奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲-中英对照
2016年奥巴马就职演讲稿英文原稿(附中文翻译)
2016年奥巴马就职演讲稿英文原稿(附中文翻译)篇一：奥巴马就职演说英文版(附中文翻译)奥巴马就职演说英文版（极好的口语材料，去背吧）My fellow citizens:I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to ournation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken duringrising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidstgathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remainedfaithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against afar-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence ofgreed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings furtherevidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. Theywill not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflictand discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childishthings. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carryforward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their fullmeasure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not beenthe path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasuresof riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up thelong, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of anew life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands wereraw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individualambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no lessinventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or lastyear. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, wemust pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America. For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sunand the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. Andall this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what thiscountry has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined tocommon purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stalepolitical arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether ithelps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reformbad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vitaltrust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generatewealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when itfavors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the sizeof our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to ourcommon good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure therule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those idealsstill light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to a ll other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small villagewhere my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman,and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but withsturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protectus, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through itsprudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, thetempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earnedpeace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our wayof life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducingterror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot bebroken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our systemcannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what thiscountry has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined tocommon purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stalepolitical arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether ithelps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to accoun t - to spend wisely, reformbad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vitaltrust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generatewealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when itfavors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the sizeof our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to ourcommon good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure therule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those idealsstill light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small villagewhere my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman,and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earnedpeace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our wayof life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducingterror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot bebroken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every languageand culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill ofcivil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, wecannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soondissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on theWest - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. Tothose who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know thatyou are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclenchyour fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish andlet clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations likeours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outsideour borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the worldhas changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They havesomething to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody thespirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, atthis moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabitus all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination ofthe American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger whenthe levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friendlose their job which sees us through our darkest h ours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm astairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decidesour fate.Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But thosevalues upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, toleranceand curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have beenthe quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to thesetruths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part ofevery American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we donot grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task. This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertaindestiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of everyrace and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whosefather less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now standbefore you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In theyear of America’s birth, in the cold est of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most indoubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtuecould survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet[it]."America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endurewhat storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s child ren that when we were tested werefused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed onthe horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered itsafely to future generations.亲爱的同胞们：今天我站在这里，为我们将面对的任重道远而慨叹。
奥巴马2016年就职演讲
奥巴马2013年就职演讲中英文对照北京时间1月22日凌晨，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马宣誓就职第四十四任美利坚合众国总统并发表就职演说。
奥巴马在演讲中追溯美国民主传统和宪法精神，强调了民众的力量。
演讲中涉及了包括就业、医保、移民和同性恋等多项议题，以下为奥巴马就职演说全文：mr. obama: thank you. thank you so much. vice president biden, mr. chief justice,members of the united states congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: 谢谢，非常感谢大家。
拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduringstrength of our constitution. we affirm the promise of our democracy. we recall thatwhat binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of ourfaith or the origins of our names. what makes us exceptional – what makes us american– is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than twocenturies ago: 每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。
我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。
奥巴马 国情咨文演讲英文版
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this occasion, we are also mindful of the empty chair in this Chamber, and pray for the health of our colleague –and our friend – Gabby Giffords.It’s no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that’s a good thing. That’s what a robust democracy demands. That’s what helps set us apart as a nation.But there’s a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passions and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater – something more consequential than party or political preference.We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopesand a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled.That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.Now, by itself, this simple recognition won’t usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow.I believe we can. I believe we must. That’s what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they’ve determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all – for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.At stake right now is not who wins the next election – after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It’s whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It’s whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but a light to the world.We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again.But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children.That’s the project the American people want us to work on. Together.We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans’ paychec ks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of the new investments they make this year. These steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year.But we have more work to do. The steps we’ve taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession – but to winthe future, we’ll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn’t always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you’d have a job f or life, with a decent paycheck, good benefits, and the occasional promotion. Maybe you’d even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I’ve seen it in the shuttered win dows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts of once busy Main Streets. I’ve heard it in the frustrations of Americans who’ve seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear – proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game.They’re right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any companycan set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there’s an internet connection.Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They’re investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became home to the world’s largest private solar research facility, and the world’s fastest computer.So yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn’t discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember –for all the hits we’ve taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. No workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We are home to the world’s best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any other place on Earth.What’s more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea – the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That is why centuries of pioneers and immigrantshave risked everything to come here. It’s why our students don’t just memorize equations, but answer questions like “What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?”The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can’t just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, “The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.” Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age.Now it’s our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit, and reform our government. That’s how our people will prosper. That’s how we’ll win the future. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how we get there.The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation.None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be, or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, wecouldn’t know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do – what America does better than anyone – is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We are the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, in novation doesn’t just change our lives. It’s how we make a living.Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it’s not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout history our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That’s what planted the seeds for the Internet. That’s what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS.Just think of all the good jobs – from manufacturing to retail –that have come from those breakthroughs.Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik? we had no idea how we’d beat them to the moon. The science wasn’t there yet. NASA didn’t even exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn’t just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.This is our generation’s Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven’t seen since the height of the Space Race. In a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We’ll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology – an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.Already, we are seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard.Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert’s words, “We reinvented ourselves.”That’s what Americans have done for over two hundred years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we’ve begun to reinvent our energy policy. We’re not just handing out money. We’re issuing a challenge. We’re telling America’s scientists and engineers that if they assembleteams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in c lean energy, we’ll fund the Apollo Projects of our time.At the California Institute of Technology, they’re developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they’re using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have 1 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015.We need to get behind this innovation. And to h elp pay for it, I’m asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. I don’t know if you’ve noticed, but they’re doing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday’s energy, let’s invest in tomorrow’s.Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they’re selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: by 2035, 80% of America’s electricity wil l come from clean energy sources. Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will needthem all – and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen.Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America’s success. But if we want to win the future – if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas – then we also have to win the race to educate our kids.Think about it. Over the next ten years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school degree. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren’t even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to 9th in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us – as citizens, and as parents –are willing to do what’s necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It’s family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it’s not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair; that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don’t meet this test. That’s why instead of just pouring money into a system that’s not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all fifty states, we said, “If you show u s the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we’ll show you the money.”Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than one percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. These standards were developed, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that is more flexible and focused on what’s best for our kids.You see, we know what’s possible for our children when reform isn’t just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals; school boards and communities.Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado; located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97% of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their family to go to college. And after the first year of the school’s transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said “Thank you, Mrs. Waters, for showing… that we are smart and we can make it.”Let’s al so remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child’s success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as “nation builders.” Here in America, it’s time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. And over the next ten years, with so many Baby Boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math.In fact, to every young person listening tonight who’s contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child – become a teacher. Your country needs you.Of course, the education race doesn’t end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within reach of every American. That’s why we’ve ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit – worth $10,000 for four years of college.Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today’s fast-changing economy, we are also revitalizing America’s community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she’s earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams too. As Kathy said, “I hope it tells them to never give up.”If we take these steps – if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they’re born until the last job they take – we will reach the goal Iset two years ago: by the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense.Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate will be difficult and take time. But tonight, let’s agree to make that effort. And let’s stop expelling talented, responsible young people who can staff our research labs, start new businesses, and further enrich this nation.The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information – fromhigh-speed rail to high-speed internet.Our infrastructure used to be the best – but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our o wn engineers graded our nation’s infrastructure, they gave us a “D.”We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, and constructed the interstate highway system. The jobs created by these projects didn’t just come from laying down tracks or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town’s new train station or the new off-ramp.Over the last two years, we have begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. Tonight, I’m proposing that we redouble these efforts.We will put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We will make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based on what’s best for the economy, not politicians.Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80% of Americans access to high-speed rail, which could allow you go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying –without the pat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.Within the next five years, we will make it possible for business to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98% of all Americans. This isn’t just about a faster internet and fewer dropped calls. It’s about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It’s about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It’s about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device;a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.All these investments – in innovation, education, and infrastructure – will make America a better place to do businessand create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.Over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change.So tonight, I’m asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years – without adding to our deficit.To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014 – because the more we export, the more jobs we create at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor; Democrats and Republicans, and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible.Before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American worker s, and promote American jobs. That’s what we did with Korea, and that’s what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia, and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I’ve ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. But I will not hesitate to create or enforce commonsense safeguards to protect the American people. That’s what we’ve done in this country for more than a century. It’s why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It’s why we have speed limits and child labor laws. It’s why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies, and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. And it’s why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients.Now, I’ve heard rumors that a few of you have some concerns about the new health care law. So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improvethis law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses.What I’m not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a pre-existing condition. I’m not willing to tell James Ho ward, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I’m not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business owner from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their parents’ coverage. So instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let’s fix what needs fixing and move forward. Now, the final step – a critical step – in winning the future is to make sure we aren’t buried under a mountain of debt.We are living with a legacy of deficit-spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people’s pockets.But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same.So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. This would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was president.This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we have frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I’ve proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without.I recognize that some in this Chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I’m willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let’s make sure that we’re not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. And let’s make sure what we’re cutting is really excess weight. Cuttin g the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening anoverloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may feel like you’re flying high at first, but it won’t take long before you’ll feel the impact.Now, most of the cuts and savings I’ve proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12% of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won’t.The bipartisan Fiscal Commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don’t agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it –in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes.This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. Health insurance reform will slow these rising costs, which is part of why nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I’m willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicanssuggested last year: medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits.To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. And we must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans’ guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market.And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply cannot afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2% of Americans. Before we take money away from our schools, or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break.It’s not a matter of punishing their success. It’s about promoting America’s success.In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them.So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress – Democrats and Republicans – to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future.Let me take this one step further. We shouldn’t just give our people a government that’s more affordable. We should give them a government that’s more c ompetent and efficient. We cannot win the future with a government of the past.We live and do business in the information age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black and white TV. There are twelve different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different entities that deal with housing policy. Then there’s my favorite example: the Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they’re in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them in when they’re in saltwater. And I hear it gets even more complicated once they’re smoked. Now, we have made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We’re selling acres of federal office space that hasn’t been used in years,。
奥巴马国情咨文演讲英文稿
奥巴马国情咨文演讲英文稿The White HouseOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate Release January 27, 2010Remarks by the President in State of the Union AddressU.S. Capitol9:11 P.M. ESTTHE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -– that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -– immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -– asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -– what they deserve -– is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."It's because of this spirit -– this great decency and great strength -– that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies theirstrength. (Applause.)And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -– I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all.To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Applause.)Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. (Applause.)I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the RecoveryAct. (Applause.) That's right -– the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulusbill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America'sbusinesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit-– one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raisewages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities -- (applause) -- and give rebatesto Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energyjobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America. (Applause.)Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) Theywill. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -– where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (Applause.)You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for secondplace. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding theirinfrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. (Applause.)As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history -– (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy -– in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climatechange. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -– because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.) Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with nationalsecurity. (Applause.)We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on ourshores. (Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Applause.)Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. (Applause.)To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Applause.)And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -–(applause) -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's whywe're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment –- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordablemortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- even those with insurance -– who are just one illness away from financial ruin. After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -– the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit willgrow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let meknow. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.)Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.) So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it. (Applause.)Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. (Applause.) Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.) But understand –- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -– all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -– that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to thesedeficits. We can't do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept. To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -– deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve. (Applause.)。
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿_演讲稿
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, myfellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report onthe State of the Union. And for thisfinal one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get backto Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season,expectations for what we'll achievethis year are low. Still,Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you andtheother leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budgetand make tax cuts permanent forworking families. So I hope wecan work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminaljustice reform, and helping people who are battlingprescription drug abuse. We just mightsurprise the cynics again. But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list ofproposals for the year ahead. Don'tworry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizingmedical treatments for patients. And I'll keep1 / 26pushing for progress on the work that still needsdoing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal payfor equal work, paid leave, raising theminimum wage. All these things still matter tohardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will notlet up until they getdone.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want totalk just about the next year. I wantto focus on the next fiveyears, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change –change that's reshaping the way we live, the waywe work, our planet and ourplace in the world. It's change that promises amazing medicalbreakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promiseseducation for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an oceanaway. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like itor not, the pace of thischange will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx ofimmigrants, workers fighting for a2 / 26fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes onchange, promising to restore past glory if we just got some g roup or idea that wasthreatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, inthe words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, andacted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to thenext frontier, to more and more people. Andbecause we did – because we saw opportunitywhere others sawonly peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengthsas a nation –our optimism andwork ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to theruleof law –these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security forgenerations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of thesepast seven years possible. It's how werecovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health caresystem, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to ourtroops and veterans, and how we3 / 26secured the freedom in every state to marry the person welove. But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result ofchoices we make together. And we facesuch choices right now.Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turninginward asa nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future withconfidence in who we are, whatwe stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer –regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunityand security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and notagainst us –especially when it comesto solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what'sbest in us, and not what's worst?Let me s tart with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, hasthe strongest, most durable4 / 26economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streakof private-sector job creation in history. More than 14million new jobs; the strongest two yearsof job growth sincethe ‘90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had itsbest year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly900,000 new jobs in the past six years. Andwe've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline ispeddling fiction. What is true – andthe reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious –is that the economy h as been changing inprofound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work canbe automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere,and face toughercompetition. As a result, workers have lessleverage for a raise. Companies have less loyaltyto their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when t hey have jobs; even when the economy i sgrowing. It's made i t harder fora hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder5 / 26foryoung people to start on their careers, and tougher forworkers to retire when they want to. Andalthough none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely Americanbelief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress.But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we'vehad these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American toget the education and training theyneed to land a good-payingjob. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was animportant start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high schoolgraduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the comingyears, we should build on that progress, by providingPre-K for all, offering every student thehands-on computerscience and math classes that make them job-ready on day one,and weshould recruit and support more great teachers for ourkids.6 / 26And we have to make c ollege affordable for every American. Because no hardworking studentshould be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of aborrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years ofcommunity college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that,and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits andprotections that provide abasic measure of security. After all, it's not much o f a stretch tosay that some of the only people in America who are going towork the same job, in the sameplace, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. Foreveryone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing backfrom job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in theircareers, they may have to retool and retrain. But theyshouldn't lose what they've alreadyworked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weakenthem, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefitsshould be 7 / 26just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what theAffordable Care Act is allabout. It's about filling the gapsin employer-based care so that when w e lose a job, or go backto school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million havegained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobsevery single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we w on't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other waysboth parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job –weshouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance;we should make sure thatprogram encourages him to retrain fora business that's ready to hire him. If that new jobdoesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in placeso that he can stillpay his bills. And even if he's going fromjob to job, he should still be able to save forretirement andtake his savings with him. That's the way w e make t he new e conomy workbetter for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest intackling poverty. America is aboutgiving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion 8 / 26aboutstrategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficultto find agreement over the last sevenyears –namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's notrigged infavor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choiceto make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdatedregulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But afteryearsof record corporate profits, working families won't getmore opportunity or bigger paychecksby letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyoneelse; or by allowing attacks on collective bargainingto go unanswered. Food Stamp recipientsdidn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reasonwages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made i n the boardrooms that too often putquarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonightthat avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-upsand small9 / 26businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And thisyear I plan to lift up the many businesseswho've figured out that doing right by their workersends upbeing good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that wecan spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also ourmost creative. This brings me t o thesecond big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit ofinnovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, wedidn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about thescience, or shrink our research and development budget. Webuilt aspace program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas E dison and the Wright Brothers andGeorge Washington Carver. We'reGrace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We'reevery immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to SiliconValley racing to shape abetter world. And over the past sevenyears, we've nurtured that spirit.10 / 26We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online toolsthat give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs tostart a business in a single day.But we can do so much m ore. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot,America can cure cancer. Lastmonth, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at theNational Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'mannouncing a newnational effort to get it done. And because he's gone to themat for all of us,on so many issues over the past forty years,I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. Forthe loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's makeAmerica the countrythat cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level ofcommitment when it comes todeveloping clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll bepretty lonely, becauseyou'll be debating our military, most of America's businessleaders, themajority of the American people, almost the entire 11 / 26scientific community, and 200 nationsaround the world who a gree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2019 wasn't the warmest year on record –until2019 turned out even hotter –why would we want to pass up the chance for Americanbusinesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment inclean energy in our history. Hereare the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier,conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to NewYork, solar is saving Americans tens ofmillions of dollars ayear on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobsthat pay better than average. We're taking steps togive homeowners the freedom to generateand store their ownenergy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up tosupport. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbonpollutionmore than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidizethe past, we should invest in the 12 / 26future –especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so thatthey better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we putmoney back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a21st century transportation system. None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there areplenty of entrenched interests whowant to protect the statusquo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and theplanetwe'll preserve –that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many i ssues where our securityis linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how t o keep America safe andstrong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-buildeverywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all therhetoric youhear about our enemies getting stronger and America gettingweaker. The UnitedStates of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spendmore on our13 / 26military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops arethe finest fightingforce in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they knowthat's thepath to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world ishigher than when I waselected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of theworld donot look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know t his is a dangeroustime. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower.Intoday's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle Eastis going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted inconflicts thatdate back millennia. Economic headwinds blowfrom a Chinese economy in transition. Even astheir economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine andSyria –states theysee slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II isnow struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that meanswe have to set priorities.14 / 26Priority number one is protecting the American people andgoing after terrorist networks. Bothal Qaeda a nd now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, evenahandful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot ofdamage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; theyundermine our allies.But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claimsthat this is World War III just play intotheir hands. Massesof fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted soulsplotting inapartments or garages pose an enormous danger tocivilians and must be stopped. But theydo not threaten ournational existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind ofpropaganda they use to recruit. We don't need tobuild them up to show that we're serious,nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL isrepresentative of one of the world's largest religions. Wejust need to call them what they are–killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year,America has led a coalition of morethan 60 countries to cut off 15 / 26ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terroristfighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are takingout their leadership,their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We aretraining, arming,and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, andwants to send a message to our troopsand the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learnthe same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment –or mine –tosee that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who wastaken out last year,or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who s its in a prison cell. Whenyou come a fter Americans, we go after you. It may t ake time, but we have long memories, andour reach has no limit.Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stopthere. For even without ISIL,instability will continue for decades in many p arts of the world –in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of 16 / 26Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become s afe havens for new t errorist networks; others will fall victimto ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave ofrefugees. The world will look to us tohelp solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpetbomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the worldstage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every countrythat falls into crisis. That's notleadership; that's a recipefor quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimatelyweakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq –and we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient anddisciplined strategy that uses everyelement of our nationalpower. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protectour people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to workwith us, and makesure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we'repartnering with local forces and leadinginternational effortsto help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.17 / 26That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent anuclear-armed Iran. As wespeak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out itsuranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.Our military, our doctors, and ourdevelopment workers set upthe platform that allowed other countries to join us in stampingout that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to openmarkets, protect workers and theenvironment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on productsMadein America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region,we do. You want to showour strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give usthetools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in LatinAmerica. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel andcommerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives ofthe Cuban people. You want toconsolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold Waris18 / 26over. Lift the embargo.American leadership in the 21st century is not a choicebetween ignoring the rest of the world –except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of militarypower, and rallying the world behind causesthat are right. Itmeans seeing our foreign assistance as part of our nationalsecurity, notcharity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to themost ambitious agreement in history to fightclimate change –that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When wehelp Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, thatstrengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed theirpeople and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Rightnow, we are on trackto end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity toaccomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund thisyear.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of ourexample. That is why Iwill keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: 19 / 26it'sexpensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targetspeople because of race or religion. Thisisn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding whatmakes us strong. Theworld respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our opennessand the waywe respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told thisbody from the very spotI stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the bestway to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kidbullied, that doesn't make ussafer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. Itdiminishesus in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder toachieve our goals. And it betrays who we areas a country.“We t he People.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come t orecognize mean a ll the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together.Thatbrings me t o the fourth, and maybe t he most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want – opportunity and security for our20 / 26families; a rising standard of living anda sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach.But it will only happenif we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, withdifferent regions andattitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Foundersdistributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, justas they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, overthe meaning of liberty and the imperatives ofsecurity.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if wethink the people who disagreewith us are all motivated by malice, or that our politicalopponents are unpatriotic. Democracy g rinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic factsare contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Ourpublic life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracybreaks down when the average21 / 26person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system isrigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrowinterest.Too many A mericans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – thatthe rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's nodoubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide,and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task –or any President's – alone. There are awhole lot of folks in thischamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevateddebate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demandsof getting elected. I know; you've toldme. And if we want abetter politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressmanor a Senatoror even a President; we have to change the systemto reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressionaldistricts so that politicians can picktheir voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in ourpolitics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests22 / 26can't bankroll our elections –and ifour existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to worktogether to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernizeit for the way we live now.And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country topush for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in ourpolitical process – in not just who getselected but how theyget elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you. That's what's meant by agovernment of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, andpolitics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give upnow, then we forsake a better future. Those with moneyand power will gain greater controlover the decisions thatcould send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster,or roll back the equal rights and voting rights thatgenerations of Americans have fought, evendied, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, toscapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like23 / 26。
2016奥巴马国情咨文英文版
As prepared for deliveryPresident Obama's 2016 State of the Union AddressMr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change — c hange that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before — w ars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew,and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — b ecause we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — w e emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — o ur optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — t hese things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — r egardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not againstus — e specially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — a nd the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — i s that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that atsome point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — w e shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — n amely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings overlong-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesseswho've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good fortheir shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record — u ntil 2015 turned out even hotter — w hy would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power isnow cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — i n jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — s omething environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — e specially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve — t hat's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — t hey call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy intransition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — s tates they see slipping away from their orbi t. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies. But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — k illers and fanatics who have to be roote d out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment — o r mine — t o see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit. Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — i n the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may becomesafe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's t he lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — a nd we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — e xcept when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing ourforeign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — t hat helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — s omething I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country."We the People."Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want — o pportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — a ll that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size andshape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency — t hat the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — o r any President's — a lone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections — a nd if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — i n not just who gets elected but how they get elected — t hat will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died,。
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文全文(中文版)
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文全文尊敬的议长女士、副总统拜登、国会成员、各位嘉宾和美国同胞，大家好。
我国宪法要求美国总统需要向国会提供关于国家状况的相关信息。
在过去两百二十年里，我国领导人履行了这一职责。
他们不仅在经济繁荣和国家安定的时期发表讲话，也在战争期间和经济衰退之时发表国情咨文。
回顾这些历史时刻是非常有吸引力的，并可认为我们国家的进步是不可避免的，美国注定会获得成功。
但在当美国股市持续了10年的牛市崩溃、二战期间盟军登陆奥马哈海滩之时，我们是否能够获得胜利还充满质疑。
当华尔街股市在黑色星期二崩盘和追求民权的游行者在“血腥星期天”遭到殴打的时候，未来是不确定的。
这是考验我们勇气、政府实力的时刻。
尽管我们之间存在分歧以及有些犹豫和担心，美国仍然能获得胜利，因为我们是作为一个国以一个人的步伐向前迈进。
我们再次受到挑战，必须再次回答历史的疑问。
一年之前，我在两场战争之中成为美国总统。
当时美国正受到经济衰退造成的冲击，金融系统已到崩溃边缘，政府负债累累。
所有政治领域的专家发出警告，认为如果我们不采取行动，美国将出现历史上第二大经济衰退。
所以我们迅速和积极的作出反应。
一年以后，最严重的经济风暴已经过去。
但金融风暴造成的损失仍然存在。
十分之一的美国人找不到工作，大批公司破产，房价下跌，小城镇和农村社区损失尤其惨重。
对穷苦百姓而言，生活将变得更为艰难。
经济衰退也加重了美国家庭的负担。
人们无法攒够退休养老和子女上学所需的资金。
所以我知道人们充满焦虑。
这种现象并不是现在才有。
这些努力和奋斗正是我竞选美国总统的原因。
多年以来，我曾经在埃尔克哈特、盖尔斯堡、印第安纳州和伊利诺伊州等地亲眼见过人们的苦痛。
从大家的来信中，我听到了人们的呼声。
我感到最痛心的一封信来自儿童，他们发出询问为什么必须搬家和父母何时才能重返就业岗位。
对于这些人而言，变革的到来似乎过于缓慢。
一些人感到沮丧，一些人感到愤怒。
他们不了解为什么华尔街做出错误举动却获得奖励，而普通民众付出了辛勤汗水却未得到任何回报；他们对美国政府无力解决或者不愿意解决问题而感到不解。
2016年奥巴马就职演讲稿英文原稿(附中文翻译)
2016年奥巴马就职演讲稿英文原稿(附中文翻译)篇一：奥巴马就职演说英文版(附中文翻译)奥巴马就职演说英文版（极好的口语材料，去背吧）My fellow citizens：I stand here today humbled by the task before us,grateful for the trust you have bestowed,mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to ournation,as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken duringrising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet,every so often the oath is taken amidstgathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments,America has carried on not simplybecause of the skill or vision of those in high office,but because We the People have remainedfaithful to the ideals of our forbearers,and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war,against afar-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened,a consequence ofgreed and irresponsibility on the part of some,but also our collective failure to make hardchoices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businessesshuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings furtherevidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis,subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no lessprofound is a sapping of confidence across our land -a nagging fear that America’s decline isinevitable,and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.Theywill not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this,America -they will be met.On this day,we gather because we have chosen hope over。
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奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲（双语全文）当地时间12号晚间，美国总统奥巴马在华盛顿发表了任上最后一次国情咨文，这也是他第八次进行国情咨文演讲。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。
我将尽量简而言之。
我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。
但是，议长先生，您以及其他领导人去年年末通过了建设性的预算决议，使得工薪家庭减税计划能够长久实施下去，我对此深表感激。
因此我衷心希望今年两党能够在一些重要事务上同心协作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，帮助那些与处方药滥用行为抗争的人们。
我们很可能会让质疑者们再次大吃一惊。
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.但在今晚，我打算少谈些像往年那样的发展计划。
别担心，我还是有很多计划要谈，比如，帮助学生学习编写计算机代码，以及对病人进行个性化治疗。
我将继续推动这些未竟事业的进步。
完善有漏洞的移民体系。
保护我们的孩子们免遭枪械暴力。
继续推行同工同酬及带薪休假，并提高最低工资水平。
所有的这一切对于努力工作的家庭们来说依然至关重要；这些仍是我们要做的对的事情。
我绝不会放松这些工作，直至他们完成为止。
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.但这是我最后一次在此发表讲话，我不想只谈论来年的事宜。
我想关注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久远的事情。
I want to focus on our future.我更关注我们的未来。
We live in a time of extraordinary change –change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.我们生活在一个充满巨变的时代，这场巨变改变了我们的生活、工作方式，改变了我们的星球和我们在世界上的地位。
这种巨变预示着医学将出现重大突破，也会带来困扰着工薪家庭的经济动荡。
它为生活在边远山区的女孩们带去教育的希望，却也使远距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一气策划阴谋。
这场巨变能够带来机遇，也会扩大不公。
无论我们喜欢与否，这场巨变的进度只会越来越快。
America has been through big changes before –wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did –because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril –we emerged stronger and better than before.美国曾经历过种种巨变——战争，萧条，移民涌入，工人运动，以及民权运动。
每一次，总有人告诉我们要畏惧未来。
每当美国受到某些组织或者言论威胁，将要失控，这些人就告诉我们要停止变革，并承诺恢复往日的辉煌。
但每一次，我们都能够克服恐惧。
用林肯的话来说，我们并未遵循“平静的过去时代的信条”。
相反地，我们能够用新的思维思考，以新的方式行事。
我们巧妙地利用变化，始终将美国的潜力扩展至更广阔的前沿，惠及更多的民众。
正缘于此——因为他人眼中的风险在我们看来是机遇——我们变得比以前更强更好。
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation –our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery andinnovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law –these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.过去的真理，现在亦未曾改变。
我们的乐观主义与职业道德，我们的发现与创新精神，我们种族多样化和法治信条，这些都是我们作为一个国家所拥有的独一无二的优点，使我们具备了世代繁荣昌盛、国泰民安的一切条件。
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.事实上，正因有了这种精神力量，我们过去七年才可能取得进步。