美国经典英文演讲100篇Presidential Nomination
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... Presidential Nomination Acceptance AddressBarry GoldwaterSpeech Accepting the Republican Presidential Nomination"Extremism in the defense of liberty Is no vice...and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue."delivered 16 July 1964, San Francisco[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]My good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat; my running mate, that wonderful Republican who has served us so well for so long, Bill Miller and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton who's done such a commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that -- that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great Nation.From this moment, united and determined, we will go forward together, dedicated to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together -- Together we will win.I accept your nomination with a deep sense of humility. I accept, too, the responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for any man to feel worthy of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with him the hearts and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you tonight that every fiber of my being is consecrated to our cause; that nothing shall be lacking from the struggle that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by devotion, and plain hard work.In this world no person, no Party can guarantee anything, but what we can do and what we shall do is to deserve victory, and victory will be ours.The good Lord raised this mighty Republic to be a home for the brave and to flourish as the land of the free -- not to stagnate in the swampland of collectivism, not to cringe before the bullying of communism.Now, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people have followed false prophets. We must, and we shall, return to proven ways -- not because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the tides running again in the cause of freedom. And this party, with its every action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve, and that is freedom -- freedom made orderly for this Nation by our constitutional government; freedom under a government limited by the laws of nature and of nature's God; freedom balanced so that order lacking liberty [sic] will not become the slavery of the prison shell [cell]; balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the license of the mob and of the jungle.Now, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it; we have lived for it, and we have died for it. This Nation and its people are freedom's model in a searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries in a doubting world. But, ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's mission in our own hearts and in our own homes.During four futile years, the administration which we shall replace has -- has distorted and lost that vision. It has talked and talked andtalked and talked the words of freedom, but it has failed and failed and failed in the works of freedom.Now, failures cement the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot the sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in Laos. Failures infest the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of our once great alliances and undermine the greatest bulwark ever erected by free nations -- the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure purpose, weakening will, and the risk of inciting our sworn enemies to new aggressions and to new excesses.And because of this administration we are tonight a world divided; we are a Nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding along at a pace set by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and regimentation without recourse.Rather than useful jobs in our country, our people have been offered bureaucratic "make work"; rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and circuses. They have been given spectacles, and, yes, they've even been given scandals.Tonight, there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices, aimlessness amongst our youth, anxiety among our elders, and there's a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives. And where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal opportunity.Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from everyone no matter how exalted or protected his position might be. Now the -- the growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression, is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill this purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its citizens.History shows us -- it demonstrates that nothing, nothing prepares the way for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets safe from bullies and marauders.Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the result of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature, and his destiny. Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for Divine Will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. They -- and let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions, ladies and gentlemen, of equality. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power, private or public, which -- which enforce such conformity and inflict such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains in the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican President will do with the help of a Republican Congress.It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the delusion that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression -- and this is hogwash.It is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves, and the world, that only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.Now, I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans regardless of party, that Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace, and passed along to this administration the mightiest arsenal for defense the world has ever known. And I needn't remind you that it was the strength and the [un]believable will of the Eisenhower years that kept the peace by using our strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits and in Lebanon and by showing it courageously at all times.It was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communist imperialism was blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved closer, not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the last three decades.And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- that it's been during Democratic years that our strength to deter war has stood still, and even gone into a planned decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully refusing to tell even our people of our full participation, and tragically, letting our finest men die on battlefields, unmarked by purpose, unmarked by pride or the prospect of victory.Yesterday, it was Korea. Tonight, it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who is the Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say -- refuses to say, mind you, whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has gone by.And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- it has been during Democratic years that a billion persons were cast into Communist captivity and their fate cynically sealed.Today -- Today in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal with communism in every coin known -- from gold to wheat, from consulates to confidences, and even human freedom itself.Now the Republican cause demands that we brand communism as the principal disturber of peace in the world today. Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of conquest are absolutely renounced and its relations with all nations tempered, communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth who is or wants to be free.Now, we here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant and only if we remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent war. And I want to make this abundantly clear: I don't intend to let peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength or lack of will -- and that I promise you, Americans.I believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension tomorrow. I believe that the communism which boasts it will bury us will, instead, give way to the forces of freedom. And I can see in the distant and yet recognizable future the outlines of a world worthy of our dedication, our every risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, a world that will redeem the suffering of those who will be liberated from tyranny. I can see -- and I suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate -- the flowering of an Atlantic civilization, the whole of Europe reunified and freed, trading openly across its borders, communicating openly across the world.Now, this is a goal far, far more meaningful than a moon shot.It's a -- It's a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the latter half of the twentieth century.I can also see -- and all free men must thrill to -- the events of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean highway to the United States. What a destiny! What a destiny can be ours to stand as a great central pillar linking Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas, North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of centuries are not to be wiped away in a day or wiped away in an hour. But we pledge, we pledge that human sympathy -- what our neighbors to the South call an attitude of "simpatico" -- no less than enlightened self'-interest will be our guide.And I can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations everywhere.Now I know this freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts of brave and wise men. And I know that the road to freedom is a long and a challenging road. And I know also that some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the false security of governmental paternalism.And I -- And I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand in health, in teaching and in cultivation, so that all new nations will be at least encouraged -- encouraged! -- to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys of tyranny or the dead-end streets of collectivism.My fellow Republicans, we do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken humility.I seek an America proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and determined actively to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like charity, begin at home.In our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room, room for deliberation of the energy and the talent of the individual; otherwise our vision is blind at the outset.We must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy or forsaking the helpless, nurtures incentives and opportunities for the creative and the productive. We must know the whole good is the product of many single contributions.And I cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of men and women who, unafraid and undaunted, pursue the truth, strive to cure disease, subdue and make fruitful our natural environment and produce the inventive engines of production, science, and technology.This Nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history, should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we, we as individual citizens, can and should do. And during Republican years, this again will be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their role, jealous of their responsibilities, unlimited in their aspirations -- a Nation where all who can will be self-reliant.We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place.We see -- We see in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And -- And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives and accomplishments. We don't seek to lead anyone's life for him. We only seek -- only seek to secure his rights, guarantee him opportunity -- guarantee him opportunity to strive, withgovernment performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot otherwise be performed.We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus, do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creative difference within a stable order, for we Republicans define government's role where needed at many, many levels -- preferably, though, the one closest to the people involved.Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional compacts -- and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of government at every level.Balance, diversity, creative difference: These are the elements of the Republican equation. Republicans agree -- Republicans agree heartily to disagree on many, many of their applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic fundamental issues of why you and I are Republicans.This is a Party. This Republican Party is a Party for free men, not for blind followers, and not for conformists.In fact, in 1858 Abraham Lincoln said this of the Republican party -- and I quote him, because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: "It was composed of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements" -- end of the quote -- in 1858. Yet -- Yet all of these elements agreed on one paramount objective: To arrest the progress of slavery, and place it in the course of ultimate extinction.Today, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of preserving and enlarging freedom at home and of safeguarding it from the forces of tyranny abroad is great enough to challenge all our resources and to require all our strength.Anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And -- And let our Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by unthinking and stupid labels.I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.(Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.)And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.Why the beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize, the beauty of this Federal system of ours is in its reconciliation of diversity with unity. We must not see malice in honest differences of opinion, and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we have given to each other in and through our Constitution.Our Republican cause is not to level out the world or make its people conform in computer regimented sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for liberty throughout the world.Ours is a very human cause for very humane goals.This Party, its good people, and its unquenchable devotion to freedom, will not fulfill the purposes of this campaign, which we launch here and now, until our cause has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of all our yesteryears.I repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness, with pride, and you and I are going to fight for the goodness of our land.Thank you.。
美国奥巴马的英语演讲稿
美国奥巴马的英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,。
It is a great honor for me to stand before you today and address the people of the United States and the world. As the President of the United States, I have the privilege and responsibility to lead this great nation, and to represent our values and ideals on the global stage.I believe in the power of words to inspire, to unite, and to bring about positive change. Throughout history, great leaders have used their words to shape the course of events, to rally people to a cause, and to create a vision for a better future. Today, I stand before you to share my vision for America and the world, and to call on all of us to work together to make that vision a reality.In my time as President, I have witnessed the resilience and strength of the American people. I have seen communities come together in the face of adversity, and I have seen individuals rise above their circumstances to achieve greatness. This is the spirit of America – the belief that anything is possible, and that we all have a part to play in shaping our destiny.As we look to the future, we must confront the challenges that lie ahead. We face the threat of climate change, the spread of terrorism, and the persistence of inequality and injustice. These are not easy problems to solve, but I believe that if we work together, we can overcome them.We must also remember the values that have always defined us as a nation. The belief in freedom, equality, and opportunity for all. The understanding that our diversity is our strength, and that we must strive to create a society where everyone has the chance to succeed.In my time as President, I have had the opportunity to travel the world and meet with leaders and citizens from every corner of the globe. I have seen the power of diplomacyand dialogue to bring about change, and I have seen the importance of standing up for our values, even in the face of opposition.I believe that America has a unique role to play in the world – a role of leadership, of partnership, and of service. We must work with other nations to address the challenges that affect us all, and we must lead by example in upholding the principles that we hold dear.I am confident that if we stay true to our values, if we work together with purpose and determination, and if we never lose sight of the potential for progress and change, we can build a better future for our children and grandchildren, and for generations to come.Thank you, and may God bless America.。
美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿：呼吁实现种族平等
美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿：呼吁实现种族平等Ladies and gentlemen,It is a great honor for me to participate in this Civil Rights Summit, which marks the 50th anniversary of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This momentous legislation, signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson, outlawed discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in employment practices, public accommodations, and education.We have come a long way since then. But as we gather here today, we must acknowledge that the struggle for racial equality is far from over. We see it in the disparities that continue to exist in education, healthcare, and criminal justice. We see it in the discrimination that persists in our workplaces, our neighborhoods, and our communities.As President of the United States, I believe it is my responsibility to speak truth to power and to work tirelessly to address these issues. And that is why I come before you today to reaffirm my commitment to achieving racial equality, once and for all.Let me be clear: racism has no place in our society. It is a cancer that eats away at the very fabric of our nation, and it undermines our most cherished values of freedom, justice, and equality. We must condemn it in all its forms, whether it comes in the form of overt discrimination orsubtle bias.But simply condemning racism is not enough. We must take concrete steps to address the root causes of racialinequality and to lift up those who have been left behind. This means investing in our schools and in our communities, so that every child has the opportunity to succeed, regardless of their race or background. It means working to reform our criminal justice system, so that it is fair and just for everyone, regardless of their race or socio-economic status. And it means taking a hard look at our own biases and prejudices, and working to overcome them.I know that these changes will not come easily. They will require hard work, and they will require sacrifice. But they are necessary if we are to create a truly just and equal society. We have come too far and worked too hard to turn back now.So let us recommit ourselves to the work of building a more just and equal society. Let us work together, acrosslines of race, gender, and religion, to achieve the dream of civil rights for all. And let us never forget the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who said, "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice." Let us bethe agents of that justice, and let us build a brighterfuture for all Americans.Thank you.。
美国总统发言稿英语版
美国总统发言稿英语版Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed individuals present here today, thank you for your presence and attention. It is an honor to address you as the President of the United States.First and foremost, I want to express my gratitude to the citizens of this great nation for entrusting me with the responsibility of leading this country. It is a humbling experience to serve as your President and advocate for your concerns, dreams, and aspirations.Today, I stand before you to discuss some significant issues that we need to address together as a united nation. The challenges we face are numerous, both domestically and globally, but I firmly believe that with collective effort, we can overcome them and achieve progress.One of our top priorities is to enhance our economic growth and promote job creation. We must invest in our industries, innovation, and infrastructure to foster a thriving economy that benefits all Americans. By providing tax incentives for businesses, facilitating trade agreements that promote fairness, and empowering our workforce through education and training, we can build a prosperous future for our nation.Furthermore, we must address the critical issue of climate change and its implications for our planet. The scientific evidence is overwhelming, urging us to take immediate action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and transition to sustainable energy sources. We must lead by example, investing in renewable energy research and development, and collaborating with other nations tocombat this global challenge.Equally important is the need to prioritize national security and protect our homeland. We face evolving threats from terrorism, cyberattacks, and other malicious activities. To ensure the safety of our citizens, we must strengthen our intelligence capabilities, invest in cutting-edge technology, and collaborate with our international partners to counter these threats effectively.Moreover, we cannot overlook the pressing issue of healthcare in our nation. Millions of Americans still struggle to afford quality healthcare, and it is our duty to provide accessible and affordable options. We will work towards expanding healthcare coverage, lowering prescription drug costs, and improving the overall healthcare system to ensure that no citizen is left behind.In conclusion, let us remember that united we stand, and together we can overcome any challenge that comes our way. As your President, I reaffirm my commitment to serve this nation with integrity, empathy, and unwavering dedication. Together, we can build a brighter future for our great nation and leave a lasting legacy for generations to come.Thank you, and God bless America.。
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文：美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。
美国经典英文演讲100篇
Adlai E. Stevenson: Speech Accepting the Democratic PresidentialNominationMr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, My Fellow Citizens. I accept your nomination and your program. I should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a stronger, a wiser, a better man than myself. But, after listening to the President’s speech, I even feel better about myself. None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I can only hope that you understand my words. They will be few.I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it, because I aspired to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gift of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize.I would not seek your nomination for the Presidency, because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. Its potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exultation and converts vanity to prayer.I have asked the Merciful Father -- the Father of us all -- to let this cup pass from me, but from such dreaded responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self-interest, or in false humility. So, “If this cup may not pass from me, except I drink it, Thy will b e done.”That my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self-appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather, it is that I revere the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now, my friends, that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with -- with all my heart and my soul. And, with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.You have summoned me to the highest mission within the gift of any people. I could not be more proud. Better men than I were at hand for this mighty task, and I owe to you and to them every resource of mind and of strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our party. I am confident too, that your selection for -- of a candidate for Vice President will strengthen me and our party immeasurably in the hard, the implacable work that lies ahead of all of us.I know you join me in gratitude and respect for the great Democrats and the leaders of our generation whose names you have considered here in this convention, whose vigor, whose character, whose devotion to the Republic we love so well have won the respect of countless Americans and have enriched our party. I shall need them; we shall need them, because I have not changed in any respect since yesterday.Your nomination, awesome as I find it, has not enlarged my capacities, so I am profoundly grateful and emboldened by their comradeship and their fealty, and I have been deeply moved by their expressions of good will and of support. And I cannot, my friends, resist the urge to take the one opportunity that has been afforded me to pay my humble respects to a very great and good American, whom I am proud to call my kinsman, Alben Barkely of Kentucky.Let me say, too, that I have been heartened by the conduct of this convention. You have argued and disagreed, because as Democrats you care and you cared deeply. But you have disagreed and argued without calling each other liars and thieves, without despoiling our best traditions --you have not spoiled our best traditions in any naked struggles for power.And you have written a platform that neither equivocates, contradicts, nor evades. You have restated our party’s record, its principles and its purposes, in language that none can mistake, and with a firm confidence in justice, freedom, and peace on earth that will raise the hearts and the hopes of mankind for that distant day when no one rattles a saber and no one drags a chain.For all things I am grateful to you. But I feel no exultation, no sense of triumph. Our troubles are all ahead of us. Some will call us appeasers; others will say that we are the war party. Some will say we are reactionary; other swill say that we stand for socialism. There will be inevitable -- the inevitable cries of “throw the rascals out,” “it’s time for a change,” and so on and so on.We’ll hear all those things and many more besides. But we will hear nothing that we have not heard bef ore. I’m not too much concerned with partisan denunciation, with epithets and abuse, because the workingman, the farmer, the thoughtful businessman, all know that they are better off than ever before, and they all know the Great Depression under the hammer blows of the Democratic party.Nor am I afraid that the precious two-party system is in danger. Certainly the Republican party looked brutally alive a couple of weeks ago -- and I mean both Republican parties. Nor am I afraid the Democratic party is old and fat and indolent. After a hundred and fifty years, it has been old for a long time, and it will never be indolent, as long as it looks forward and not back, as long as it commands the allegiance of the young and the hopeful who dream the dreams and see the visions of a better America and a better world.You will hear many sincere and thoughtful people express concern about the continuation of one party in power for twenty years. I don’t belittle this attitude. But change for the sake of change has no absolute merit in itself. If our greatest hazard is preservation of the values of Western civilization, in our self-interest alone, if you please, it is the part -- is it the part of wisdom to change for the sake of change toa party with a split personality, to a leader, whom we all respect, but who has been called upon to minister to a hopeless case of political schizophrenia?If the fear is corruption in official position, do you believe with Charles Evans Hughes that guild is personal and knows no party? Do you doubt the power of any political leader, if he has the will too do so, to set his own house in order without his neighbors having to burn it down?What does concern me, in common with thinking partisans of both parties, is not just winning this election but how it is won, how well we can take advantage of this great quadrennial opportunity to debate issues sensibly and soberly. I hope and pray that we Democrats, win or lose, can campaign not as a crusade to exterminate the opposing party, as our opponents seem to prefer, but as a great opportunity to educated and elevate a people whose destiny is leadership, not alone of a rich and prosperous, contented country, as in the past, but of a world in ferment.And, my friends even more important than winning the election is governing the nation. That is the test of a political party, the acid, final test. When the tumult and the shouting die, when the bands are gone and the lights are dimmed, there is the stark reality of responsibility in an hour of history haunted with those gaunt, grim specters of strife, dissension, and materialism at home and ruthless, inscrutable, and hostile power abroad.The ordeal of the twentieth century, the bloodiest, most turbulent era of the whole Christian age, is far from over. Sacrifice, patience, understanding, and implacable purpose may be our lot of years to come. Let’s face it. Let’s talk sense to the American people. Let’s tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains, that there -- that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you’re attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of man -- war, poverty, and tyranny -- and the assaults upon human dignity which are the most grievous consequences of each.Let’s tell them that the victory to be won in the twentieth century, this portal to the Golden Age, mocks the pretensions of individual acumen and ingenuity, for it is a citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpets’ blast or the politicians’ imprecations or even a general’s baton. The are, they are, my friends, walls that must be directly stormed by the hosts of courage, of morality, and of vision, standing shoulder to shoulder, unafraid of ugly truth, contemptuous of lies, half truths, circuses, and demagoguery.The people are wise, wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic party is the people’s party -- not the labor party, not the farmers’ party, not the employers’ party -- it is the party of no one because it is the party of everyone.That, that, I -- I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in these years of darkness, of doubt, and of crisis which stretch beyond the horizon of tonight’s happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose, Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly.I ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have, even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party, by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic party -- President Harry S. Truman.And finally, my friends, in this staggering task you have assigned me, I shall always try “to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my God.”。
最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches
Top100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇1Martin Luther King, Jr."I Have A Dream"2John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address3Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address4Franklin Delano Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Address6Richard Milhous Nixon"Checkers"7Malcolm X"The Ballot or the Bullet"8Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address9John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech10Lyndon Baines Johnson"We Shall Overcome"11Mario Matthew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Address12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Address13Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment14(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress15Martin Luther King, Jr."I've Been to the Mountaintop"16Theodore Roosevelt"The Man with the Muck-rake"17Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK18Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address19Thomas Woodrow Wilson War Message20(General) Douglas MacArthur"Duty, Honor, Country"21Richard Milhous Nixon"The Great Silent Majority"22John Fitzgerald Kennedy"Ich bin ein Berliner"23Clarence Seward Darrow"Mercy for Leopold and Loeb"24Russell H. Conwell"Acres of Diamonds"25Ronald Wilson Reagan"A Time for Choosing"26Huey Pierce Long"Every Man a King"27Anna Howard Shaw"The Fundamental Principle of a Republic"28Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Arsenal of Democracy"29Ronald Wilson Reagan"The Evil Empire"30Ronald Wilson Reagan First Inaugural Address31Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat32Harry S. Truman"The Truman Doctrine"33William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Diane Rodham Clinton"Women's Rights are Human Rights"mp336Dwight David Eisenhower"Atoms for Peace"37John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address mp3 38Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address39Richard Milhous Nixon Resignation Speech mp3 40Thomas Woodrow Wilson"The Fourteen Points"41Margaret Chase Smith"Declaration of Conscience"42Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Four Freedoms"mp3 43Martin Luther King, Jr."A Time to Break Silence"Off-Site.mp3 44William Jennings Bryan"Against Imperialism"45Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address mp3 46John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address mp3 47John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address mp3 48Spiro Theodore Agnew"Television News Coverage"mp3 49Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Address50Mary Fisher"A Whisper of AIDS"mp351Lyndon Baines Johnson"The Great Society"52George Catlett Marshall"The Marshall Plan"mp3 53Edward Moore Kennedy"Truth and Tolerance in America"mp3 54Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 55Anna Eleanor Roosevelt"The Struggle for Human Rights"56Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech mp3 57Robert Marion La Follette"Free Speech in Wartime"58Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Address59Mario Matthew Cuomo"Religious Belief and Public Morality"60Edward Moore Kennedy"Chappaquiddick"mp3 61John Llewellyn Lewis"The Rights of Labor"62Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 63Stokely Carmichael"Black Power"Off-Site mp3 64Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address65Emma Goldman Address to the Jury66Carrie Chapman Catt"The Crisis"67Newton Norman Minow"Television and the Public Interest"68Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy69Anita Faye Hill Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee70Thomas Woodrow Wilson League of Nations Final Address71Henry Louis ("Lou") Gehrig Farewell to Baseball Address72Richard Milhous Nixon Cambodian Incursion Address mp3 73Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress74Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Address75Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election mp376Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address77Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78Mario Savio"Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History"mp3 79Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Address80Eugene Victor Debs"The Issue"81Margaret Higgins Sanger"Children's Era"82Ursula Kroeber Le Guin"A Left-Handed Commencement Address"83Crystal Eastman"Now We Can Begin"84Huey Pierce Long"Share Our Wealth"85Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office mp3 86Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast87Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial88Jimmy Earl Carter"A Crisis of Confidence"mp3 89Malcolm X"Message to the Grassroots"90William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address91Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm"For the Equal Rights Amendment"92Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address93Eliezer ("Elie") Wiesel"The Perils of Indifference"mp3 94Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon mp3-Excerpt 95Thomas Woodrow Wilson"For the League of Nations"96Lyndon Baines Johnson"Let Us Continue"mp3 97Joseph N. Welch"Have You No Sense of Decency"mp3 98Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights99Robert Francis Kennedy"Day of Affirmation"100John Forbes Kerry"Vietnam Veterans Against the War"。
16 美国经典英文演讲100篇Vice-Presidential Nomination
美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination...Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance SpeechGeraldine FerraroVice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Ladies and gentlemen of the convention:My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed upon me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, "Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the heart." Tonight is such a moment for me.My heart is filled with pride. My fellow citizens, I proudly accept your nomination for Vice President of the United States.And I am proud to run with a man who will be one of the great Presidents of this century, Walter F. Mondale. Tonight, the daughter of a woman whose highest goal was a future for her children talks to our nation's oldest party about a future for us all. Tonight, the daughter of working Americans tells all Americans that the future is within our reach, if we're willing to reach for it. Tonight, the daughter of an immigrant from Italy has been chosen to run for [Vice] President in the new land my father came to love.Our faith that we can shape a better future is what the American dream is all about. The promise of our country is that the rules are fair. If you work hard and play by the rules, you can earn your share of America's blessings. Those are the beliefs I learned from my parents. And those are the values I taught my students as a teacher in the public schools of New York City.At night, I went to law school. I became an assistant district attorney, and I put my share of criminals behind bars. I believe if you obey the law, you should be protected. But if you break the law, you must pay for your crime.When I first ran for Congress, all the political experts said a Democrat could not win my home district in Queens. I put my faith in the people and the values that we shared. Together, we proved the political experts wrong. In this campaign, Fritz Mondale and I have put our faith in the people. And we are going to prove the experts wrong again. We are going to win. We are going to win because Americans across this country believe in the same basic dream.Last week, I visited Elmore, Minnesota, the small town where Fritz Mondale was raised. And soon Fritz and Joan will visit our family in Queens. Nine hundred people live in Elmore. In Queens, there are 2,000 people on one block. You would think we'd be different, but we're not. Children walk to school in Elmore past grain elevators; in Queens, they pass by subway stops. But, no matter where they live, their future depends on education, and their parents are willing to do their part to make those schools as good as they can be. In Elmore, there are family farms; inQueens, small businesses. But the men and women who run them all take pride in supporting their families through hard work and initiative. On the 4th of July in Elmore, they hang flags out on Main Street; in Queens, they fly them over Grand Avenue. But all of us love our country, and stand ready to defend the freedom that it represents.Americans want to live by the same set of rules. But under this administration, the rules are rigged against too many of our people. It isn't right that every year the share of taxes paid by individual citizens is going up, while the share paid by large corporations is getting smaller and smaller. The rules say: Everyone in our society should contribute their fair share. It isn't right that this year Ronald Reagan will hand the American people a bill for interest on the national debt larger than the entire cost of the federal government under John F. Kennedy. Our parents left us a growing economy. The rules say: We must not leave our kids a mountain of debt.It isn't right that a woman should get paid 59 cents on the dollar for the same work as a man.If you play by the rules, you deserve a fair day's pay for a fair day's work. It isn't right that, if trends continue, by the year 2000 nearly all of the poor people in America will be women and children. The rules of a decent society say: When you distribute sacrifice in times of austerity, you don't put women and children first. It isn't right that young people today fear they won't get the Social Security they paid for, and that older Americans fear that they will lose what they have already learned [earned]. Social Security is a contract between the last generation and the next, and the rules say: You don't break contracts.We are going to keep faith with older Americans. We hammered out a fair compromise in the Congress to save Social Security. Every group sacrificed to keep the system sound. It is time Ronald Reagan stopped scaring our senior citizens.It isn't right that young couples question whether to bring children into a world of 50,000 nuclear warheads. That isn't the vision for which Americans have struggled for more than twocenturies. And our future doesn't have to be that way. Change is in the air, just as surely as when John Kennedy beckoned America to a new frontier; when Sally Ride rocketed into space; and when Reverend Jesse Jackson ran for the office of President of the United States.By choosing a woman to run for our nation's second highest office, you send a powerful signal to all Americans: There are no doors we cannot unlock. We will place no limits on achievement. If we can do this, we can do anything.Tonight, we reclaim our dream. We're going to make the rules of American life work fairly for all Americans again. To an Administration that would have us debate all over again whether the Voting Rights Act should be renewed and whether segregated schools should be tax exempt, we say, Mr. President: Those debates are over. On the issue of civil rights, voting rights, and affirmative action for minorities, we must not go backwards. We must -- and we will -- move forward to open the doors of opportunity.To those who understand that our country cannot prosper unless we draw on the talents of all Americans, we say: We will pass the Equal Rights Amendment.The issue is not what America can do for women, but what women can do for America.To the Americans who will lead our country into the 21st century, we say: We will not have a Supreme Court that turns the clock back to the 19th century.To those concerned about the strength of American and family values, as I am, I say: We are going to restore those values -- love, caring, partnership -- by including, and not excluding, those whose beliefs differ from our own. Because our own faith is strong, we will fight to preserve the freedom of faith for others.To those working Americans who fear that banks, utilities, and large special interests have a lock on the White House, we say: Join us; let's elect the people's President; and let's have government by and for the American people again.To an Administration that would savage student loans and education at the dawn of a new technological age, we say: You fit the classic definition of a cynic; you know the price of everything, but the value of nothing.To our students and their parents, we say: We will insist on the highest standards of excellence, because the jobs of the future require skilled minds. To young Americans who may be called to our country's service, we say: We know your generation will proudly answer our country's call, as each generation before you.This past year, we remembered the bravery and sacrifice of Americans at Normandy. And we finally paid tribute -- as we should have done years ago -- to that Unknown Soldier who represents all the brave young Americans who died in Vietnam. Let no one doubt, we will defend America's security and the cause of freedom around the world. But we want a President who tells us what America's fighting for, not just what we are fighting against.We want a President who will defend human rights, not just where it is convenient, but wherever freedom is at risk -- from Chile to Afghanistan, from Poland to South Africa. To those who have watched this administration's confusion in the Middle East, as it has tilted first toward one and then another of Israel's long-time enemies and wonder: "Will America stand by her friends and sister democracy?" we say: America knows who her friends are in the Middle East and around the world. America will stand with Israel always.Finally, we want a President who will keep America strong, but use that strength to keep America and the world at peace. A nuclear freeze is not a slogan: It is a tool for survival in the nuclear age. If we leave our children nothing else, let us leave them this Earth as we found it: whole and green and full of life.I know in my heart that Walter Mondale will be that President.A wise man once said, "Every one of us is given the gift of life, and what a strange gift it is. If it is preserved jealously and selfishly, it impoverishes and saddens. But if it is spent for others, it enriches and beautifies." My fellow Americans: We can debate policies and programs, but in the end what separates the two parties in this election campaign is whether we use the gift of life for others or only ourselves.Tonight, my husband, John, and our three children are in this hall with me. To my daughters, Donna and Laura, and my son, John Junior, I say: My mother did not break faith with me, and I will not break faith with you.To all the children of America, I say: The generation before ours kept faith with us, and like them, we will pass on to you a stronger, more just America.Thank you.。
美国总统竞选的英语演讲稿
美国总统竞选的英语演讲稿How do the Americans elect their president?Every four years, Americans will have a presidential election. As the most powerful country in the world, the election of president is a hot issue all over the world. There are many people focus on it. Actually, the system of electing a president is very complex. There are four major steps toelect president.First, Nomination of CandidatesJune of the Election year, in each state, two parties---the democracy and the republican will choose different electorsas their representatives. How Do the Political Parties Choose Their Candidates? That's up to the political parties. Most political parties hold conventions, which are large meetings attended by "delegates." Some delegates are selected by state "primary" elections, some are selected by state caucuses(very much like primaries, except with public voting insteadof secret ballots), and some are chosen for their prominencein the party. A majority of delegate votes is needed to winthe party's nomination. In most cases, the delegates lettheir chosen presidential candidate select a vice-presidential candidate.After all the states have elected their candidates, the Congress will vote for the Candidates of two parties. The one who get the most votes will be the candidate of his party. In the general election, each candidate for President runstogether. They must be at least 35 years of age, they must be native-born citizens of the United States, and they must have been residents of the U.S. for at least 14 years. (Also, a person cannot be elected to a third term as President.)Second, the Campaign PeriodThe candidates of the parties will hold a campaign throughout the country. This is the most important period of election of president, usually from September to November. The forms of campaign include, give speeches in different states, and meet with votes and public debt with his rival candidate. The purpose of campaign is to gain support of people as much as possible. This is the most wonderful part.Third, Election for President VotersThe national presidential election actually consists of a separate election in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia; in these 51 elections, the voters are really voting for "electors" pledged to one of the tickets. These electors make up the "Electoral College." Each state has the same number of electors as it has senators and representatives (there are two senators from each state, but the number of representatives depends on the state population in the most recent census). The District of Columbia, although it isn't a state, also participates in presidential elections -- it currently has three electors. Generally speaking, the voters will vote for the candidate who represents his party.Finally, Voters Vote the PresidentThe Electoral College then votes for President and for Vice-President, with each elector casting one vote; these votes are called electoral votes. Each elector is pledged to vote for particular candidates for President and Vice-President. In most elections, all the electors vote in accordance with the pledge they made; it is not clear what would happen in the unlikely event that a large number of electors violated their pledge and voted differently.Normally, one of the candidates for President receives a majority (more than half) of the electoral votes; that person is elected President. That candidate's vice-presidential running mate will then also receive a majority of electoral votes (for Vice-President), and that person is elected Vice-President. The result will be announced in the sixth day of January, the next year of election year.Through the above complex process, the new president will be elected. Although there are many arguments pro and con the Electoral College, but this system does guarantee that the person elected President has substantial support distributed throughout the U.S. The Electoral College has also been a major factor in the United States' long-term political stability.。
美利坚首任总统演讲稿英文
美利坚首任总统演讲稿英文Ladies and Gentlemen,。
I stand before you today as the first President of the United States of America. It is with great honor and humility that I address you, my fellow citizens, on this momentous occasion. As we embark on this new journey as a nation, it is important to reflect on the principles and values that have guided us thus far, and to look towards the future with hope and determination.The United States of America was born out of a desire for freedom and self-governance. Our forefathers fought bravely to secure these rights for themselves and for future generations. It is our duty to uphold and protect these precious liberties, and to ensure that all citizens have the opportunity to pursue happiness and prosperity.In the years to come, we will face many challenges and obstacles. It is essential that we remain united and steadfast in our commitment to the ideals of liberty, equality, and justice for all. We must strive to build a society where every individual is treated with dignity and respect, regardless of their background or beliefs.As the first President of this great nation, I pledge to lead with integrity and compassion. I will work tirelessly to promote the common good and to safeguard the rights of every American. It is my fervent belief that by working together, we can overcome any adversity and achieve greatness as a nation.In closing, I urge all of you to embrace the spirit of unity and cooperation. Let us set aside our differences and come together as one people, dedicated to the noble cause of building a more perfect union. With faith in our hearts and courage in our actions, we can surmount any challenge and forge a brighter future for generations to come.Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.。
美国人民政府发言稿英文
美国人民政府发言稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,It is a great honor for me to address you today as a representativeof the American people's government. As we gather here, we are reminded of the importance of our democratic institutions and the need to uphold the values of freedom, equality, and justice for all.The United States of America is a nation founded on the principles of democracy, and it is our responsibility as a government to ensure that these principles are upheld and protected. We believe that a government should be of the people, by the people, and for the people, and that it should operate in the best interests of its citizens.We understand that the people of America have entrusted us with the responsibility of governing their country, and it is with this in mind that we approach our work. We are committed to listening to the concerns of our citizens, and to working to address their needs and priorities. We recognize that the strength of our nation lies in the diversity of its people, and we are dedicated to fostering an inclusive society that values and respects each and every individual. One of our foremost priorities as a government is to ensure the safety and security of all Americans. We are committed to protecting our citizens from internal and external threats, and to defending our nation's freedoms and liberties. We understand that in order to achieve these goals, we must maintain strong and effective national defense, and we will continue to invest in our military and security infrastructure to ensure the safety of ourpeople.In addition to our commitment to national security, we are also dedicated to promoting the economic prosperity of our nation. We understand that a strong economy is essential in providing opportunities for our citizens, and we are committed to fostering an environment in which businesses can thrive and create jobs. We will continue to invest in infrastructure, education, and innovation to ensure that our country remains competitive in the global economy.Furthermore, we recognize the importance of providing access to high-quality healthcare for all Americans. We are committed to improving and expanding our healthcare system, and to ensuring that every citizen has the opportunity to receive the care they need. We will work to address the rising costs of healthcare and to improve the quality of care provided to all Americans.We also understand the importance of addressing the challenges of climate change and environmental protection. We are committed to taking meaningful action to combat climate change and to protect our environment for future generations. We will continue to invest in clean energy and sustainable practices, and to work with our global partners to address this critical issue.As we work to address these important priorities, we understand that there will be challenges and obstacles that we must overcome. However, we are dedicated to working with our citizens, our partners, and our allies to address these challenges and to build a better future for all Americans.In closing, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the American people for their continued support and trust in our government. We are committed to upholding the values of democracy, and to working tirelessly to ensure the success and prosperity of our nation. Thank you for your attention, and may God bless the United States of America.。