美国第26任总统 西奥多·罗斯福就职演说
美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论
勤奋生活论1899年4月10日于芝加哥西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。
我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。
贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。
一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。
我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人；从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。
失败的滋味固然不好受；从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。
生活当中不努力就不会有成就。
现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。
人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。
如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。
但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。
安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。
个人如是，民族亦然。
要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。
最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。
敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。
如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。
尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦；还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。
只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。
其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。
感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年；最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸……凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步；不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军；见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿【--就职演讲稿】就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了，下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪，没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。
因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。
我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文，中文版）美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版）President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself --nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and creditsand investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally --narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（中文版）胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们:今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿：阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿：阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念尊敬的美国人民，我感到非常荣幸和感激，能够站在这里，向全国人民发表就职演讲。
我作为美国总统，今天的演讲的主题是“实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念”。
这是我选择这个主题的原因，因为我认为，唯有坚定信念，才能够在我们的国家中实现社会平等和正义。
在我们美国这个伟大的国家，我们一直在追求社会平等和正义。
这是我们的使命，也是我们的责任。
作为美国人，我们一直在为实现这个目标努力奋斗。
我们的国家已经取得了很多成就，我们的社会也变得更加平等和公正。
但是，我们面临的问题仍然很多。
许多人被忽视和遗弃，他们没有得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。
这些人当中很多都是贫困的，无助的，被忽视的人。
他们生活在社会的最底层，生活在一种不公正和不平等的环境中。
我们必须坚定信念，要让每一个人都有机会拥有一个美好的生活，在这个美好的生活中，每个人都能够得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。
我们不能让任何人被他们的种族，宗教，性别或其他任何原因而歧视和排除。
我们必须共同努力，打破这些隔阂和界限。
我们必须建立一个更公正，更平等的社会。
只有这样，我们才能让每个人都能够得到自己应有的机会。
我们的国家已经有了很多进步，但我们仍然需要更多的进步。
我们需要更多的机会和更多的平等。
我们需要更多的机会让每个人发挥他们的潜力，实现他们的梦想。
我们需要让每个人都能够得到他们应有的尊重和机会。
为了实现这个目标，我们为此付出了巨大的努力。
我们已经建立了许多机构和计划，我们已经采取了许多政策和措施。
但是，我们还有很多工作要做。
我们需要持之以恒地努力，坚定信念，不断创新，才能够实现我们的目标。
我相信，在我们共同努力的情况下，我们可以实现一个更加公正和平等的社会。
我们可以实现我们的梦想和目标。
我们可以让每个人都有机会获得成功，实现自己的梦想。
所以，我呼吁我们所有的人，无论你们是谁，无论你们的种族，宗教或性别，都要对实现社会平等和正义的坚定信念。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的同胞们，我站在这里的时候，深感历史的重负压在我的肩上。
我们面临着艰巨的挑战，但我相信，只要我们团结一心，我们必将克服困难，走向更加美好的未来。
首先，我要感谢我的前任胡佛总统，他为国家付出了辛勤努力。
我们接手的时候，正值经济大萧条的风雨飘摇时期。
工人失业，企业破产，民众生活困顿。
我们必须立即采取行动，挽回状况。
所以我们制定了新政，采取一系列措施来改善经济状况。
我们通过实施金融改革，加强监管，恢复人们对银行的信心。
我们推动了工业复兴，投资建设基础设施，创造就业机会。
我们还推出了社会保障制度，保障老年人和弱势群体的生活。
然而，我们的工作还远未完成。
我计划进一步扩大社会保障制度，确保每个人都能得到应有的关爱。
我将继续推动经济复苏，鼓励创新，促进经济增长。
我们将继续改革金融业，以防止经济崩溃的发生。
此外，我们也必须关注国际形势。
我们正生活在一个动荡不安的世界中，各国之间面临着许多挑战和冲突。
我将努力推动国际合作，维护世界和平和稳定。
我相信通过对话和谈判，我们可以解决分歧，达成共识。
最后，我要呼吁每个人都参与到国家建设中来。
我们的命运紧紧相连，只有大家团结一心，才能共同创造美好的未来。
我们应该尊重和包容不同的观点，共同努力，实现我们的梦想。
亲爱的同胞们，我们面临的挑战艰巨，但我们拥有无限的勇气和毅力。
我们的历史证明了我们的坚韧和坚持不懈的精神。
让我们携手合作，战胜困难，创造一个更加公正、繁荣和充满希望的国家。
谢谢大家！愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！。
罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」
罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」以下为大家分享的是斯福就职中英文版，希望对大家有所帮助。
如果想了解更多内容，敬请关注CN人才网!罗斯福就职演讲稿【英文版】President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This greatNation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands offamilies are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These darkdays, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It canbe helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people s money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old andpermanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that willthen confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.罗斯福就职演讲稿【中文版】胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
罗斯福的就职演讲
first inaugural address of franklin d. rooseveltsaturday, march 4, 1933i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into thepresidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situationof our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the wholetruth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we haveto fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzesneeded efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our nationallife a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of moremoney. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow theirfalse leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have novision, and when there is no vision the people perish.the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetaryprofit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy ofachievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark dayswill be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to beministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goeshand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and highpolitical position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place andpersonal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in businesswhich too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfishwrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfishperformance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asksfor action, and action now.hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,endeavor toprovide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the taskcan be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homesand our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and localgovernments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. itcan be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for andfinally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguardsagainst a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervisionof all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation withother peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress inspecialsession detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the several states.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is notnarrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon theinterdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spiritof the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of thegoodneighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who r espects his obligations and respectsthe sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have neverrealized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take butwe must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained andloyal army willing toaction in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of governmentwhich we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes inemphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansionof territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authoritymay be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be thatanunprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evadethe clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress forthe one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we werein fact invaded by a foreign foe.for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the nationalunity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; withthe cleanwe do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the unitedstates have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spiritof the gift i take it.译文：富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
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就职演说
1905年3月4日* *西奥多·罗斯福于1901年9月第二十五任总统威廉·麦金莱遇刺身亡后继任总统，1904年正式当选总统。
这里刊登的是他正式就职时发表的演说。
同胞们：
世界上没有哪一个民族比我们更有理由感到欣慰，这样说决无炫耀我们自己的实力之意，而是满怀虔诚地向上帝表达感激之情，感谢他为我们创造条件，使我们能够获得如此巨大的物质财富和如此美好的幸福生活。
我们作为一个民族，已经得到上帝许可，在这片新大陆上奠定我们国民生活的基础。
我们是过去一切时代的继承者，但我们却几乎不必承受那些古老国家中由某种以往文明的传统势力所强加的惩罚。
我们从未为生存所迫而与任何异族作战，但我们的生活却仍然一直在呼唤活力和奋斗，因为舍此我们那些更加雄健刚毅的美德就会丧失殆尽。
在这样的条件下，倘若我们仍然遭到失败，那就是我们自己的过失；我们在过去已经获得的成功，以及我们确信未来将带给我们的胜利，不应在我们心里激起狂妄自大的情绪，而毋宁应使我们对生活赋予我们的一切，保持深刻而恒久的意识，使我们充分认识自己肩负的责任，并以坚定不移的决心展示，一个处于自由政府之下的强大民族一定能够兴旺发达，无论在物质生活还是在精神生活方面都会如此。
赋予我们的东西既然很多，那么期望于我们的理所当然也就不少。
我们对他人和对自己都负有种种责任，对此我们都不能逃避。
我们已成为一个伟大的国家，我们在同世界上其他国家交往时，这一事实促使我们的行为举止必须像一个负有这种责任的民族。
我们对其他所有的国家都应抱有真心实意的友好态度，而不问其国家的大小强弱。
我们不仅应当用言辞而且应当用行动来显示，我们热切地期望本着公正和宽厚地承认其一切权利的精神对待他们，从而博得他们的好感。
但公正和宽宏大量之于一个国家正如对个人一样，只有由强者而不是弱者表现出来才最有意义。
我们从来都小心地避免损害他人，因而我们同样应当分毫不减地坚持自己不受虐待。
我们盼望和平，但我们盼望的是正义的和平，是光明正大的和平。
我们盼望和平，是因为我们认为和平乃是正确的，而绝非出于胆小怕事。
任何处事果敢正当的弱国，绝对不应有畏惧我们的情由，我们也决不允许任何强国得以唯独挑选我们作为蛮横人侵的对象。
我们与世界其他强国的关系固然重要，但更具重要意义的是我们自己之间的各种关系。
在过去的一又四分之一个世纪①里，美国的国民生活在财富、人口和国力各个方面均有极大的发展；但与此同时，每一个走向强盛的国家都曾遇到的各种问题，也不可避免地随之兴起。
力量始终同时意味着责任和危险。
我们的先辈曾经面临的某些危机，随着时光推移我们已不复可能再度遇到。
但目前我们却面临其他一些危机，②它们的出现乃是先辈们无法预见的。
现代生活既复杂而又紧张，最近半个世纪工业的超凡发展，带来种种巨大的变化，对此我们社会和政治肌体的每根神经末梢都有感觉。
在民主共和制的形式下来管理一个大陆的事务，这是一个前人从未尝试过的巨大而艰难的实验。
我们获得了惊人的物质财富，并且把我们的能量、自立能力和个人首创精神发展到很高的程度，这得益于一些条件，而这些条件同时也带来了与巨大的财富向工业中心集中密不可分的关切和焦虑。
许多的事情都取决于我们实验的成功，因而它不仅关系到我们自己的幸福，而且关系到整个人类的幸福。
如果我们遭到了失败，那么全世界自由的自治政府的根本将从基础上发生动摇，因此我们不仅对自己、对当今的世界，而且对那些尚未出生的子孙后代都负有重大的责任。
我们决无正当的理由惧怕未来，但我们却有充分的理由认真地面对未来，既不隐瞒我们面前问题的严重性，也不害怕处理这些问题，而要用不屈不挠、毫不畏缩的意志来正确地加以解决。
①指美国自1776年独立至1905年的一个多世纪的时间。
②美国进入工业社会后面临一些严峻问题，如大公司兴起所造成的社会冲击、政治中的腐败现象、对自然资源的浪费、激烈的劳资冲突等。
为了革除这些流弊，大致在1900年左右美国兴起了一场大规模的改革运动，史称“进步主义运动”。
罗斯福在任内进行的改革，把这一运动推向高潮。
然而，这毕竟是一些新问题，而且摆在我们面前的任务，与缔造和维护这个共和国的先辈们当年面临的任务有所不同；尽管如此，但必须承担这些任务和正视这些问题的精神却并无二致，只要我们想出色地履行我们的责任，这种精神就不会发生根本的改变。
我们深知自治诚非易事。
我们也懂得，我们这个由自由人所组成的民族，力求通过自由表达的意志来正确管理自己的事务，因而对高尚品质的要求，即非一般民族所能比拟。
然而，我们依然充满信心，我们决不会辱没有着辉煌过去的先辈们留下的声誉。
他们尽了自己的力量，并且传下一份光辉的遗产供我们今天享用。
我们自己也具有坚定的信心，我们一定能够完整无损地保存和扩大这份遗产，把它传给我们的子孙后代。
要达到这一目的，我们不仅要在重大的危机中，而且要在日常生活的事务中，显示出务实的智慧、勇气、刚毅和坚韧不拔的精神，尤其要显示出为崇高理想而献身的力量。
正是由于有了这些品质，华盛顿时代缔造这个共和国的人们才得以成为一代伟人，亚伯拉罕·林肯时代维护这个共和国的人们也才得以成为一代伟人。
（陈亚丽译李剑鸣校）。