的严峻性和紧迫性展开。
因此，我们诚挚地希望大家能够针对如何应对环境恶化问题提出有效、广泛并切实可行的意见和建议。
委员会衷心希望看到各位代表的协作磋商，期待着大家的决议能够真正体现出联合国环境规划署的宗旨，担负起协调发展好全球环境的历史使命。
最后，主席团祝愿各位代表能够在会场上彰显外交官风采，展示出众的个人能力，积极推动会议进程，在本次2014年四川师范大学模拟联合国大会环境规划署委员会两天的会议中有所收获，留下难忘的模联记忆。
2014年四川师范大学模拟联合国大会环境规划署主席团2014年3月11日委员会介绍 :联合国环境规划署（United Nations Environmental Programme Governing Council），简称环规署，UNEP），总部设在肯尼亚首都内罗毕，是全球仅有的两个将总部设在发展中国家的联合国机构之一。
模拟联合国策划书
模拟联合国策划书一、背景介绍。
模拟联合国（Model United Nations，简称MUN）是一种模拟联合国会议的学术活动，旨在通过模拟真实的联合国会议，培养学生的国际事务意识、辩论技巧和解决问题的能力。
本次模拟联合国会议将以“共创和平、促进发展”为主题，旨在提供一个平台，让参与者能够深入了解国际事务，提出解决方案，并通过辩论和协商，寻求共识，推动全球合作。
二、目标与目的。
1. 提高参与者的国际事务意识，通过模拟联合国会议，让参与者了解国际事务的重要性和复杂性，培养他们对全球问题的关注和思考能力。
2. 培养参与者的辩论技巧，通过模拟联合国会议的辩论环节，锻炼参与者的辩论技巧和表达能力，培养他们的逻辑思维和口头沟通能力。
3. 提升参与者的问题解决能力，通过模拟联合国会议的协商和合作过程，培养参与者的问题解决能力和团队合作精神，让他们学会通过协商和合作达成共识。
三、活动内容。
1. 模拟联合国会议，参与者将分为不同的国家代表团，模拟联合国会议的各个委员会，讨论和解决各种国际问题。
会议将模拟真实的联合国会议流程，包括发言、辩论、提案和投票等环节。
2. 主题演讲，邀请专家学者就全球问题进行主题演讲，为参与者提供背景知识和启发思考。
3. 辩论训练，组织辩论训练活动，提供辩论技巧的指导和实践机会，帮助参与者提升辩论能力。
4. 团队合作项目，组织参与者参与团队合作项目，培养他们的团队合作精神和问题解决能力。
5. 文化交流活动，安排文化交流活动，让参与者了解不同国家和文化，促进跨文化交流与理解。
四、预期效果。
1. 提高参与者的国际事务意识和全球视野，培养他们成为有责任感和使命感的全球公民。
2. 培养参与者的辩论技巧和表达能力，提升他们的口头沟通和逻辑思维能力。
3. 培养参与者的问题解决能力和团队合作精神，让他们学会通过协商和合作解决问题。
4. 促进跨文化交流与理解，培养参与者的国际交往能力和文化包容性。
五、组织与实施。
模联立场文件俄罗斯灾害应对,非政府组织方面
姓名：
学校：
国家：俄罗斯联邦
委员会：全球领导人峰会
议题：灾难应对与非政府组织
自然灾害越来越深刻地影响到全球的经济和社会安全，全球合作防灾救灾刻不容缓。
俄罗斯联邦认为，在全球化背景下，政府组织和非政府组织应联合起来参与自然灾害应对与管理。
俄罗斯联邦紧急情况部是处理应急问题时的重要机构，它的主要任务是制定和落实国家在民防和应对突发事件方面的政策，实施一系列预防和消除灾害措施。
另外，非政府组织参与防灾救灾机制在我国已十分成熟，能够及时响应政府，进行专业有效的救援。
但缺乏统一指导，与政府组织难以沟通与协调，仍旧世界范围内是普遍存在的问题。
在促进政府主导作用和非政府组织微观职能互补的进程中，俄罗斯联邦提议对于灾后重建，政府应承担救灾及重建财务责任，在建立危机应急系统的同时，重视与非政府组织的合作。
对此，俄罗斯联邦认为必须建立技术灾难和自然灾害预警与防扩散国际机制，并使其对所有有意加入的国家公开，尤其当灾难范围超出单一国家的界限时，例如日本福岛第一核电站事故，相关法律的制定就尤为重要了。
俄罗斯联邦政府极为重视灾后重建的国际合作，希望各国共同应对自然灾害和突发事件的威胁，同时对政府及非政府组织间专业化的管理与合作进行统和与指导。
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2011年鲁东半岛高中联盟暑期活动·模联峰会背景文件委员会：安全理事会会制：双代表议题：选举安全目录一、委员会介绍——————————————————-3二、议题介绍——————————————————— 91、问题阐述————————————————————————————92、历史背景————————————————————————————123、问题现状————————————————————————————144、安理会角色———————————————————————————155、联合国相关行动—————————————————————————166、解决方案————————————————————————————177、亟须解决的问题—————————————————————————188、集团立场————————————————————————————18三、对各位代表的建议————————————————20一、委员会介绍1、概况中文：联合国安全理事会英文：United Nations Security Council (UNSC)2、性质联合国安全理事会（简称安理会）是联合国的6大主要机构之一。
根据联合国宪章的宗旨及原则，安理会负有维持国际和平与安全的责任，是唯一有权采取行动的联合国机构3、职权安理会有权调查任何引起国际争端或摩擦的任何情况，并可提出解决这些争端的方式或办法。
会员国或接受联合国宪章的非会员国、联合国大会或秘书长，均可就国际和平与安全问题提请安理会注意。
安理会有权断定任何威胁和平、破坏和平或侵略等行为的存在，并可提出采取强制措施以维持或恢复国际和平与安全的建议或作出这方面的决定，如认为这些措施还不能解决问题，它可以通过采取关于军事行动的决议去解决这些问题。
安理会还有向联合国大会提出年度报告、特别报告、对战略性地区行使托管等职能。
在其他方面，安理会与大会分别选举国际法院法官，建议或决定应采取的措施以执行国际法院的判决，向大会推荐新会员国和联合国秘书长，向大会建议停止会员国的权利或开除会员国，参加宪章规定的修正程序。
4、组成安理会由5个常任理事国和10个非常任理事国组成。
5个常任理事国是中国、法国、俄罗斯（1991年12月苏联解体后席位由俄罗斯联邦接替）、英国、美国。
非常任理事国由联合国大会选举产生，最初为6个。
1965年，通过修改宪章，非常任理事国数量从6个增加到10个。
席位按地区分配，即亚洲2个、非洲3个、拉美2个、东欧1个、西欧及其他国家2个。
非常任理事国任期2年，经选举每年更换5个，不可即行连任。
根据地域分配原则，每次新选出的5个成员国中应包括来自亚洲和非洲的3个国家、一个东欧国家和一个拉美或加勒比地区国家。
现任非常任理事国：印度、哥伦比亚、南非、德国、葡萄牙、波黑、巴西、加蓬、黎巴嫩、尼日利亚。
5、议事每个理事国都有1个投票权，程序问题要至少9票才能通过。
常任理事国对实质问题都拥有否决权，只要有1票反对就不能通过。
这就是“大国一致”规则，通常称为“否决”权。
非常任理事国无否决权。
实际上，在程序问题上，安理会常任理事国也拥有否决权。
因为安理会会员国就该问题是“程序问题”还是“实质问题”产生分歧时候，就可以把该问题认定为“实质问题”，有人称其为“双重否决权”。
根据宪章，联合国所有会员国同意接受并执行安理会的决定。
联合国其他机构只是向各国政府提出建议，唯有安理会有权作出根据《宪章》规定各会员国必须执行的决定。
经安理会通过的决议，对会员国具有约束力。
安理会是联合国中唯一有权对国际和平与安全采取行动的机构。
它有权对国际争端进行调查和调停，可以采取武器禁运、经济制裁等强制性措施，还可以派遣联合国维和部队，以协助缓和某一地区的紧张局势。
联合国安理会作为国际集体安全机制的核心，已经成为公认的多边安全体系最具权威性和合法性的机构。
安理会主席由常任理事国和非常任理事国按国名的英文字母顺序按月轮流担任。
每一主席任期一个月。
联合国大会、秘书长以及任何会员国都可以提请安理会注意可能危及国际和平与安全的争端和局势。
联大决定停止某会员国权利或开除某会员国均须由安理会事先提出建议。
安理会每年举行两次定期会议，在安理会主席认为必要，或经大会、秘书长或任何理事国的建议或请求，可随时召集会议。
联合国大会根据安理会的推荐任命联合国秘书长。
安理会会议一般在联合国总部举行。
安理会设有军事参谋团、接纳新会员委员会以及其它特设机构。
安理会表决实行每一理事国一票。
对于程序事项决议的表决采取9个同意票即可通过。
对于非程序事项或称实质性事项的决议表决，要求包括全体常任理事国在内的9个同意票，又称大国一致原则，即任何一个常任理事国都享有否决权。
在安理会的表决程序中，常任理事国的否决权（即“大国一致”原则）占有极其重要的地位。
“否决权”实质上是一种少数抵制或阻止多数的权利。
因此，安理会的表决程序是一种“受限制的多数表决权”。
在这种制度下，只要一个常任理事国对某一决定投反对票，即使安理会其他所有14个理事国都投赞成票，该项决议也不能通过。
但是，另一方面，某项得到5个常任理事国一致同意的决定，如果有7个非常任理事国反对或弃权，因而不能获得9票的多数时，该项决定同样也不能通过。
这种情况，可称之为非常任理事国的“集体否决权”。
常任理事国的弃权或者缺席不被视为否决，不影响决议的通过。
《联合国宪章》有关安理会的章节中并无明确规定“否决权”，但规定“凡非程序性决议案，必须得到安理会15个理事国中至少9票以上赞成，并且5个常任理事国中没有一国投反对票才能通过”，即常任理事国投反对票通常被称为“行使否决权”。
联合国历史上首度行使否决权是1946年2月16日苏联在叙利亚、黎巴嫩问题的一次表决中投下反对票。
冷战期间，美苏等国为了各自的战略利益，频繁使用否决权否决对方集团提出的议案。
6、维和行动概述联合国维持和平行动 (U.N. Peace-keeping Activities) 是指在联合国安理会授权下使用非武力方式帮助冲突各方维持和平、恢复和平并最终实现和平的一种行动。
维和行动主要有两种形式：军事观察团和维持和平部队。
联合国目前共有18项维和行动（2006年7月），参加者包括来自108个国家的7．2万名军人、警察及1．5万名文职人员。
2004年联合国的维和行动预算为40多亿美元。
在15项维和行动中，执行时间最长的是1948年成立的中东停战监督组织，这也是联合国第一项维和行动。
时间最短的是2000年7月设立的联合国埃塞俄比亚－厄立特里亚特派团。
在15项维和行动中，有4项在非洲（刚果民主共和国特派团、埃－厄特派团、塞拉里昂特派团、西撒哈拉特派团），2项在亚洲（东帝汶过渡行政当局、印度－巴基斯坦观察组），5项在欧洲（波黑特派团、驻塞浦路斯部队、格鲁吉亚观察团、科索沃特派团、普雷维拉卡观察团），4项在中东（驻叙利亚戈兰高地观察员部队、伊拉克－科威特观察团、驻黎巴嫩部队、中东停战监督组织）。
维和是联合国的重要职能之一。
联合国维和行动是联合国根据安理会或联大通过的决议，向冲突地区派遣军事人员以恢复或维护和平的一种行动。
它的目的是防止局部地区冲突的扩大或再起，从而为实现政治解决创造条件。
维和行动的任务包括监督停火、停战、撤军；使冲突双方脱离接触；观察、报告局势；帮助执行和平协议；防止非法越界或渗透以及维持冲突地区的治安等。
近年来，随着国际形势的变化，联合国维和行动的任务范围也有所扩大，涉及监督选举、全民公决、保护和分发人道主义援助，以及帮助扫雷和难民重返家园等许多非传统性的工作。
参与维和队伍的人员除了军事人员以外，还有民事警察和文职人员。
维和行动的建立一般由安理会决定，在历史上联合国大会偶尔也做出过决定。
它的具体实施由联合国秘书长商安理会决定。
维和行动主要有两种形式：军事观察团和维持和平部队。
前者一般由非武装的军人组成，后者由武装的军事分遣队组成。
因为维和行动属非强制性行动，所以军事观察员不得携带武器；维和部队虽配有武器，但不得擅自使用武力，除非迫不得已进行自卫。
联合国维和行动属于临时性措施，一般均有一定的期限，可由安理会视具体情况，根据联合国秘书长的建议决定延期。
维和行动的最基本要求是绝对不能干涉一国的内政。
根据《联合国宪章》，联合国可以通过下列两种方式制止国际冲突：一是纯外交方式，即通过斡旋、调解来解决争端；二是强制方式，通过封锁、禁运、经济制裁乃至派联合国军等强制措施阻止冲突。
维和行动就是在联合国调解和解决地区冲突的实践中出现的，介于外交方式和强制方式之间的所谓“第三种方式”二、议题：选举安全1、问题阐述二十世纪下半叶，联合国通过帮助新成立的国家建立选举制度的方式帮助他们实现自治，为自治搭建了平台。
民族自决原则作为“国家间有好关系”的基础被载入联合国宪章并为联合国所提倡。
正因这一原则，联合国支持在新独立国家实行民主制度。
在一些国家，这种方法取得了成功，他们成为了正式的民主统治国家。
然而，在其他一些国家则产生了暴力、腐败及权力滥用的现象。
世界中仍有许多国家政府没有实行民主制度。
根据《经济学家》杂志的排名显示，只有13%的世界人口生活于“完全民主”的状态之下。
联合国宪章中没有明确规定须实行民主制或必须实行选举制度。
当前亟待解决的问题就是在曾经（理论上）建立过民主制度和实行过公平选举的国家恢复此制度。
制定政治体制并非联合国的责任，然而，安理会觉得有义务帮助纠正已经歪曲的和平政治进程。
“安全”一词指的是几个不同的问题。
最明显的是指阻碍成功举办选举的暴力活动。
从历史上看，这一问题以几个方式体现。
在选举前，通过威胁和恐吓选举者为某一种方式投票的方法可以很大程度上影响投票的结果，或者干脆让他们弃权。
选举中的暴力行为，无论是否影响到选举的结果，都可能会干扰选举进程，如使投票者接触不到民意调查，阻止投票结果的安全收集与发布等。
最后，当一群有组织的人抗议选举结果的时候，暴力行为也可能发生于选举结束之后。
极少情况下这仅仅是由于失望造成的，通常是由那些感到被剥夺公民权力的多数人发起的，他们认为选举结果不公正或因权力而使之歪曲。
其他安全问题也会影响选举进程。
其他的政治策略非常微妙但是还是会阻碍民主的进程。
两个基本的例子是无理由逮捕和自由限制，尤其是出版自由。
在选举前的一段时间，执政党可能会逮捕反对党的领导人（包括候选人），即会从心理上瓦解反对党的组织及成员，也会阻止反对党参加竞选。
同样地，反对执政党的出版社也会遭封闭，有时通过看似合法的方式，有时通过残忍的恐吓手段。
最后，如果选举真的进行了，会用贿赂选举委员会的方法阻碍宣布准确、真实的选举结果。
即使一次选举顺利举行并且所有市民都被允许参与投票，他们的选举结果也会最终因巨大的利益冲突而被忽视。