25 美国经典英文演讲100篇Civil Rights Address

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世界经典英文演讲100篇

世界经典英文演讲100篇

Martin Luther King, Jr.: "I Have a Dream"delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down传下去被承受in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago一百年前, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree重要的发令came as a great beacon light 航标灯of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared 凋枯萎in the flames of withering injustice挖苦性的不公平. It came as a joyous 〔joy〕daybreak 黎明破晓to end the long night of their captivity囚禁.一百多年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放奴隶宣言。

对于在挖苦性的不公平中调谐枯萎的亿万黑奴来说,这条重要的法令犹如他们的航标灯。

它想令人预约的破晓,完毕了黑奴被囚禁的漫长黑夜。

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled使受残,使受伤,by the manacles 镣铐束缚of segregation种族隔离and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity物质繁荣. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in因受苦憔悴thecorners of American society and finds himself 意识到an e*ile放逐,流放in his own land. And so we've e here today to dramatize 将戏剧化a shameful condition.但是一百年后,黑人依旧并不自由。

民权运动英语演讲稿范文

民权运动英语演讲稿范文

Ladies and Gentlemen,Good morning/afternoon. It is with great honor and a profound sense of responsibility that I stand before you today to address the topic of the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement, a pivotal chapter in the history of the United States, serves as a testament to the indomitable spirit of humanity's quest for equality, justice, and freedom. As we reflect on its legacy, it is imperative that we also consider the road ahead and the ongoing struggle for civil rights in our society.I. IntroductionThe civil rights movement, which spanned from the mid-1950s to the early 1960s, was a mass protest movement aimed at ending racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans and other minority groupsin the United States. The movement was characterized by nonviolent protest, civil disobedience, and the use of grassroots organizing. It culminated in significant legislative achievements, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.II. The Historical ContextTo understand the civil rights movement, we must delve into thehistorical context that gave rise to it. For centuries, African Americans had been subjected to systemic racism, slavery, and segregation. Despite the abolition of slavery with the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, the promise of equality remained unfulfilled. Jim Crow laws, enforced by both the state and private entities, perpetuated a system of racial oppression and segregation in the South, while discrimination persisted in the North as well.III. Key Figures and EventsThe civil rights movement was driven by a group of courageous leaders and activists who were determined to challenge the status quo. Among them were Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, John Lewis, and Fannie Lou Hamer. These individuals, along with countless others, were instrumental in shaping the movement's strategy and direction.One of the most significant events in the civil rights movement was the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956. When Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger, the Montgomery Improvement Association was formed, and a 381-day boycott of the city's bus system ensued. This boycott served as a catalyst for the civilrights movement and highlighted the power of nonviolent protest.Another pivotal event was the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedomin 1963, where Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his iconic "I Have a Dream" speech. This event brought national attention to the civil rights movement and set the stage for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.IV. Legacy of the Civil Rights MovementThe civil rights movement has left an indelible mark on American history. Its legacy includes:1. The end of legal segregation: The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 dismantled the legal frameworkthat had supported racial segregation and discrimination.2. The empowerment of African Americans: The civil rights movement empowered African Americans to fight for their rights and demand social justice. It paved the way for a new generation of leaders and activists who would continue the struggle for equality.3. The advancement of human rights: The civil rights movement inspired other movements around the world, including the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and the fight for LGBTQ+ rights in the United States.V. The Road AheadWhile the civil rights movement achieved significant victories, the struggle for equality and justice is far from over. Today, we continueto face challenges such as racial profiling, disparities in the criminal justice system, and systemic racism. As we reflect on the legacy of the civil rights movement, we must also consider the road ahead:1. Education: We must continue to educate ourselves and others about the history of civil rights and the ongoing struggles faced by minority groups.2. Advocacy: We must advocate for policies that promote equality, justice, and freedom for all individuals, regardless of their race, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation.3. Solidarity: We must stand in solidarity with those who are marginalized and oppressed, recognizing that our collective liberationis intertwined.VI. ConclusionThe civil rights movement stands as a shining example of the power of collective action and the human spirit's unwavering determination to achieve justice. As we honor the legacy of those who fought tirelessly for equality, let us also commit ourselves to carrying forward their torch. Together, we can build a more just and inclusive society, where all individuals are treated with dignity and respect.Thank you.。

最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches

最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches

Top100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇1Martin Luther King, Jr."I Have A Dream"2John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address3Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address4Franklin Delano Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Address6Richard Milhous Nixon"Checkers"7Malcolm X"The Ballot or the Bullet"8Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address9John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech10Lyndon Baines Johnson"We Shall Overcome"11Mario Matthew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Address12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Address13Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment14(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress15Martin Luther King, Jr."I've Been to the Mountaintop"16Theodore Roosevelt"The Man with the Muck-rake"17Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK18Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address19Thomas Woodrow Wilson War Message20(General) Douglas MacArthur"Duty, Honor, Country"21Richard Milhous Nixon"The Great Silent Majority"22John Fitzgerald Kennedy"Ich bin ein Berliner"23Clarence Seward Darrow"Mercy for Leopold and Loeb"24Russell H. Conwell"Acres of Diamonds"25Ronald Wilson Reagan"A Time for Choosing"26Huey Pierce Long"Every Man a King"27Anna Howard Shaw"The Fundamental Principle of a Republic"28Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Arsenal of Democracy"29Ronald Wilson Reagan"The Evil Empire"30Ronald Wilson Reagan First Inaugural Address31Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat32Harry S. Truman"The Truman Doctrine"33William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Diane Rodham Clinton"Women's Rights are Human Rights"mp336Dwight David Eisenhower"Atoms for Peace"37John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address mp3 38Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address39Richard Milhous Nixon Resignation Speech mp3 40Thomas Woodrow Wilson"The Fourteen Points"41Margaret Chase Smith"Declaration of Conscience"42Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Four Freedoms"mp3 43Martin Luther King, Jr."A Time to Break Silence"Off-Site.mp3 44William Jennings Bryan"Against Imperialism"45Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address mp3 46John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address mp3 47John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address mp3 48Spiro Theodore Agnew"Television News Coverage"mp3 49Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Address50Mary Fisher"A Whisper of AIDS"mp351Lyndon Baines Johnson"The Great Society"52George Catlett Marshall"The Marshall Plan"mp3 53Edward Moore Kennedy"Truth and Tolerance in America"mp3 54Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 55Anna Eleanor Roosevelt"The Struggle for Human Rights"56Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech mp3 57Robert Marion La Follette"Free Speech in Wartime"58Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Address59Mario Matthew Cuomo"Religious Belief and Public Morality"60Edward Moore Kennedy"Chappaquiddick"mp3 61John Llewellyn Lewis"The Rights of Labor"62Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 63Stokely Carmichael"Black Power"Off-Site mp3 64Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address65Emma Goldman Address to the Jury66Carrie Chapman Catt"The Crisis"67Newton Norman Minow"Television and the Public Interest"68Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy69Anita Faye Hill Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee70Thomas Woodrow Wilson League of Nations Final Address71Henry Louis ("Lou") Gehrig Farewell to Baseball Address72Richard Milhous Nixon Cambodian Incursion Address mp3 73Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress74Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Address75Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election mp376Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address77Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78Mario Savio"Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History"mp3 79Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Address80Eugene Victor Debs"The Issue"81Margaret Higgins Sanger"Children's Era"82Ursula Kroeber Le Guin"A Left-Handed Commencement Address"83Crystal Eastman"Now We Can Begin"84Huey Pierce Long"Share Our Wealth"85Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office mp3 86Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast87Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial88Jimmy Earl Carter"A Crisis of Confidence"mp3 89Malcolm X"Message to the Grassroots"90William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address91Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm"For the Equal Rights Amendment"92Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address93Eliezer ("Elie") Wiesel"The Perils of Indifference"mp3 94Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon mp3-Excerpt 95Thomas Woodrow Wilson"For the League of Nations"96Lyndon Baines Johnson"Let Us Continue"mp3 97Joseph N. Welch"Have You No Sense of Decency"mp3 98Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights99Robert Francis Kennedy"Day of Affirmation"100John Forbes Kerry"Vietnam Veterans Against the War"。

美国经典英文演讲100篇1990_Wellesley_College_Commencement_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇1990_Wellesley_College_Commencement_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Barbara Pierce BushThank you very, very much, President Keohane. Mrs. Gorbachev, Trustees, faculty, parents, and I should say, Julia Porter, class president, and certainly my new best friend, Christine Bicknell -- and, of course, the Class of 1990. I am really thrilled to be here today, and very excited, as I know all of you must be, that Mrs. Gorbachev could join us.These -- These are exciting times. They're exciting in Washington, and I have really looked forward to coming to Wellesley. I thought it was going to be fun. I never dreamt it would be this much fun. So, thank you for that.More than ten years ago, when I was invited here to talk about our experiences in the People's Republic of China, I was struck by both the natural beauty of your campus and the spirit of this place.Wellesley, you see, is not just a place but an idea -- an experiment in excellence in which diversity is not just tolerated, but is embraced. The essence of this spirit was captured in a moving speech about tolerance given last year by a student body president of one of your sister colleges. She related the story by Robert Fulghum about a young pastor, finding himself in charge of some very energetic children, hits upon the game called "Giants, Wizards, and Dwarfs." "You have to decide now," the pastor instructed the children, "which you are -- a giant, a wizard, or a dwarf?" At that, a small girl tugging at his pants leg, asked, "But where do the mermaids stand?" And the pastor tells her there are no mermaids. And she says, "Oh yes there are -- they are. I am a mermaid."Now this little girl knew what she was, and she was not about to give up on either her identity, or the game. She intended to take her place wherever mermaids fit into the scheme of things. "Where do the mermaids stand? All of those who are different, those who do not fit the boxes and the pigeonholes?" "Answer that question," wrote Fulghum, "And you can build a school, anation, or a whole world." As that very wise young woman said, "Diversity, like anything worth having, requires effort -- effort to learn about and respect difference, to be compassionate with one another, to cherish our own identity, and to accept unconditionally the same in others.You should all be very proud that this is the Wellesley spirit. Now I know your first choice today was Alice Walker -- guess how I know! -- known for The Color Purple. Instead you got me -- known for the color of my hair. Alice Walker's book has a special resonance here. At Wellesley, each class is known by a special color. For four years the Class of '90 has worn the color purple. Today you meet on Severance Green to say goodbye to all of that, to begin a new and a very personal journey, to search for your own true colors.In the world that awaits you, beyond the shores of Waban -- Lake Waban, no one can say what your true colors will be. But this I do know: You have a first class education from a first class school. And so you need not, probably cannot, live a"paint-by-numbers" life. Decisions are not irrevocable. Choices do come back. And as you set off from Wellesley, I hope that many of you will consider making three very special choices.The first is to believe in something larger than yourself, to get involved in some of the big ideas of our time. I chose literacy because I honestly believe that if more people could read, write, and comprehend, we would be that much closer to solving so many of the problems that plague our nation and our society.And early on I made another choice, which I hope you'll make as well. Whether you are talking about education, career, or service, you're talking about life -- and life really must have joy. It's supposed to be fun.One of the reasons I made the most important decision of my life, to marry George Bush, is because he made me laugh. It's true, sometimes we've laughed through our tears, but that shared laughter has been one of our strongest bonds. Find the joy in life, because as Ferris Bueller said on his day off, "Lifemoves pretty fast; and ya don't stop and look around once in a while, ya gonna miss it."(I'm not going to tell George ya clapped more for Ferris than ya clapped for George.)The third choice that must not be missed is to cherish your human connections: your relationships with family and friends. For several years, you've had impressed upon you the importance to your career of dedication and hard work. And, of course, that's true. But as important as your obligations as a doctor, a lawyer, a business leader will be, you are a human being first. And those human connections --- with spouses, with children, with friends -- are the most important investments you will ever make.At the end of your life, you will never regret not having passed one more test, winning one more verdict, or not closing one more deal. You will regret time not spent with a husband, a child, a friend, or a parent.We are in a transitional period right now -- We are in a transitional period right now, fascinating and exhilarating times, learning to adjust to changes and the choices we, men and women, are facing. As an example, I remember what a friend said, on hearing her husband complain to his buddies that he had to babysit. Quickly setting him straight, my friend told her husband that when it's your own kids, it's not called babysitting.Now maybe we should adjust faster; maybe we should adjust slower. But whatever the era twenty -- whatever the era, whatever the times, one thing will never change: fathers and mothers, if you have children, they must come first. You must read to your children, and you must hug your children, and you must love your children. Your success as a family, our success as a society, depends not on what happens in the White House, but on what happens inside your house.For over fifty years, it was said that the winner of Wellesley's annual hoop race would be the first to get married. Now they say,the winner will be the first to become a C.E.O. Both -- Both of those stereotypes show too little tolerance for those who want to know where the mermaids stand. So -- So I want to offer a new legend: the winner of the hoop race will be the first to realize her dream -- not society's dreams -- her own personal dream.And who -- Who knows? Somewhere out in this audience may even be someone who will one day follow in my footsteps, and preside over the White House as the President's spouse -- and I wish him well.Well, the controversy ends here. But our conversation is only beginning. And a worthwhile conversation it has been. So as you leave Wellesley today, take with you deep thanks for the courtesy and the honor you have shared with Mrs. Gorbachev and with me.Thank you. God bless you. And may your future be worthy of your dreams.。

英语演讲

英语演讲

CIVIL-RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN U.S.During the period leading up to the Civil War, black women all over the North comprised a stalwart but now largely forgotten abolitionist army. In myriad ways, theserace-conscious women worked to bring immediateemancipation to the South. Antislavery Northern black women felt the sting of oppression personally. Like the slaves, they too were victims of color prejudice; some had been born in Northern bondage; others had family members still enslaved; and many interacted daily with self-emancipated people who constantly feared being returned South.Antislavery women such as Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman were only the most famous of the abolitionists. Before either of these heroines came on the scene and before antislavery was an organized movement, black women in local Northern communities had quietly turned to activism through their church work, literary societies, and benevolent organizations. These women found time for political activism in between managing households, raising children, and working.In the late1820s, Zion's African Methodist Episcopal Church in New York City, Bethel Methodist Episcopal Church inPhiladelphia, and the African Meetinghouse in Boston were centers of female antislavery activity. Black womenproclaimed that their cause was "let the oppressed go free." They organized bazaars to promote the purchase of goods from free labor, met in sewing circles to make clothing for those fleeing bondage, and raised money for Freedom's Journal, the nation's first black newspaper.Throughout the 1830s, black women engaged heavily in activism. They vowed to, "heed the enslaved mothers' cry for children torn away," and designated their dwellings as "free homes" for those fleeing bondage. For example, Hester Lane of New York City, a successful black entrepreneur, used her home as an Underground Railroad station. Lane also traveled South to purchase enslaved children whom she freed and educated. Mary Marshall's Colored Sailors' Boarding Home was another busy sanctuary. Marshall kept a vigilant eye out for refugees from bondage, and was determined that "No one who had the courage to start should fail to reach the goal." Other black women organized petition drives, wrote antislavery poetry, hosted traveling abolitionists, and organized fairs.In 1854, twenty-eight-year-old Frances Ellen Watkins (Harper) joined Sojourner Truth on the Garrison lecture circuit. Born into a well-connected Baltimore family, Watkins was a poet and teacher. She was drawn into the abolitionist struggle by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which rescinded the restrictions on slavery in the remaining territories acquired under the Louisiana Purchase. Watkins traveled throughout the Midwest, sometimes with Sojourner Truth, and spokeeloquently of the wrongs inflicted upon her people, selling her books of poetry at antislavery lectures and using the proceeds to support the Underground Railroad. In 1858, Watkins joined black male leaders in Detroit and led a large group of angry citizens in storming the jailhouse. The group attempted to remove from protective custody a black "traitor" to their cause, who had intended to expose the operations of the Underground Railroad.In 1858, Anna Murray Douglass, wife of black leader Frederick Douglass, hosted John Brown, the famous white abolitionist, for a month. Brown was in hiding after having been charged with murdering pro-slavery farmers in Missouri. In the Douglass home, Brown perfected his plans for the raid on Harpers Ferry. In an 1859 meeting with Brown in Maryland justbefore the assault on Harpers Ferry, Douglass gave him ten dollars from the wife of a Brooklyn couple, the J.N. Gloucester, who like Douglass himself were close to Brown. Along with the money, Mrs. Gloucester "sent her best wishes." When Brown was captured, tried, and sentenced to death, black women abolitionists sent money to his wife Mary, and wrote letters expressing their deep regard for her husband. Frances Ellen Watkins also sent gifts as well as one of her poems, "Bury Me in a Free Land," to Brown's condemned men.During the antebellum era, black women abolitionists moved, in keeping with the urgency of the times, from quiet activism to militancy. By 1858, even Sojourner Truth, the arch pacifist, recognized that war with the South was inevitable if black people were to obtain their freedom. Black women furthered the goal of emancipation during the Civil War by continuing their abolition work. Harriet Tubman offered her services to the Union Army. Sojourner Truth lectured throughout the Midwest, where she confronted threateningpro-slavery ( so-called "Copperhead") mobs. Black women organized petition campaigns to Congress and the president; they sent food and clothing to the Union front lines for destitute blacks; and they went into Union-occupied areas toprovide education for black refugees. After the Emancipation Proclamation was signed on January 1, 1863, black women abolitionists immediately began working on the next phase of their mission ——the task of uplifting their race as a free people.粉末冶金研究院1215班袁珺0705120519。

英语演讲稿-美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F. Kennedy

英语演讲稿-美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F. Kennedy

英语演讲稿美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F.KennedyJohn F. Kennedy: Civil Rights AddressDelivered 11 June 1963Good evening, my fellow citizens:This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine hisconscience about this and other related incidents. ThisNation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought a be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It ought a to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it ought a be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It ought a to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color.In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one third as much chance of completing college, one third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city,in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets,and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.The heart of the question is whether all Americans areto be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes? that we have no second class citizens except Negroes? that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except withrespect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city,North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face.A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law.The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I’m also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the SupremeCourt’s decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision,therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who’ve been working in their communities to make life better for all.They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom’s challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decenteducation,denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems tome that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can’t have that right? that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have? that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I’m asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves? to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I’ve said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community willbe responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we’re talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.音频资料下载地址:。

英语演讲稿-1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪

英语演讲稿-1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪

英语演讲稿1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪美国名人100大演讲Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS.I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopefulpromises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heartdisease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say, “They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. Youweep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make roomfor compassion and sound policy.To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.God bless the children, and God bless us all.Good night.delivered 19 August 1992, Houston, TX。

美国人民政府发言稿英文

美国人民政府发言稿英文

美国人民政府发言稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,It is a great honor for me to address you today as a representativeof the American people's government. As we gather here, we are reminded of the importance of our democratic institutions and the need to uphold the values of freedom, equality, and justice for all.The United States of America is a nation founded on the principles of democracy, and it is our responsibility as a government to ensure that these principles are upheld and protected. We believe that a government should be of the people, by the people, and for the people, and that it should operate in the best interests of its citizens.We understand that the people of America have entrusted us with the responsibility of governing their country, and it is with this in mind that we approach our work. We are committed to listening to the concerns of our citizens, and to working to address their needs and priorities. We recognize that the strength of our nation lies in the diversity of its people, and we are dedicated to fostering an inclusive society that values and respects each and every individual. One of our foremost priorities as a government is to ensure the safety and security of all Americans. We are committed to protecting our citizens from internal and external threats, and to defending our nation's freedoms and liberties. We understand that in order to achieve these goals, we must maintain strong and effective national defense, and we will continue to invest in our military and security infrastructure to ensure the safety of ourpeople.In addition to our commitment to national security, we are also dedicated to promoting the economic prosperity of our nation. We understand that a strong economy is essential in providing opportunities for our citizens, and we are committed to fostering an environment in which businesses can thrive and create jobs. We will continue to invest in infrastructure, education, and innovation to ensure that our country remains competitive in the global economy.Furthermore, we recognize the importance of providing access to high-quality healthcare for all Americans. We are committed to improving and expanding our healthcare system, and to ensuring that every citizen has the opportunity to receive the care they need. We will work to address the rising costs of healthcare and to improve the quality of care provided to all Americans.We also understand the importance of addressing the challenges of climate change and environmental protection. We are committed to taking meaningful action to combat climate change and to protect our environment for future generations. We will continue to invest in clean energy and sustainable practices, and to work with our global partners to address this critical issue.As we work to address these important priorities, we understand that there will be challenges and obstacles that we must overcome. However, we are dedicated to working with our citizens, our partners, and our allies to address these challenges and to build a better future for all Americans.In closing, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the American people for their continued support and trust in our government. We are committed to upholding the values of democracy, and to working tirelessly to ensure the success and prosperity of our nation. Thank you for your attention, and may God bless the United States of America.。

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美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights AddressJohn F. KennedyCivil Rights AddressGood evening, my fellow citizens:This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted bytoken moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, notmerely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.。

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