林肯总统在盖茨堡演说讲词中英对照版

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林肯总统就职演说中英文对照

林肯总统就职演说中英文对照此主题相关图片如下：First Inaugural Address of Abraham LincolnMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861Fellow-Citizens of the United States:In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United S tates to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office."I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Y et, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United S tates be not a government proper, but an association of S tates in the nature of contractmerely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union."But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any S tate or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may beoverruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive- slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A hu**and and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fixterms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. Y ou can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. Y ou have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.永久联邦与总统权力亚伯拉罕-林肯第一次就职演讲星期一,1861年3月4日我今天正式宣誓时，并没有保留意见，也无意以任何苛刻的标准来解释宪法和法律，尽管我不想具体指明国会通过的哪些法案是适合施行的•但我确实要建议，所有的人，不论处于官方还是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被废止的法令，这比泰然自若地认为其中某个法案是违背宪法的而去触犯它，要稳当得多。

林肯格里斯堡演讲(中英)

林肯格里斯堡演讲（中英）The Gettysburg AddressGettysburg, PennsylvaniaNovember 19, 1863Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.87年以前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

英语演讲原文：The Gettysburg Address

The Gettysburg Address背景知识美国在1776年独立，脱离英国的管治，不足一百年间，已发展成一个超级大国。

由于国土辽阔，南北之间的分歧亦大。

美国北方依靠工商业，要求提高关税以保护他们产品的市场；南方依靠农业，需要自由贸易制度，以便他们的棉花、烟草和大米卖到欧洲各国。

但双方更大的分歧在于是否解放黑奴。

1860年，林肯(Abraham Lincoln) 当选美国总统，尽管南方人也认同林肯的看法，奴隶制最终要从地球上消失，但黑奴种植棉花为他们带来经济繁荣，他们害怕改变。

南方炮兵于1861年4月12日首先开火，美国开始了持续四年的内战。

内战的其中一次主要战役，发生于首都华盛顿附近的盖提斯堡，林肯总统在纪念阵亡士兵的仪式上，向在场的一万人发表了著名的「盖提斯堡演说」(Gettysburg Address)，鼓励人民为人人平等的民主原则而战，时维1863年11月19日。

林肯在1865年3月第二度当选美国总统，六个星期后，他在剧院遇刺，一颗子弹射穿他的大脑，他倒下了。

这一年，林肯56岁。

林肯不仅是美国史上最伟大的总统，而且是伟大的演说家，他的演说充满魅力，文采精炼，是传世的文学作品。

演讲原文The Gettysburg Address Abraham Lincoln 19 November1863Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth 1 on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated 2 to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whetherthat nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fit and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate - we cannot consecrate 3 - we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated 4 it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather,to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather forus to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us- that from these honored dead we take increased devotionto that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion - that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain - that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom - and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from this earth.解说：想学好英文，不外乎几个途径--多听、多讲和多写。

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译林肯的讲话是极简短、朴素的。

这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家瞧不起。

葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。

掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。

既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。

林肯平静地接受了。

两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。

演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。

到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。

走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。

那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。

他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。

这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。

后人给以极高评价的这份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。

林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻、行文的严谨、语言的冼练，不愧是彪炳青史的大手笔。

尤其是其中的第二段，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。

GETTYSBURG ADDRESSAbraham LincolnDelivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, PennsylvaniaFourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continenta new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition thatall men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great CivilWar,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and sodedicated,can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We havecome to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for thosewho gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting andproper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggledhere,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

the gestburg address by President Lincoln

亚伯拉罕·林肯-《THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS》（葛底斯堡演讲词）Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation or any nation、 s o conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of th at war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for tho se who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and prop er that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-thi s ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, fo r above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remembe r what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, ra ther, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thu s far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remain ing before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause f or which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that t hese dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birt h of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall n ot perish from the earth.八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译林肯的讲话是极简短、朴素的。

这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家瞧不起。

葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。

掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。

林肯平静地接受了。

两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。

演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。

到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。

走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。

那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。

他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。

这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。

后人给以极高评价的这份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。

林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻、行文的严谨、语言的冼练，不愧是彪炳青史的大手笔。

尤其是其中的第二段，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。

林肯盖兹堡演讲词

林肯《蓋茲堡演講詞》(Gettysburg Address）（中英文對照+影音檔)《蓋茲堡》是亞伯拉罕·林肯最闻名的演說，正值美國內戰中蓋茲堡戰役結束後四個半月，林肯在賓州蓋茲堡的蓋茲堡國家公墓（Gettysburg National Cemetery）揭幕式中發表这次演說，修辭細膩周密，其後成為美國歷史上最偉大的演說之一。

(網路圖片）Gettysburg Address《蓋茲堡》（英文：Gettysburg Address）是亞伯拉罕·林肯最闻名的演說，也是美國歷史上為人引用最多之政治性演說。

在1863年11月19日，正值美國內戰中蓋茲堡戰役結束後四個半月，林肯在賓夕法尼亞州蓋茲堡的蓋茲堡國家公墓（Gettysburg National Cemetery）揭幕式中發表这次演說，悼念在長達5個半月的蓋茲堡之役中陣亡的將士。

林肯的演講於當天第二順位發表，修辭細膩周密，其後成為美國歷史上最偉大的演說之一。

以不足三百字的字數，兩到三分鐘的時間，林肯訴諸獨立宣言所支持的凡人一辈子而平等之原則，並从头定義這場內戰，不止是為聯邦存續而奮鬥，而是「自由之新生」，將真平等帶給全體公民。

以因襲的詞句「八十七年前」發端，林肯論及美國獨立革命，稱許蓋茲堡這場揭幕式為一契機，不止題獻一塊墓地，更能尊崇殊死奮鬥以確保「民有、民治、民享之政府當免於凋谢」者。

出乎意料的是，儘管這場演說名垂青史，聲震寰宇，其確切之措辭卻頗受爭議。

五份已知的演說稿，與當時新聞報導中的謄抄本，於假设干細節上彼此互異。

蓋茲堡之役（1863年7月1日至3日），徹底改變了蓋茲堡這個小鎮。

戰場上，聯邦波多馬克軍團與聯盟國北維吉尼亞軍團雙方留下超過七千具的戰士遺骸、數以千具戰馬屍骨，莊嚴有序地埋葬死者成為當地數千居民的首要之務。

屍體腐爛的惡臭在戰事結束後一周內，使許多小鎮居民劇烈作嘔。

終於，在32歲富有檢查官大衛·威爾斯（David Wills）的指示下，賓夕法尼亞州購下17英畝（69,000平方公尺）的土地作為墓園之用，以為這些断送於烈日沙場的英靈善後。

林肯演说译文

译文一：美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演讲词八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。

烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。

我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，我们不能够圣化，我们不能够神化。

曾经在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地神圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。

全世界将很少注意到，也不会长期地记起我们今天在这里所说的话，但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里做过的事。

勿宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。

倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务，以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的奉献精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者们白白牺牲；以便使国家在上帝幅佑下得到自由的新生，并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

许建平编著《英汉互译实践与技巧》第325页清华大学出版社2000年1月第一版译文二：葛底斯堡演讲词八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上建立了一个以自由为理想、以人人平等为宗旨的新国家。

现在我们正进行一场大内战，考验这个国家或任何一个主张自由平等的国家`，能否长久存在。

我们在这场战争中的一个大战场上集会，来把战场的一角献给为国家生存而牺牲的烈士，作为他们永久安息之地，这是我们义不容辞、理所当然该做的事。

但是，从更深刻的意义来说，我们不能使这一角战场成为圣地，我们不能使它流芳百世，我们不能使它永垂青史。

因为在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和死去的，已经使这一角战场神圣化了，我们微薄的力量远远不能使它增光，或者使之减色。

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林肯總統在蓋茨堡演說講詞的中英對照版本文為林肯總統在蓋茨堡(Gettysburg)所作的一場演說講詞，全文僅272字、10句話、不到2分鐘，卻是美國史上最偉大的演說之一，那也曾被我國選為高中職英文課本教材，許多人應都背誦過。

同學可按此超連結播放講詞錄音，一邊聽一邊閱讀底下文字，將可有另一番領會，最好可一起唸出來，如此可幫助學習。

這個講詞架構完整、文字優美、理念深遠，推薦給同學細細品味文字背後所傳遞的高雅價值。

The Gettysburg AddressFour score and seven years1 ago our fathers brought forth2 on this continent, a new nation, conceived3 in liberty, and dedicated4to the proposition5 that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged6 in a great civil war7, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion8 of that field9, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives10that that nation might live.11 It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate12 -- we can not hallow13 -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.14 The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause15 for which they gave the last full measure16 of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish17 from the earth.蓋茨堡演講詞八十七年前，我們的祖先在這片大陸上建立了一個新的國家，它孕育於自由，並且獻身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來平等的。

現在，我們正在經歷一場意義重大的內戰，考驗著這個國家，或任何一個有這種主張和這種信仰的國家，能否長久存在。

我們此刻一同聚集在戰爭的一個大戰場上。

我們來到這裡，奉獻戰場上的一部分土地，作為在此為國家的生存而犧牲了自己生命的人永久眠息之所。

我們應該這樣做，那十分合情合理。

然而，就更宏觀的意義而言，我們無從奉獻這片土地——無從使它成為聖地——也不可能把它變為人們景仰之所。

那些在此奮戰的勇士，活著的和死去的，早已使這塊土地神聖化，遠高於我們的菲薄能力所能增減的境地。

世人將鮮少注意，也不會久記我們在此所說的話語，然而世界將永遠緬懷這些勇士在這裡的事蹟。

更甚者，我們仍在世的人應繼續獻身、接續那些曾在此奮戰的人們英勇崇高地推動而尚未完成的工作。

我們應該在此獻身於餘留在眼前的偉大工作——由於他們的光榮犧牲，我們要更堅定地致力於他們全力盡瘁的那份事業——我們在此堅定立志，不能讓他們白白犧牲——要使這個國家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由——要使「民有、民治、民享」的政府永世長存。

(以上中譯文字編修自美國在臺協會官方網站)針對同學可能遇到的詞彙，補充說明如下：註1. s core：二十，因此「four score and seven」即為「四個二十又七」，亦即87。

這樣的表述方式類似我們在自己的母語中偶而會講”一甲子之前…”，風格類似。

註2. b ring forth：產生、建造。

註3. c onceive：孕育、設想、懷抱著…想法。

例：Who first conceived the idea of building nuclear power plants? 是誰第一個想到建造核電廠?例：She conceives love for the children. 她愛這些孩子。

註4. d edicate：奉獻(身)或把(時間、精力等)用於(+to)。

註5. p roposition：主張、論點。

註6. e ngage：使從事、聘雇、與...交戰、佔用(時間、精力等)、使訂婚。

例：He was busily engaged in painting the furniture.他忙於油漆傢俱。

例：They engaged a cook for the summer. 那個夏天他們雇了一個廚子。

例：The book engaged my full attention. 這本書把我完全吸引住了。

註7. c ivil war 內戰。

Civil的字意為：公民的、民用的，民事的，意思甚廣。

譬如：civil rights為公民權；civil engineering為土木工程；而civil status可指婚姻狀態(單身或已婚)，相當於marital status。

註8. p ortion：(一)部分，也可當動詞使用，意為把...分成多份、分配[(+out)。

另需與proportion區分不同使用方式。

例：He was hungry and ordered two portions of roast chicken. 他很餓，因而叫了兩份烤雞。

例：She portioned out the cake, so everyone had a piece. 她將蛋糕切成多塊，每人可得一份。

註9. f ield：原野、田地、(戰)場、(遼闊的大片)地、實地、野外，意思甚廣。

例如：field trip指實地考察旅行（配合正課到校外作參訪式旅行可用）。

field trial常用於新技術或服務即將上線、提供大規模使用之前，所作的實地測試。

註10. 此為life的複數形式(請注意讀法)，意指許多人的生命。

註11. 這邊連續使用二個that並非筆誤；第一個that為關係連接詞，而第二個that 為形容詞，與跟在其後的nation形成語意上的一個單元。

整個子句「that that nation might live」係用以修飾that之前的lives，可將lives視為nation might live的受詞。

舉個例子，我們可說“They live lives of luxury”(他們過著奢華的生活/生命)，在這此例中，lives為live的受詞。

同學們注意此例中的lives與live的關係與功能，再回過頭來看原演講文，應即能掌握到整句話的意涵。

註12. c onsecrate：奉...為神聖、尊崇、現身致力於…。

例：She consecrated her life to art. 她獻身於藝術。

註13. h allo：使神聖、把…視為神聖、崇敬…（類似consecrate）。

註14. d etract：減損、降低。

例：The scandal will not detract from his fame. 這個醜聞無損於他的名聲。

註15. c ause：原因、起因、動機、目標（理想、事業）。

例：World peace is a cause we should all work for. 世界和平是一項我們都應該為之而努力的事業。

註16. m easure：此當名詞用，意為尺寸、分量、(判斷等的)基準、尺度、程度、限度、分寸。

例：I feel a measure of compassion for her. 我對她懷有一定程度的同情。

註17. p erish：消滅、卒亡、枯萎、腐爛，亦可當及物動詞或解作「麻痺」。

例：Hundreds of people perished in the earthquake. 數百人在那場地震中喪生。

例：Flowers perish in frost. 花毀於霜凍。

例：Oil on your car tires will perish them. 車胎上的油會毀損車胎。

例：I was perished with cold. 我被凍僵了。

編按：蓋茨堡演說中的部分理念被其他國家引用，也啟發孫中山先生的三民主義思想。

演講的時間雖短，但準備的時間通常很長。

有時候講者得花上一整天準備僅5分鐘的講詞。

另一經典例子是美國國父華盛頓先生所作的就職總統演說，全文僅133字，亦常被引用。

林肯幼年生長於西部拓荒者的家庭，僅受過約一年的正規教育，但他一直熱衷於學習，辛苦自學出身，青年時期即有高大的體格，具律師背景，這是大家熟知的。

他與夫人Mary Todd Lincoln有四位子女，然其中三個孩子先後夭折，這對林肯夫婦造成重大打擊。