8.First Inaugural Address of William J Clinton

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(完整版)InauguralAddress中英对照翻译

(完整版)InauguralAddress中英对照翻译

Inaugural AddressWe observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom —symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning — signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。

因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。

TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton(中文翻译)

TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton(中文翻译)

TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton(中文翻译)第一篇:The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton(中文翻译)克林顿第二次就职演说同胞们:藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际,让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。

所幸的是,时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘,一个新的千周年,而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。

我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。

在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下,让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。

美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念:人生来皆平等。

在十九世纪,我们的国家横跨大陆,拯救了联邦,废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。

这一信念得以流传和扩展。

然后,在辛劳和胜利之中,这种希望奔上了世界的舞台,使本世纪成为美国的世纪。

这是怎样的一个世纪啊。

美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国,它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来,并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。

在这一进程中,美国产生了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度,建立了无与伦比的学习中心,并对全民开放公立学校,分裂了原子且探索了太空,发明了计算机和微芯片,通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命,及扩大妇女的公民权利,就业机会和人身尊严,而深掘了正义之泉。

现在,也是第三次,一个新世纪来到我们面前,这又是一个选择的时候,我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择,使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸,我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择,使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观,即自由经营,水土保持,和恪守人类正义,这些选择使得一切迥然不同。

在二十一世纪曙光来临之际,一个自由的民族必须做出选择,去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。

去释放全民无尽的潜能,并且,去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。

上次我们在此相聚时,我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确,我们那时曾宣誓确立新的道路,复兴我们的国家。

美国第二十五届总统威廉·麦金莱 ( 1897-1901 )第一任总统就职演说

美国第二十五届总统威廉·麦金莱 ( 1897-1901 )第一任总统就职演说
The question of international bimetallism will have early and earnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure it by co-operation with the other great commercial powers of the world. Until that condition is realized when the parity between our gold and silver money springs from and is supported by the relative value of the two metals, the value of the silver already coined and of that which may hereafter be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every resource at our command. The credit of the Government, the integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of its obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict of the people, and it will not be unheeded.
在修改关税时,我们应特别注意1890年法案的互惠原则的再制定与扩大,根据这一原则,能大大推动我国剩余农产品和工业品在新的、有利的市场上所进行的对外贸易。对这项立法进行的短暂考验充分证实,在缔结商业协议中作进一步实验并授予处理权是正确的,其目的始终在于为我国产品开辟新市场,对其他国家生产的、我们需要但又不能生产的产品作出让步,这不会给我国人民的劳动带来任何损失,而往往会增加就业机会。

First Inaugural Address(Excerpts)John F. Kennedy

First Inaugural Address(Excerpts)John F. Kennedy

First Inaugural Address(Excerpts)John F. Kennedy 肯尼迪第一次就职演说(节选)We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning; signifying vt. 表示,意味renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn adj. 庄严的oath n. 誓言our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.我们今天庆祝的并不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。

它象征着结束,也象征着开始;它意味着复兴,也意味着变革。

因为我已在我们和全能的上帝面前宣誓,这庄严的誓言是我们的祖先在将近一又四分之三个世纪以前所拟就的。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony n. 证词to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.同胞们,我们的事业的最终成败,主要取决于你们,而不是我。

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们:在我接受美国总统职位之际,我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。

我明白,我所面临的挑战是巨大的,但我也深信,只要我们共同努力,我们将能够克服一切困难,实现美国的伟大梦想。

我们所处的时刻是艰难的。

我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退,数以百万计的人们失去了工作,贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。

然而,我要告诉你们,这不是我们失败的标志,而是我们的机会。

这是我们改变的时刻,我们要发扬美国人民的精神,重振我们的国家。

我们必须首先解决经济问题。

我将领导一项全面的计划,以刺激经济增长,减少失业率。

我将努力推动立法,为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助,并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。

此外,我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。

我们必须改善我们的教育系统,确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。

我们必须保护我们的环境,采取措施应对气候变化。

我们还必须加强我们的国家安全,确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。

在我们面临这些挑战的同时,我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。

我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺,我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。

我们要努力促进和平与稳定,并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。

最后,我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。

我们必须超越党派之争,抛弃分裂和仇恨,共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。

我们必须相信,只有通过团结和合作,我们才能取得成功。

国民们,我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务,但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。

让我们携起手来,为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力!谢谢大家,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!第二篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们:我站在这里的时候,我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。

克林顿1997年就职演讲中文

克林顿1997年就职演讲中文

克林顿1997年就职演讲中文克林顿1997年就职演讲中文篇一:克林顿97年就职演说 INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF PRESIDENTWILLIAM J. CLINTONJanuary 20, 1997My fello citizens:At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toard the challenges that aait us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a ne century, in a ne millennium, but on the edge of a bright ne prospect in human affairs -- a moment that ill define our course, and our character, for decades to e. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of ne promise.The promise of America as born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that e are all created equal. It as extended andpreserved in the 19th century, hen our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the aful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the orld stage to make this the American Century. And hat a century it has been. America became the orld&;s mightiest industrial poer; saved the orld from tyranny in to orld ars and a long coldar; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions ho, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.Along the ay, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the puter and the microchip; and deepened the ellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to omen.No, for the third time, a ne century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century ith a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century ith a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference. At the dan of the 21st century a free people must nochoose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.When last e gathered, our march to this ne future seemed less certain than it does today. We voed then to set a clear course to rene our nation.In these four years, e have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. Americastands alone as the orld&;s indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, e are buildingstronger families, thriving munities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen no bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fello citizens have moved from elfare to ork.And once again, e have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today e can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We -- the American people -- e are the solution. Our founders understoodthat ell and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our mon challenges and advance our mon dreams in each ne day.As times change, so government must change. We need a ne government for a ne century -- humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives ithin its means, and does more ith less. Yet here it can stand up for our values and interests in the orld, and here it can give Americans the poer to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our ne government is to give all Americans an opportunity -- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity -- to build better lives.Beyond that, my fello citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And e need a ne sense of responsibility for a ne century. There is ork to do, ork that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off elfare rolls; ing out from behind locked doorsand shuttered indos to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our on lives to serve others.Each and every one of us, in our on ay, must assume personal responsibility -- not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a ne spirit of munity for a ne century. For any one of us to succeed, e must succeed as oneAmerica.The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future -- ill e be one nation, one people, ith one mon destiny, or not? Will e all e together, or e apart?The divide of race has been America&;s constant curse. And each ne ave of immigrants gives ne targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearlydestroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the orld.These obsessions cripple both those ho hate and, of course, those ho are hated, robbing both of hat they might bee. We cannot, e ill not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everyhere. We shall overe them.And e shall replace them ith the generous spirit of a people ho feel at home ith one another. Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity ill be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great reards ill e to those ho can live together, learntogether, ork together, forge ne ties that bind together.As this ne era approaches e can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet as the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a monplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists no are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.The orld is no longer divided into to hostile camps. Instead, no e are building bonds ith nations that once ere our adversaries. Groing connections of merce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the orld over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.My fello Americans, as e look back at this remarkable century, e may ask, can e hope not just to follo, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the aful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must anser a resounding &;Yes.&;This is the heart of our task. With a ne vision of government, a ne sense of responsibility, a ne spirit of munity, e ill sustain America&;s journey. The promise e sought in a ne land e ill find again in a land of ne promise.In this ne land, education ill be every citizen&;s most prized possession. Our schools ill have the highest standards in theorld, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education ill be open to all. Theknoledge and poer of the Information Age ill be ithin reach not just of the fe, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children ill have time not only to ork, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table ill be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.Our streets ill echo again ith the laughter of our children, because no one ill try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone ho can ork, ill ork, ith today&;s permanent under class part of tomorro&;s groing middle class. Ne miracles of medicine at last ill reach not only those ho can claim care no, but the children and hardorking families too long denied.We ill stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children ill sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological eapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories ill thrive ith trade and innovation and ideas. And the orld&;s greatest democracy ill lead a hole orld of democracies.Our land of ne promise ill be a nation that meets its obligations -- a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation here our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren kno e have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the orld&;s most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our ater,air, and majestic land.And in this land of ne promise, e ill have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people ill alays speak louder than the din of narro interests -- regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.Fello citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forard toard realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and poer -- yes, they are important, and e must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress e have made, and the greatest progress e have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the orld&;s ealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.Thirty-four years ago, the man hose life e celebrate today spoke to us don there, at the other end of this Mall, in ords that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America ould rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the la and in the heart. Martin Luther King&;s dream as the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and laborse ill redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.To that effort I pledge all my strength and every poer of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this toadvance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on ith America&;s mission.America demands and deserves big things from us -- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless isdom of Cardinal Bernardin, hen facing the end of his on life. He said: &;It is rong to aste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division.&;Fello citizens, e must not aste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, ill e to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.And so, my fello Americans, e must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them ith faith and courage, ith patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge.A bridge ide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of ne promise.May those generations hose faces e cannot yet see, hose names e may never kno, say of us here that e led our beloved land into a ne century ith the American Dream alive for all her children; ith the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; ith America&;s bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the orld.From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good ork ahead -- and alays, alays bless our America. January 20, 1993 My fello citizens :Today e celebrate the mystery of American reneal.This ceremony is held in the depth of inter. But, by the ords e speak and the faces e sho the orld, e force the spring. A spring reborn in the orld's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the orld and our purposes to the Almighty, they kne that America, to endure, ould have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though e march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define hat it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and omen hose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shados of the Cold War assumes ne responsibilities in a orld armed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and ne plagues. Raised in unrivaled prosperity, e inherit an economy that is still the orld's strongest, but is eakened by business failures, stagnant ages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sorn to uphold, nes traveled sloly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. No, the sights and sounds of thisceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the orld.Communications and merce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is no universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful petition ith people all across the earth.Profound and poerful forces are shaking and remaking our orld, and the urgent question of our time is hether e can make change our friend and not our enemy.This ne orld has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans ho are able to pete and in in it. But hen most people are orking harder for less; hen others cannot ork at all; hen the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; hen fear of crime robs la-abiding citizens of their freedom; and hen millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives e are calling them to lead, e have not made change our friend. We kno e have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But e have not done so. Instead, e have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our c。

历届美国总统就职演讲稿

历届美国总统就职演讲稿

历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一:美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿:First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

First Inaugural Address of Ulysses S

First Inaugural Address of Ulysses S

First Inaugural Address of Ulysses S. GrantTHURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1869Citizens of the United States:Your suffrages having elected me to the office of President of the United States, I have, in conformity to the Constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. I have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. The responsibilities of the position I feel, but accept them without fear. The office has come to me unsought; I commence its duties untrammeled. I bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always express my views to Congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when I think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforceagainst the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike--those opposed as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.The country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding Administrations have never had to deal with. In meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice, hate, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.This requires security of person, property, and free religious and political opinion in every part of our common country, without regard to local prejudice. All laws to secure these ends will receive my best efforts for their enforcement.A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity the Union. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as the return to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished without material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, must be provided for. To protect the national honor, every dollar of Government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise expressly stipulatedin the contract. Let it be understood that no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public place, and it will go far toward strengthening a credit which ought to be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. To this should be added a faithful collection of the revenue, a strict accountability to the Treasury for every dollar collected, and the greatest practicable retrenchment in expenditure in every department of Government.When we compare the paying capacity of the country now, with the ten States in poverty from the effects of war, but soon to emerge, I trust, into greater prosperity than ever before, with its paying capacity twenty-five years ago, and calculate what it probably will be twenty-five years hence, who can doubt the feasibility of paying every dollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries? Why, it looks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in the precious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West, and which we are now forging the key to unlock, to meet the very contingency that is now upon us.Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach these riches and it may be necessary also that the General Government should give its aid to secure this access; but that should only be when a dollar ofobligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar to use now, and not before. Whilst the question of specie payments is in abeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debts payable in the distant future. The nation should follow the same rule. A prostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged.The young men of the country--those who from their age must be its rulers twenty-five years hence--have a peculiar interest in maintaining the national honor. A moment's reflection as to what will be our commanding influence among the nations of the earth in their day, if they are only true to themselves, should inspire them with national pride. All divisions--geographical, political, and religious--can join in this common sentiment. How the public debt is to be paid or specie payments resumed is not so important as that a plan should be adopted and acquiesced in. A united determination to do is worth more than divided counsels upon the method of doing. Legislation upon this subject may not be necessary now, or even advisable, but it will be when the civil law is more fully restored in all parts of the country and trade resumes its wonted channels.It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to collect all revenues assessed, and to have them properly accounted for and economically disbursed. I will to the best of my ability appoint to officethose only who will carry out this design.In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect the law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I would respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own. If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may be compelled to follow their precedent.The proper treatment of the original occupants of this land--the Indians one deserving of careful study. I will favor any course toward them which tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship.The question of suffrage is one which is likely to agitate the public so long as a portion of the citizens of the nation are excluded from its privileges in any State. It seems to me very desirable that this question should be settled now, and I entertain the hope and express the desire that it may be by the ratification of the fifteenth article of amendment to the Constitution.In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout theland, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of the nation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation.。

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First Inaugural Address of William J. ClintonJanuary 20, 1993My fellow citizens :Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abidingcitizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly aboutwho is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.美国复兴的新时代比尔•克林顿第一次就职演讲星期三,1993年1月20日同胞们:今天,我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。

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