公共关系学奥巴马2012总统选举16页
全国2012年4月公共关系学
全国2012年4月高等教育自学考试考前练习题公共关系学试题（课程代码：00182）一、单项选择题（本大题共20小题，每小题1分，共20分）在每小题列出的四个备选项中只有—个是符合题目要求的，请将其代码填写在题后的括号内。
错选、多选或未选均无分。
1. 现代公共关系传播的本质是组织与公众之间（）A. 信息的双方向交流B. 信息的单方向交流C. 领导与被领导的关系D. 管理与被管理的关系2. 美国全国公共关系协会(PRSA)成立的时间是( )A. 1978年B. 1955年C. 1948年D. 1947年3. 某公关公司主要为客户提供市场形象调查与设计服务，它属于（）A. 专项业务服务公司B. 专门业务服务公司C. 综合服务咨询公司D. 独立业务服务公司4. 在高层领导直属型中，公关机构处于整个组织系统的（）A. 第一层次B. 第二层次C. 第三层次D. 第二、三层次之间5. 被筛选出来的能成为公共关系工作的中心对象称为( )A. 目标公众B. 外部公众C. 组织公众D. 内部公众6. 公共关系机构中的财务人员属于（）A. 计划人员B. 领导人员C. 文秘人员D. 专门技术人员7. 工商企业、金融机构属于（）A. 互益性组织B. 服务性组织C. 盈利性组织D. 公益性组织8. 在公共关系学中，组织的公众特指（）A. 消极受众B. 积极受众C. 内部公众D. 外部公众9. “刻板印象”又称为( )A. 首因效应B. 近因作用C. 晕轮效应D. 定型作用10. 大脑对当前直接作用于感觉器官的客观事物的整体反映是（）A. 需要B. 态度C. 知觉D. 心理11. 马斯洛认为人最高层次的需要是（）A. 安全需要B. 社交需要C. 自尊需要D. 自我实现需要12. 当组织“臭名远扬”时，组织的实际形象状态为( )A. 高知名度／高美誉度B. 高美誉度／低知名度C. 低知名度／低美誉度D. 低美誉度／高知名度13. 下列属于交际型公关的是（）A. 演讲B. 电子邮件C. 售后服务D. 设立热线电话14. 议程设置论的代表性学者是（）A. 施拉姆B. 卢因C. 拉斯韦尔D. 麦库姆斯15. 企业赞助属于（）A. 服务型公关B. 宣传型公关C. 征询型公关D. 社会活动型公关16. 下列选项属于政府公共关系职能的是( )A. 执行职能B. 协调沟通职能C. 决策指挥职能D. 监督职能17. 视觉识别系统VIS中应用最广泛、出现频率最多的要素是( )A. 标准字B. 标志C. 标准色D. 象征图案18. “意见领袖”这一重要概念来源于( )A. 两级传播论B. “3S”论C. 把关人理论D. 议题设置论19. 公关调查中使用最为广泛的方法是（）A. 民意测验B. 公众代表座谈会C. 资料分析D. 个人走访20. 广告策划的中心环节是（）A. 广告定位B. 广告创意C. 市场调查D. 功广告媒介安排二、多项选择题（本大题共10小题，每小题2分，共20分）每小题列出的五个备选项中至少有两个是符合题目要求的，请将其代码填写在题后的括号内。
社交媒体对政治传播的影响——以2012美国总统大选为例
候公婆 ，这使得很多女性画家在事业和家庭的选择中，最终不得不放弃绘画事
业，回 归家庭。因此民国时期那么多活跃的闺阁画家，如果不是翻阅资料，能 被我们 所知的也是很少一部分，少数人转换身份成功的进入美术院校成为教师 或进入 画院成为专业画家通过这些职业继续自己的爱好，如萧淑芳、陈佩秋。 更多的 还是被埋没在历史的洪流中，不被今人所知。很多女性结婚后就回归到 家庭生 活，女性的社会角色也无形中限制了她们对绘画事业的追求。她们生活 在时代 的大变革中，一方面使她们有机会在社会中展现自己，一方面社会固有 的观念 也限制了她们的发展。时代造就了她们，最终也被时代所淹没。虽然这 些闺阁 画家受到各种因素的限制，在历史上昙花一现，但毕竟曾经让人们眼前 一亮， 在追求主体独立性，充分发挥自身优势，对待艺术有自己的态度等方面 给现在
萄嘉魁薹霎垂墓。鋈羹璧雾耋 底层人民，也完全可以消费得起，报纸因此成为大众传播的重要媒体之一。 ２０世纪２０年代，威斯汀豪斯电器公司为了推荐收音机，建立了第一个商业
进入到大众的视野，不再只是精英阶层的读物，开始面向社会各个阶层，即使是
西师范大学出版社．２００５． ［１０］徐敏．女 性主义的中国道路［Ｍ］．北京：中国社会科学出版社．２００６． ［１１］阮荣春．胡 光华．中华民国美术史１９１１—１９４９［Ｍ］．成都：四川美术出版社，１９９２． ［１２］许志浩． 中国美术期刊过眼录［Ｍ］．上海：上海书画出版社，１９９２． ［１３］陈小翠． 翠楼吟草［Ｍ］．合肥：黄山书社，２０１０． ［１４］黄可．上 海美术史札记［Ｍ］．上海：上海人民美术出版社，２０００． ［１５］阮荣春． 胡光华．中国近现代美术史［Ｍ］．天津：天津人民美术出版社，２００５． ［１６］李光德编 著．中国古今女美术家传略［Ｍ］．北京：中共中央党校出版社，１９９５． ［１７］舒新成． 中国近代教育史资料［Ｍ］．北京：人民教育出版社，１９８０． ［１８］潘耀昌． 中国近现代美术教育史［Ｍ］．杭州：中国美术学院出版社，２００３． ［１９］徐正．《 中国山水画》［Ｍ］．济南：黄河出版社，２０００． ［２０］许志浩． 中国美术社团漫录［Ｍ］．上海：上海书画出版社，１９９４． ［２１］徐昌酩． 上海美术志［Ｍ］．上海：上海书画出版社，２００４． ［２２］董苏娜． 民国女性绘画研究［Ｄ］．硕士学位论文，曲阜师范大学，２００９年４月 ［２１］王玉玲．
2012年10月公共关系学 2
绝密★启用前2012年10月高等教育自学考试全国统一命题考试公共关系学试卷（课程代码00182）本试卷共8页，满分100分；考试时间150分钟。
一、单项选择题（本大题共20小题，每小题1分，共20分）在每小题列出的四个备选项中只有—个是符合题目要求的，请将其代码填写在题后的括号内。
错选、多选或未选均无分。
1．公共关系作为一门学科产生于【】 A．美国 B．英国C．葡萄牙 D．荷兰2．公共关系的行为主体是【】 A．相关公众 B．组织机构C．传播沟通媒介 D．个人3．中国第一家公共关系专业公司是【】 A．伟达公共关系公司B．中国环球公共关系公司C．博雅公共关系公司D．神州公共关系公司4．国际公关协会成立于A.1953年B.1954年C.1955年D.1956年5．组织与公众形成关系的关键是公众的【】 A．共同性 B．变化性C．群体性 D．相关性6．目标公众中最具有权威性的是【】 A．社区公众 B．顾客公众C．媒介公众 D．政府公众公共关系学试卷第1页（共8页）7．首次提出“需要层次理论”的学者是【】 A-韦伯 B．马克思C．马斯洛 D．麦克米兰8．个人不愿意因为与众不同而感到孤立，从而放弃自己意见的“随大流”行为属于【】 A．自我评价行为 B．社会逆反行为C．自我认知行为 D．社会从众行为9．大脑对当前直接作用于感觉器官的客观事物的整体反映被称为【】 A．知觉 B．感觉C．思维 D．反馈10.传播学中，总体研究范畴的规划者是【】 A．巴勒克拉夫 B．麦克卢汉C．拉斯韦尔 D．伯尼斯11.策戈Ⅱ公共关系工作方案“六步工作法”的提出者是【】 A．奥斯本 B．杰夫金斯C．卢因 D．哈罗12.新闻稿的灵魂是【】 A．事实 B．结构C．导语 D．结语13.在营销传播的所有形式中采用同一颜色、图案及识别符号的方法是【】 A．同一外观法 B．主题线法C．供应面策划法 D．特设会议法14.整合营销传播最基础的形式是【】 A．协调的整合 B．认知的整合C．功能的整合 D．形象的整合15.某企业为庆祝该企业产品获得国际博览会金奖而举行的庆典活动属于【】 A．开业庆典 B．周年庆典C．重大成果庆典D．受到特殊嘉奖庆典16.BIS是指【】 A．理念识别系统B．行为识别系统C．视觉识别系统D．组织识别系统17.组织识别系统的核心与原动力是【】 A．理念识别系统 B．行为识别系统C．视觉识别系统 D．听觉识别系统18.组织的最佳形象管理状态是【】 A．高知名度／高美誉度 B．高知名度／低美誉度C．低知名度／高美誉度 D．低知名度／低美誉度19.班尼特的形象修复理论【】 A．仅适用于个人B．仅适用于组织C．既适用于组织也适用于个人D．既不适用于组织也不适用于个人公共关系学试卷第2页（共8页）20.通过图形方式把危机管理分为危机前期反应阶段和危机后期恢复阶段的学者是【】 A．罗伯特·希斯 B．米特罗夫C．佩尔森 D．泰莱诺尔二、多项选择题（本大题共10小题，每小题2分，共20分）在每小题列出的五个备选项中至少有两个是符合题目要求的，请将其代码填写在题后的括号内。
我对公共关系的认识以及给我的启发
我对公共关系的认识以及给我的启发公共关系学是一门新兴的学科，在欧美各国被广泛的应用于整个社会的各个领域，并发挥着独特的作用。
随着我国的改革开放，公共关系变的尤为重要并得以快速的发展。
公共关系作为一门独立的学科出现于20世纪初的美国，但是，公共关系作为一种客观存在的社会关系和一种思想与活动方式却源远流长。
早在古代文明时期，那时的人类为了协调各个利益主体之间的关系，便有了不自觉的、类似的公共关系活动。
良好的公共关系能够使社会组织树立良好的信誉，增加组织发展的机遇。
任何一个组织在生存发展的过程中，都必须具备正确的公关理念，才能保持组织的长期繁荣与稳定。
通过一个学期的系统学习，下面通过几个案例来具体阐述公共关系各个方面的重要性。
翼搏城市新物种全传播案例：2013年，福特翼搏以“城市新物种”的独特产品定位进入竞争激烈的紧凑型SUV市场，面对新兴的紧凑型SUV蓝海市场，并针对正在成为中国汽车消费主力的80后人群，福特翼搏通过严谨系统的分析精准定位目标消费群体，采取线上线下联动的方式，展开了一场独具个性、青春激昂的品牌全传播推广战役。
2013年3月19日，福特翼搏上市当天呈现了一场极具创意、与翼搏产品调性及80后目标消费者生活方式极为契合的“汽车电影院”发布会，用此颠覆与会媒体对传统汽车行业新品发布会的认识，灌输翼搏“城市新物种”的品牌定位。
此后2周，福特翼搏上市新闻一直占据全国主流媒体的重要版面。
继翼搏上市发布会之后，为了使福特翼搏品牌价值得到深度传播和品牌被认知，建立翼搏独特产品形象，建立与80后年轻消费者的情感连接，创造热点话题，从而吸引网友广泛讨论和互动，翼搏精心策划了“翼搏•城市新物种”话题互动传播。
在线上创造了50个城市新物种形象，如“跑酷豹”，“蜗居燕”等，借助新浪微博、互动百科及APP三大平台，联合开展系列线上传播活动，引起话题和讨论，借助微博2.0主题应用，吸引用户趣味互动，提高用户参与和品牌传播，使品牌价值得到深度传播和迅速提升产品认知，同时配合网媒、BBS、blog、时尚生活类媒体等进行大力传播，使城市新物种的形象深入人心。
2012美国大选第三场辩论-英文
2012美国大选第三场辩论国总统大选第三场、也是最后一场辩论22日在美国佛罗里达州博卡拉顿的林恩大学举行。
本场辩论以美国外交政策为主题。
由于总统奥巴马与共和党总统候选人罗姆尼在前两场辩论中战成平手，且目前选情胶着，第三场辩论的重要性大增，受关注程度更高。
现场，两人可谓开足火力，激烈碰撞。
原文：BOB SCHIEFFER of CBS: Good evening from the campus of Lynn University here in Boca Raton, Florida. This is the fourth and last debate of the 2012 campaign, brought to you by the Commission on Presidential Debates. This one’s on foreign policy. I’m Bob Schieffer of CBS News. The questions are mine, and I have not shared them with the candidates or their aides.The audience has taken a vow of silence — no applause, no reaction of any kind except right now when we welcome President Barack Obama and Governor Mitt Romney. (Sustained cheers, applause.) Gentlemen, your campaigns have agreed to certain rules and they are simple. They have asked me to divide the evening into segments. I’ll pose a question at the beginning of each segment. You will each have two minutes to respond, and then we will have a general discussion until we move to the next segment.Tonight’s debate, as both of your know, comes on the 50th anniversary of the night that President Kennedy told the world that the Soviet Union had installed nuclear missiles in Cuba — perhaps the closest we’ve ever come to nuclear war. And it is a sobering remind er that every president faces at some point an unexpected threat to our national security from abroad. So let’s begin.The first segment is the challenge of a changing Middle East and the new face of terrorism. I’m going to put this into two segments, so y ou’ll have two topic questions within this one segment on that subject. The first question, and it concerns Libya, the controversy over what happened there continues. Four Americans are dead, including an American ambassador. Questions remain. What happened? What caused it? Was it spontaneous?Was it an intelligence failure? Was it a policy failure? Was there an attempt to mislead people about what really happened?Governor Romney, you said this was an example of an American policy in the Middle East that is unraveling before our very eyes. I’d like to hear each of you give your thoughts on that. Governor Romney, you won the toss. You go first.MITT ROMNEY: Thank you, Bob, and thank you for agreeing to moderate this debate this evening. Thank you to Lynn Uni versity for welcoming us here, and Mr. President, it’s good to be with you again. We were together at a humorous event a little earlier, and it’s nice to maybe be funny this time not on purpose. We’ll see what happens. (Laughter.)This is obviously an area of great concern to the entire world and to America in particular, which is to see a — a complete change in the — the — the structure and the — the environment in the Middle East. With the Arab Spring came a great deal of hope that there would be a change towards more moderation and opportunity for greater participation on the part of women and — and publiclife and in economic life in the Middle East. But instead we’ve seen in nation after nation a number of disturbing events. Of course, we see in Syria 30,000 civilians having been killed by the military there. We see in — in — in Libya an attack apparently by — well, I think we know now by terrorists of some kind against — against our people there, four people dead. Our hearts and minds go to them. Mali has been taken over, the northern part of Mali, by al-Qaida-type individuals. We have in — in Egypt a Muslim Brotherhood president.And so what we’re seeing is a — a — a pretty dramatic reversal in the kind of hopes we had for that region. Of course, the greatest threat of all is Iran, four years closer to a nuclear weapon. And —and we’re going to have to recognize that we have to do as the president has done. I congratulate him on — on taking out Osama bin Laden and going after the leadership in al-Qaida. But we can’t kill our way out of this mess. We’re —we’re going to have to put in place a very comprehensive and robust strategy to help the — the world of Islam and — and other parts of the world reject this radical violent extremism which is —it’s really not on the run. It’s certainly not hiding. This is a group that is now involved in 10 or 12 countries, and it presents an enormous threat to our friends, to the world, to America long term, and we must have a comprehensive strategy to help reject this kind of extremism.MR. SCHIEFFER: Mr. President.PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, my first job as commander in chief, Bob, is to keep the American people safe, and that’s what we’ve done over the last four years. We ended the war in Iraq, refocused our attention on those who actually killed us on 9/11. And as a consequence, al-Qaida’s core leadership has been decimated.In addition, we’re now able to transition out of Afghanistan in a responsible way, making sure that Afghans take responsibility for their own security, and that allows us also to rebuild alliances and make friends around the world to combat future threats. Now, with respect to Libya, as I indicated in the last debate, when we received that phone call, I immediately made sure that, number one, we did ever ything we could to secure those Americans who were still in harm’s way; number two, that we would investigate exactly what happened; and number three, most importantly, that we would go after those who killed Americans, and we would bring them to justice, and that’s exactly what we’re going to do.But I think it’s important to step back and think about what happened in Libya. Now, keep in mind that I and Americans took leadership in organizing an international coalition that made sure that we were able to — without putting troops on the ground, at the cost of less than what we spent in two weeks in Iraq — liberate a country that had been under the yoke of dictatorship for 40 years, got rid of a despot who had killed Americans.And as a consequence, despite this tragedy, you had tens of thousands of Libyans after the events in Benghazi marching and saying, America's our friend. We stand with them. Now that represents the opportunity we have to take advantage of. And you know, Governor Romney, I'm glad that you agree that we have been successful in going after al-Qaida, but I have to tell you that, you know, your strategy previously has been one that has been all over the map and is not designed to keep Americans safe or to build on the opportunities that exist in the Middle East.MR. ROMNEY: Well, my strategy's pretty straightforward, which is to go after the bad guys, to make sure we do our very best to interrupt them, to -- to kill them, to take them out of the picture. But my strategy is broader than -- than that. That's -- that's important, of course, but the key that we're going to have to pursue is a -- is a pathway to -- to get the Muslim world to be able to rejectextremism on its own. We don't want another Iraq. We don't want another Afghanistan. That's not the right course for us. The right course for us is to make sure that we go after the -- the people who are leaders of these various anti-American groups and these -- these jihadists, but also help the Muslim world.And how we do that? A group of Arab scholars came together, organized by the U.N., to look at how we can help the -- the world reject these -- these terrorists. And the answer they came up was this.One, more economic development. We should key our foreign aid, our direct foreign investment and that of our friends -- we should coordinate it to make sure that we -- we push back and give them more economic development.Number two, better education.Number three, gender equality.Number four, the rule of law. We have to help these nations create civil societies.But what's been happening over the last couple years as we watched this tumult in the Middle East, this rising tide of chaos occur, you see al-Qaida rushing in, you see other jihadist groups rushing in.And -- and they're throughout many nations of the Middle East.It's wonderful that Libya seems to be making some progress, despite this terrible tragedy, but next door, of course, we have Egypt. Libya's 6 million population, Egypt 80 million population. We want -- we want to make sure that we're seeing progress throughout the Middle East. With Mali now having North Mali taken over by al-Qaida, with Syria having Assad continuing to -- or to kill -- to murder his own people, this is a region in tumult. And of course Iran on the path to a nuclear weapon. We've got real gaps in the region.MR. SCHIEFFER: We'll get to that, but let's give the president a chance.PRESIDENT OBAMA: Governor Romney, I'm glad that you recognize that al-Qaida's a threat because a few months ago when you were asked, what's the biggest geopolitical threat facing America, you said Russia -- not al-Qaida, you said Russia. And the 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back because, you know, the Cold War's been over for 20 years.But, Governor, when it comes to our foreign policy, you seem to want to import the foreign policies of the 1980s, just like the social policies of the 1950s and the economic policies of the 1920s. You say that you're not interested in duplicating what happened in Iraq, but just a few weeks ago you said you think we should have more troops in Iraq right now.And the -- the challenge we have -- I know you haven't been in a position to actually execute foreign policy, but every time you've offered an opinion, you've been wrong. You said we should have gone into Iraq despite the fact that there were no weapons of mass destruction. You said that we should still have troops in Iraq to this day. You indicated that we shouldn't be passing nuclear treaties with Russia, despite the fact that 71 senators, Democrats and Republicans, voted for it. You've said that first we should not have a timeline in Afghanistan then you said we should. Now you say maybe or it depends, which means not only were you wrong but you were also confusing and sending mixed messages both to our troops and our allies.So what -- what we need to do with respect to the Middle East is strong, steady leadership, not wrong and reckless leadership that is all over the map. And unfortunately, that's the kind of opinions that you've offered throughout this campaign, and it is not a recipe for American strength or keeping America safe over the long term.MR. SCHIEFFER: I'm going to add a couple of minutes here to give you a chance to respond. MR. ROMNEY: Well, of course I don't concur with what the president said about my own record and the things that I've said. They don't happen to be accurate. But -- but I can say this: that we're talking about the Middle East and how to help the Middle East reject the kind of terrorism we're seeing and the rising tide of tumult and -- and confusion. And -- and attacking me is not an agenda. Attacking me is not talking about how we're going to deal with the challenges that exist in the Middle East and take advantage of the opportunity there and stem the tide of this violence. But I'll respond to a couple of the things you mentioned. First of all, Russia, I indicated, is a geopolitical foe, not --PRESIDENT OBAMA: Number one --MR. ROMNEY: Excuse me. It's a geopolitical foe. And I said in the same -- in the same paragraph, I said, and Iran is the greatest national security threat we face. Russia does continue to battle us in the U.N. time and time again. I have clear eyes on this. I'm not going to wear rose-colored glasses when it comes to Russia or Mr. Putin, and I'm certainly not going to say to him, I'll give you more flexibility after the election. After the election he'll get more backbone.Number two, with regards to Iraq, you and I agreed, I believe, that there should have been a status of forces agreement. Did you -- PRESIDENT OBAMA: That's not true.MR. ROMNEY: Oh, you didn't -- you didn't want a status of forces agreement?PRESIDENT OBAMA: No, but what I -- what I would not have done is left 10,000 troops in Iraq that would tie us down. That certainly would not help us in the Middle East.MR. ROMNEY: I'm sorry, you actually -- there was a --PRESIDENT OBAMA: Here -- here is -- here is --MR. ROMNEY: There was an effort on the part of the president to have a status of forces agreement. And I concurred in that and said we should have some number of troops that stayed on. That was something I concurred with.PRESIDENT OBAMA: Governor --MR. ROMNEY: That was your posture. That was my posture as well.I thought it should have been 5,000 troops.PRESIDENT OBAMA: Governor --MR. ROMNEY: I thought it should have been more troops. But you -- (inaudible). PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is just a few weeks ago.MR. ROMNEY: The answer was, we got no troop (through ?) whatsoever.PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is just a few weeks ago that you indicated that we should still have troops in Iraq.MR. ROMNEY: No, I didn't. I'm sorry, that's --PRESIDENT OBAMA: You made a major speech.MR. ROMNEY: I indicated -- I indicated that you failed to put in place a status of forces agreement at the end of the conflict that --MR. SCHIEFFER: Governor --PRESIDENT OBAMA: Governor, here's -- here's one thing -- here's one thing -- here's one thing I've learned as commander in chief.MR. SCHIEFFER: Let him have -- (inaudible).PRESIDENT OBAMA: You've got to be clear, both to our allies and our enemies, about where you stand and what you mean. Now, you just gave a speech a few weeks ago in which you said weshould still have troops in Iraq. That is not a recipe for making sure that we are taking advantage of the opportunities and meeting the challenges of the Middle EastNow, it is absolutely true that we cannot just beat these challenges militarily, and so what I've done throughout my presidency and will continue to do, is, number one, make sure that these countries are supporting our counterterrorism efforts; number two, make sure that they are standing by our interests in Israel's security, because it is a true friend and our greatest ally in the region. Number three, we do have to make sure that we're protecting religious minorities and women because these countries can't develop unless all the population -- not just half of it -- is developing. Number four, we do have to develop their economic -- their economic capabilities. But number five, the other thing that we have to do is recognize that we can't continue to do nation building in these regions. Part of American leadership is making sure that we're doing nation building here at home. That will help us maintain the kind of American leadership that we need. MR. SCHIEFFER: Let me interject the second topic question in this segment about the Middle East and so on, and that is, you both mentioned -- alluded to this, and that is Syria. The war in Syria has now spilled over into Lebanon. We have, what, more than a hundred people that were killed there in a bomb. There were demonstrations there, eight people dead.Mr. President, it's been more than a year since you saw -- you told Assad he had to go. Since then 30,000 Syrians have died. We've had 300,000 refugees. The war goes on. He's still there. Should we reassess our policy and see if we can find a better way to influence events there, or is that even possible? And it's you -- you go first, sir.PRESIDENT OBAMA: What we've done is organize the international community, saying Assad has to go. We've mobilized sanctions against that government. We have made sure that they are isolated. We have provided humanitarian assistance, and we are helping the opposition organize, and we're particularly interested in making sure that we're mobilizing the moderate forces inside of Syria. But ultimately, Syrians are going to have to determine their own future. And so everything we're doing, we're doing in consultation with our partners in the region, including Israel, which obviously has a huge interest in seeing what happens in Syria, coordinating with Turkey and other countries in the region that have a great interest in this.Now, this -- what we're seeing taking place in Syria is heartbreaking, and that's why we are going to do everything we can to make sure that we are helping the opposition. But we also have to recognize that, you know, for us to get more entangled militarily in Syria is a serious step. And we have to do so making absolutely certain that we know who we are helping, that we're not putting arms in the hands of folks who eventually could turn them against us or our allies in the region. And I am confident that Assad's days are numbered. But what we can't do is to simply suggest that, as Governor Romney at times has suggested, that giving heavy weapons, for example, to the Syrian opposition is a simple proposition that would lead us to be safer over the long term.MR. SCHIEFFER: Governor.MR. ROMNEY: Well, let's step back and talk about what's happening in Syria and how important it is. First of all, 30,000 people being killed by their government is a humanitarian disaster. Secondly, Syria's an opportunity for us because Syria plays an important role in the Middle East, particularly right now. Syria is Iran's only ally in the Arab world. It's their route to the sea. It's the route for them to arm Hezbollah in Lebanon, which threatens, of course, our ally Israel. And so seeing Syria remove Assad is a very high priority for us. Number two, seeing a -- a replacement government being responsible people is critical for us. And finally, we don't want to have militaryinvolvement there. We don't want to get drawn into a military conflict.And so the right course for us is working through our partners and with our own resources to identify responsible parties within Syria, organize them, bring them together in a -- in a form of -- of -- if not government, a form of -- of council that can take the lead in Syria, and then make sure they have the arms necessary to defend themselves. We do need to make sure that they don't have arms that get into the -- the wrong hands. Those arms could be used to hurt us down the road. We need to make sure as well that we coordinate this effort with our allies and particularly with -- with -- with Israel. But the Saudis and the Qatari and -- and -- and the Turks are all very concerned about this. They're willing to work with us. We need to have a very effective leadership effort in Syria, making sure that the -- the -- the insurgents there are armed and that the insurgents that become armed are people who will be the responsible parties.Recognize I believe that Assad must go. I believe he will go. But I believe we want to make sure that we have the relationships of friendship with the people that take his place such that in the years to come we see Syria as a -- as a friend and Syria as a responsible party in the Middle East. This -- this is a critical opportunity for America.And what I'm afraid of is that we've watched over the past year or so first the president saying, well, we'll let the U.N. deal with it, and Assad -- excuse me, Kofi Annan came in and -- and said, we're going to try -- have a cease-fire.That didn't work. Then it looked to the Russians and said, see if you can do something. we should. We should be playing the leadership role there, not on the ground with military --MR. SCHIEFFER: All right.MR. ROMNEY: -- by the leadership role.PRESIDENT OBAMA: We are -- we playing the leadership role. We organized the "Friends of Syria." We are mobilizing humanitarian support and support for the opposition. And we are making sure that that those we help are those who will be friends of ours in the long term and friends of our allies in the region over the long term.But you know, going back to Libya, because this is an example of -- of how we make choices, you know, when we went into Libya and we were able to immediately stop the massacre there because of the unique circumstances and the coalition that we had helped to organize, we also had to make sure that Moammar Gadhafi didn't stay there. And to the governor's credit, you supported us going into Libya and the coalition that we organized. But when it came time to making sure that Gadhafi did not stay in power, that he was captured, Governor, your suggestion was that this was mission creep, that this was mission muddle.Imagine if we had pulled out at that point. That -- Moammar Gadhafi had more American blood on his hands than any individual other than Osama bin Laden. And so we were going to make sure that we finished the job. That's part of the reason why the Libyans stand with us. But we did so in a careful, thoughtful way, making certain that we knew who we were dealing with, that those forces of moderation on the ground were ones that we could work with. And we have to take the same kind of steady, thoughtful leadership when it comes to Syria. That's exactly what we're doing.MR. SCHIEFFER: Governor, can I just ask you, would you go beyond what the administration would do? Like, for example, would you put in no-fly zones over Syria?MR. ROMNEY: I don't -- I don't want to have our military involved in -- in Syria. I don't think there's a necessity to put our military in Syria at -- at this stage.I don't anticipate that in the future.As I indicated, our objectives are to replace Assad and to have in place a new government which is friendly to us -- a responsible government, if possible. And I want to make sure the get armed and they have the arms necessary to defend themselves but also to remove -- to remove Assad. But I do not want to see a military involvement on the part of -- of our -- of our troops.And this isn't -- this isn't going to be necessary. We have -- with our partners in the region, we have sufficient resources to support those groups. But look, this has been going on for a year. This is a time -- this should have been a time for American leadership. We should have taken a leading role -- not militarily, but a leading role organizationally, governmentally, to bring together the parties there to find responsible parties.As you hear from intelligence sources even today, the insurgents are highly disparate. They haven't come together. They haven't formed a unity group, a council of some kind. That needs to happen. America can help that happen. And we need to make sure they have the arms they need to carry out the very important role, which is getting rid of Assad.MR. SCHIEFFER: Could we get a quick response, Mr. President, because I want to ask -- PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, I'll -- I'll -- I'll be -- I'll be very quick. What you just heard Governor Romney said is he doesn't have different ideas, and that's because we're doing exactly what we should be doing to try to promote a moderate, Syrian leadership and a -- an effective transition so that we get Assad out. That's the kind of leadership we've shown. That's the kind of leadership we'll continue to show.MR. SCHIEFFER: May I ask you, you know, during the Egyptian turmoil, there came a point when you said it was time for President Mubarak to go.PRESIDENT OBAMA: Right.。
三次辩论后的美国总统大选
三次辩论后的美国总统大选■ 周 琪 齐 皓／文从2012年9月4日召开的民主党全国代表大会正式提名现任总统巴拉克·奥巴马为总统候选人起，美国总统大选的角逐正式开始。
在此之前8月27日共和党全国代表大会已经正式提名米特·罗姆尼为共和党总统候选人。
在正式竞选的过程中，奥巴马竞选连任的前景始终被人们看好。
根据盖洛普9月10日的民调，奥巴马和罗姆尼的支持率分别为49%和44%, 奥巴马超过罗姆尼5个百分点，其接受提名演讲的受欢迎程度也略高于对手。
另外，民众对奥巴马执政能力的正面评价也从民主党全国代表大会前45%升至50%。
9月24日，路透社与法国益普索民调公司联合发布的民调显示，自民主党全国代表大会以来，奥巴马的支持率稳定地领先于罗姆尼，奥巴马支持率为49%，罗姆尼为43%。
直到三次总统候选人辩论开始之前，奥巴马的民意支持仍高于罗姆尼。
从10月3日到22日，被普遍认为的最有可能决定选举结果的三次总统候选人辩论已经结束。
各种民调显示出，在三次总统候选人辩论之后，奥巴马和罗姆尼的支持率都会发生一些波动。
这些变化既与辩论中两位候选人的表现相关，也受到就业等各种因素的影响。
随着大选最终投票时间的临近，对选民支持率的调查更加具有实际意义。
这其中有两个原因：一是随着三次辩论的结束和投票时间的临近，两位候选人向最广泛的公众展示执政能力的机会已基本用尽，而且在距离投票不到一周的时间内，美国的经济状况很难发生大的变化。
二是在此次大选中，奥巴马一直未能在与挑战者罗姆尼的竞争中取得较大的优势。
尽管绝大多数民主党人仍然对奥巴马获胜充满了信心，而且不少共和党人也承认奥巴马获胜的可能性更大，但在民调支持率如此接近的情况下，奥巴马的胜出并非绝无悬念。
三次辩论的重点2012年10月3日，举行了两位总统候选人之间的第一场辩论，双方将大多数时间用于在政纲细节上的直接交锋，辩论的主题是失业、税收、财政赤字、医保，甚至是华尔街监管等问题，而且在大多数情况下直接切入主题。
奥巴马公关案例
奥巴马的公关设计师
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现年49岁的 白宫社交秘书 德西蕾· 罗杰斯 是奥巴马品牌 首席设计师。
• 据新华社电 美国总统奥巴马就任 以来，美国媒体上没有了他在海边 戏水等“狗仔队”照片，取而代之 的是他们一家四口温馨团圆的照片， 新闻界讥讽总统的传统也仿佛失传。 美国和英国媒体报道，这是白宫把 奥巴马当作商业品牌打造的成果。年 49岁的白宫社交秘书德西蕾· 罗杰斯。她是 来自芝加哥的著名公关经理人，早在奥巴 马夫妇入住白宫前就和他们熟识。 • 白宫审查奥巴马照片 • 对于奥巴马品牌，她对《华尔街日报》 下属周刊《WSJ》说：“我们拥有世界上 最好的品牌，我们拥有无限的可能性。”
• 然而要实现罗杰斯所说的可能性，白 宫采取了控制奥巴马照片与消息的方 式。奥巴马上任以来，媒体上再看不 到奥巴马在夏威夷戏水等未经“审查” 的照片。这类照片由“狗仔队”利用 长焦镜头偷拍，长期以来令名人又爱 又恨。《泰晤士报》10日说，媒体得 到警告，如果使用未经“审查”的照 片，今后所获采访机会可能受到限制。
奥巴马夫人米歇尔的演讲
• 奥巴马夫人演讲.flv
奥巴马的公关
• 贝拉克· 侯赛因· 奥巴马二 世 • 1961年8月4日生，美国 民主党籍政治家，第44 任美国总统，为第一位 非裔美国总统。
• 2008年初次当选美国总 统，并于2012年成功连 任。
奥巴马的全家总动员
奥巴马的公关照（抢镜小男孩）
奥巴马的公关（摸头）
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白宫在打造奥 巴马品牌时关注 的主要是奥巴马 的家庭照。他们 一家四口温馨团 圆的照片代替了 未经“审查”的 “狗仔队”照片。
• 白宫新闻秘书吉布斯说，如果没有照片， 你面临需求旺盛而供应不足的问题。这时， 只要有一些对照片上的人物保持尊敬的照 片，就会让“狗仔队”不再成为问题。 • 白宫在打造奥巴马品牌时关注的主要 是奥巴马的家庭照。于是，媒体上出现的 一般是奥巴马全家在草坪上逗狗嬉戏、奥 巴马夫妇温柔对视等“甜水片”，而非更 贴近真实的生活照。
论奥巴马在美国大选中的个人形象建构
母亲的后代 ， 没有任何政治背景 、 团支持 ， 财 初选 击败劲敌希 要 。 大选期 间 ， 在与奥 巴马交好二十年的牧 师杰里米 ・ 莱特发 拉里 、 对决战胜强敌麦凯恩 ， 当选美 国第一任黑人总统 ， 从公 共关系 的角度来说代表着个人形象建构的成功 。
一
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个 人形象准确定位 ： 年轻、 时尚、 梦想与变革
带来一种梦想被重新激发的 自信心 。
二、 内在形象的宣传 和维护 内在形象是指 人的 内在 素养 ， 主要包括道德 情操 、 心理
驶 员 ， 单独 作战时表现会 非常 出色 ， 他 但需要别 人配合时就
无所适从 了翻 。
（ ） 作 能 力 三 工 希拉里 、 麦凯恩均讽刺 奥巴马缺 乏国际危机处理 经验 。
在美 国总统大选中 ， 个人形象建构具有十分重要的意义 。 奥 巴马作 为一名来 自肯尼亚 的黑人父亲 和堪 萨斯州 的白人
（ ） 德 情操 一 道
１ ． 诚实正直。 在多数美国人的价值观念中， 诚实正直非常重 表错误言论（ 特称 ，９ Ｉ ” 莱 “ ・ Ｉ恐怖袭击是美国咎 由自取 ， 艾滋 病是美 国白人发 明出来摧 毁黑人 的 ） ， 后 他一 方面承认与莱
自己的与众不同和发展潜 力 ， 识 自己的生理 特点 ， 认 认识 自 己的理想 、 价值观等心理特点『 他一开始就选择了一个变革 、 ｌ 】 。 打破传 统的定位 ， 立 “ 树 年轻 、 时尚 、 梦想 与变革 ” 的个人 形
２ 顺 感 恩 。 选 前 夕 ， 养 奥 巴马 并对 他 的人 生 有 着 深 ． 孝 大 抚
摘 要 ： 奥巴马在美 国总统大选 中的个人形象建构是一个系统工程， 同时也是 一个 动态的过 程。他 首先 准确定位 自 己的个人形象 ， 然后不断宣传和维护 自己正面的内在形象， 另一方 面不断塑造和展示 自己良好 的外在 形象， 并利用新
第八讲 网络公关
二、网络公关的主要任务及方式
网络公关主要表现在两种状态下：一种是常态， 一种是危机事件状态。
（一）常态下的网络公关 （二）网络中的危机管理
（一）常态下的网络公关（P137）
1. 组织网站的建设
网站除了可以进行产品展示，企业经营理 念介绍等常规功能外，还可以进行有目的公关 信息发布。
2. 利用其它网络渠道进行公关信息传播
（3）选择合适的媒体
（2）“先网络媒体后传统媒体”的模式，主要 用于特殊事件和信息，如尚未最终核实的信息或太新 太快的信息，可以先实施网络传播，寻找合适的关键 信息，在最恰当的网络媒体上发布。通过专业网站的 第一时间发布，随后报纸等其他传统媒体根据网络开 始新闻跟踪，一周后周报周刊刊登综合评述，月刊则 会从不同角度有故事性地报道相关内容，期间网络又 不断转载反馈实现传播的最大化，成为一段时间的聚 集热点。
（3）谣言阻止
一些组织的危机是由某些网络谣言的传播引起。 网络谣言如何应对？
（4）话题转移
通过网络传播提出与组织相关的新议题， 来分散或转移公众的注意力。但一定要 很谨慎。
3、危机恢复管理阶段
（1）跟踪监测危机的长期影响 （2）维护长效沟通机制
案例分析：三鹿的危机公关管理
三鹿奶粉三聚氰胺事件经过及反应：
3、整合网络传播手段
奥巴马从个人网站到视频、博客，再到网络广告、搜索 引擎，运用网络平台进行了全面品牌推广，且执行到位， 力度精准。从品牌形象到效果传播，从头到尾完成了一个 成功的网络整合传播案例，也是一个成功的网络公关案例。
小结：如何运用网络传播手段提高公关的有效性？
“谁赢得网民，谁就赢得大选” • 《纽约日报》：“决定总统大选结果的关键因素 不是谁更懂政治，而是谁更懂网络。它在撰文指出：
奥巴马的网络公关最终版
奥巴马的网络公关
前言
• 作为一个来自肯尼亚的黑人 父亲和堪萨斯州的白人母亲 的后代，凭借新观点、新思 想、新形象以及网络的力量， 在大选中获得了大多数选民 乃至网民的拥护，成功登上 世界最耀眼的政治舞台，成 为美国第一任黑人总统。奥 巴马的成功，从传播的角度 看，就是一个成功的公关案 例。
结合课本的几点分析
• 1、有效公关的基本原理——恰宜角色、适 应制动 • 2、公关行为活动的三要素——公关传播 • 3、公关行为的三个核心要素—关传播的核心构成要素——信息、信 码（视觉和听觉信码）、媒体（网络）
结语
• 当然，奥巴马的成功不 可能仅仅是互联网的功 劳。但单从互联网传播 的角度，奥巴马的成功 是建立在他的竞选团队 正确理解互联网的基础 之上。所以奥巴马也被 称作“网络总统” 。
• 公关讲究个人形象定位、目 标受众的设定、传播环境、 竞争对手的分析以及传播策 略、关键信息、事件营销等。 奥巴马在整个传播过程中， 清晰定位品牌形象，明确目 标受众，通过网络整合营销， 进行有效的品牌传播，将个 人品牌的公关发挥得淋漓尽 致。
品牌形象定位与目标受众精确对接
• 奥巴马就象一个新品牌，一开始就选择了 一个变革、打破传统的定位，树立起 “年 轻、时尚、创新、突破”的个人形象，鲜 明区别于竞争对手麦凯恩保守、守旧的传 统形象，确保了其年轻时尚的改革家形象 出现在选民的面前，为他带来了一大批文 化精英追捧者。 可以看出，奥巴马和竞争对手麦凯恩 的不同定位吸引到不同人群，其最突出的 就是各自差异化的品牌定位。
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穿戴：
走朴实廉价路线，腕表、领带、黑 莓手机、polo衫、皮夹克、鞋底破 洞的皮鞋……奥巴马极力展示着亲 民范。
演20讲19：年竞选以来，奥巴马都把对手描绘成一个不接 “ 势触他；普是爱个讲通天身百生边的的姓演故的讲事家，亿，用有 通万着俗富令语政言翁客打。妒动嫉听在的众2嗓；0音相1”比9年。四在年7演前月讲接1中受4善提日用名弗排时比高吉，谈制“尼造希声望 与亚变州革”拉，票奥巴演马说此次中的竞，选奥演讲巴显马现低继调续，绕与开听宏大众承诺分，享少用自华己而不年实的词 藻 一幼，百时承万认个全经就家济业复岗乘苏位大“，前2巴0路19不出年易底行”前。出的奥口简巴翻马一朴勾番度画，第1假0二年届经内任削历期减愿，4万景试亿：美2图0元19拉财年政底近赤前增加 字与…底…这层些民包含众具的体数距字的离承。诺，显得更真实可帅气是否能为他赢得更多选票？ 普京打造的硬朗、铁腕风格造型是否也为他再次上位起到了潜移默化的作用？ 奥朗德在自传中写到“形象塑造一个男人，形象还能塑造一个总统”。
手段一：塑造个人形象——亲和力
电视辩论中，不仅检验着竞选人的基本政治立场和主张，也展示着其穿 装打扮、相貌举止、神态表情。
手段二：危机处理中化挑战为机遇——及时到来的就业报告
罗姆尼攻击奥巴马最有利的武器是美国低迷的就业率，在奥巴马 的任职期间，美国经受了全球最大的经济危机，同时也让美国的失业 率长达34个月保持在8%以上，然而，就在首场总统辩论结束还不满36 个小时的时候，美国劳工部公布的9月非农就业报告，称美国的失业率 低于8%，降到7.8%，这是2009年奥巴马上任以来的最低水平，这也证 明了奥巴马的政策是有效的，“改变已经发生”。这个数据对奥巴马 是否能连任起到了至关重要的作用，选择在这个时机公布此数据并非 种巧合，而是奥巴马团队应对竞选危机的一步妙招。在随后的洛杉矶 举行的筹款音乐会上，奥巴马重新阐述了自己的施政方针，强调了自 己的复苏方针。
奥巴马总统作为公众人物，为了争取选举上的主动和成 功，需要了解选民的意愿,把握选民的心理活动,顺应民心, 树立起民意接纳或者喜欢的领袖形象。
手段一：塑造个人形象——亲和力
2019年首次竞选总统时奥巴马就彻底释放了个人魅力。作为美国历 史上第一位非洲裔黑人总统，多年来奥巴马注重经营个人形象，与罗姆 尼作为传统富人上层社会阶层代表的形象形成鲜明反差。凭借得体的衣 着、言行举止等传递的个性魅力和亲和力，奥巴马在女性、年轻人和少 数族裔中的支持率拥有较大优势。
2019年4月4日奥巴马正式宣布准备竞选连任，但2019年的美国经济很难延 续2019年成长趋势，奥巴马打算依靠振兴美国经济来提振竞选信心，变得 越发的力不从心。面对竞选期间共和党人抨击其“将突袭本·拉登的行动 政治化，为自己谋取政治利益，耗费巨大精力、花费数亿美元，只为抓捕 一个人(本拉登)并不值得”，奥巴马团队2019年4月27日发布一则竞选广告， 暗指罗姆尼没有勇气下令击毙拉登。奥巴马主动拿出自己结束伊拉克战争、 制定从阿富汗撤军时间表、击毙本·拉登等外交业绩争取民心，同时攻击 罗姆尼缺乏外交经验。
手段二：危机处理中化挑战为机遇——击毙拉登
2019年5月2日拉登被击毙，白宫发布 了奥巴马等人在战情室监测战事进展 的照片，在座人员包括美国副总统拜 登、国务卿希拉里及国家安全小组成 员。据《华盛顿邮报》联合美国广播 公司所做的民调，拉登被击毙前奥巴 马支持率为47%，击毙后当天则升至 56%，足足涨了9 个百分点。
2、第一夫人亲情助选
自2019年4月以来，米歇尔是73场筹资活动的主角，还有22场政治活动以及她 领导的“同心协力”拜票活动。
2019年9月4日，在美国北卡罗来纳州夏洛特举行的民主党全国代表大会上， 米歇尔助选演讲再次博得如雷掌声，更令无数人落泪。
2019年9月6日，当奥巴马站在同一个演讲台上正式宣布接受民主党总统候选 人提名之时，14岁的玛丽亚和11岁的萨沙以及她们的母亲一起走到舞台中间， 祝贺并拥抱奥巴马。一家人其乐融融的温馨场景令台下众多支持者感动不已。
手段一：塑造个人形象——亲情牌
1、公开家庭财产和生活照片
家庭、信仰和爱是普通美国人的价值核心， 竞选总统从来就不是总统候选人一个人的事 情，而是夫妻、全家团体作战，而秀恩爱， 秀温馨，秀亲情……尤其能打动美国人，尤 其是女选民。在展示出的奥巴马家庭生活照 片中，总统先生和家人亲密无间，奥巴马看 起来是一个慈爱、体贴的父亲形象。
目录｜Contents
一 2019美国总统大选简介
二 手段一：塑造个人形象
1、口号理念 2、亲和力 3、亲情牌
三 手段二：危机处理中化挑战为机遇
1、击毙拉登 2、及时到来的就业报告 3、桑迪飓风
四 手段三：Web2.0时代的媒体舆论造势
2019美国总统大选简介
结果：民主党总统候选人奥巴马获胜，继续连任 选举历时：2019年1月3日——2019年1月20日 大选历程：
手段一：塑造个人形象——口号理念
2019年4月30日，奥巴马团队发布了标题为“前进”的竞选 广告，暗示一旦对手罗姆尼当选将恢复布什的政策。广告 借此强调不能倒退，并突出“前进”这一主题。
手段一：塑造个人形象——亲和力
在公共关系中，领导者个人形象的塑造不是一个单向度 的过程，而是要与社会公众的期待相一致, 满足社会公众 对领导者形象的情感喜好、理智接纳与心理认同。