土地资源管理专业本科毕业论文外文文献及译文

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毕业论文(设计)外文文献翻译及原文

毕业论文(设计)外文文献翻译及原文

金融体制、融资约束与投资——来自OECD的实证分析R.SemenovDepartment of Economics,University of Nijmegen,Nijmegen(荷兰内梅亨大学,经济学院)这篇论文考查了OECD的11个国家中现金流量对企业投资的影响.我们发现不同国家之间投资对企业内部可获取资金的敏感性具有显著差异,并且银企之间具有明显的紧密关系的国家的敏感性比银企之间具有公平关系的国家的低.同时,我们发现融资约束与整体金融发展指标不存在关系.我们的结论与资本市场信息和激励问题对企业投资具有重要作用这种观点一致,并且紧密的银企关系会减少这些问题从而增加企业获取外部融资的渠道。

一、引言各个国家的企业在显著不同的金融体制下运行。

金融发展水平的差别(例如,相对GDP的信用额度和相对GDP的相应股票市场的资本化程度),在所有者和管理者关系、企业和债权人的模式中,企业控制的市场活动水平可以很好地被记录.在完美资本市场,对于具有正的净现值投资机会的企业将一直获得资金。

然而,经济理论表明市场摩擦,诸如信息不对称和激励问题会使获得外部资本更加昂贵,并且具有盈利投资机会的企业不一定能够获取所需资本.这表明融资要素,例如内部产生资金数量、新债务和权益的可得性,共同决定了企业的投资决策.现今已经有大量考查外部资金可得性对投资决策的影响的实证资料(可参考,例如Fazzari(1998)、 Hoshi(1991)、 Chapman(1996)、Samuel(1998)).大多数研究结果表明金融变量例如现金流量有助于解释企业的投资水平。

这项研究结果解释表明企业投资受限于外部资金的可得性。

很多模型强调运行正常的金融中介和金融市场有助于改善信息不对称和交易成本,减缓不对称问题,从而促使储蓄资金投着长期和高回报的项目,并且提高资源的有效配置(参看Levine(1997)的评论文章)。

因而我们预期用于更加发达的金融体制的国家的企业将更容易获得外部融资.几位学者已经指出建立企业和金融中介机构可进一步缓解金融市场摩擦。

Land and Natural Resource Redistribution in Zimbabwe Access, Equity and Conflict.【外文翻译】

Land and Natural Resource Redistribution in Zimbabwe Access, Equity and Conflict.【外文翻译】

毕业论文(设计)文献翻译Land and Natural Resource Redistribution in Zimbabwe: Access, Equity and Conflict.The struggle for land redistribution in Zimbabwe raises a number of critical policy questions, and lessons for the southern Africa region. Twenty years after independence following armed liberation struggle, the structural roots of Zimbabwe’s current political conflict and economic crisis remain largely defined by racially based inequalities in land ownership and access, to related resources. In this context the Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) together with land owners and the international community ‘have been seeking’ a framework for land negotiations since 1980s, however the market route chosen for land transfer was ineffective and failed to deliver adequate land for resettlement.One of the unique features of Zimbabwe’s land reform crisis is that its decolonization in 1980 was not accompanied by guaranteed arrangements for the former colonial powers to restore lost land rights or to compensate for the same. While, the United Kingdom (UK) in 1997 at Lancaster House promised £75 million for Zimbabwe’s land redistribution alongside apparent United States of America (USA) offers of US$ 500 million for the same, there was no formally binding procedure which underlay this. Reparations were not directly discussed. Instead a vague “development assistance” framework was used to prescribe such support, in spite of the fact that the “Kissinger US$ 1 billion” for Zimbabwe mooted in 1976 as the basis for a political sett lement which accommodated white settlers in an independent Zimbabwe. By 2000, Zimbabwe had received £30 million. In contrast the Kenyan decolonization process came with over £100 million provided in loans and grants for land acquisition and resettlement. I ndeed Zimbabwe’s decolonization required the post-independence government to compensate land at market prices and to pay retired pensioners in foreign currency. Thus colonial obligations for land restoration are uniquely sore points in Zimbabwe’s land refo rm process.Land reform in Zimbabwe aims to redress past land alienation through promoting equal access to land by the majority with the hope of creating political stability and acceptable land property rights (GoZ, 1998). Land reform is also aimed promoting economic growth through wider equity and efficiency gains from land redistribution. Reducing the size of land holdings per individual and reallocating land to the landless, war veterans, the poor and commercial farmworkers also aims to promote national self-sufficiency, food security and agricultural development through labor intensive small farmer production and optimal land productivity and returns to capital invested.In Zimbabwe the power relations and the structures that have developed over a long time on the land question have been the major foci on which conflicts over land have evolved. In most cases land reforms have to, and almost axiomatically, entail major confrontations between different powers. The paper illustrates that, in spite of trying persuasion and all sorts of negotiated forms, of land acquisition the driving process has been some kind of confrontation. In terms of the international experience, in 30 or so countries in which there’s been land reform, from Japan to Chile, in Europe and even in Africa (Algeria and Kenya, and South Africa), there is hardly any country where there has been some kind of a pure market land reform or land reform based on full compensation on the market for land acquired. It has never happened anywhere else, except in Zimbabwe, and this is the issue that the paper emphasizes. The Zimbabweans, the South Africans, and the Namibians are debating a particular kind of market land reform that has rarely been feasible historically and that is politically problematic to implement and morally difficult to justify.For two decades mostly the market has governed the government strategy on land acquisition for redistribution. The GoZ used persuasion and force to restrain communities from spontaneous action to repossess their land rights. Instead government took responsibility for gradually acquiring land from the market and redistributing it to the needy and “competent”. The land acquisition policy is thus not based upon legal restitution of particular private or community land rights which had been expropriated during colonial rule. The postcolonial state did not affirm its sovereign right over land by for instance nationalizing it. However, Zimbabwe has experienced 3 broadly interactive approaches to land acquisition, namely: market land acquisition led by the state; state-led compulsory land acquisitions with full compensation or compensation only for improvements, and attempted land seizures through land occupations.This paper reviews Zimbabwe’s experie nce in land acquisition for resettlement since 1980. Although land reform and redistribution entails a variety of aspects such as land use planning, beneficiary selection; land settlement; infrastructure development, farming support system, and training, and financing the resettlement, the most volatile politics of land reform hover aroundland transfers. Public acquisition of land for redistribution is central to the history of land reform because state-led challenges to unequal private property relations have evolved over time alongside popular community actions (legal or ‘illegal’) to redress historical injustices in land ownership. After all the sustainability of any structure of property relations depends on its political acceptability in terms of equity and the respect of institutions that protect such rights. Restructuring land ownership patterns, quite apart from the subsequent use of land, is the starting point in land and agrarian reforms.The land question in Zimbabwe has also been examined in terms of the simultaneous execution of both land reform and agrarian reform. Agrarian reform presumes changing land property relations towards more equitable access to productive land (Moyo, 1999). The GoZ has in the last twenty years pursued agrarian reforms of a largely market oriented genre (Moyo, 2000) focusing on various agricultural marketing, extension and other policy reforms, tax incentives, financial re-organisation and institutional reforms (Rukuni and Eicher, 1996). Such reforms have however benefited mainly the current white large-scale landowners. The economic structural adjustment policy (ESAP) for instance offered little concrete resources to black smallholder export-led growth in commodity production, due to the restrictive land, water and infrastructural conditions of communal areas.Using a political economy perspective this paper examines key policy processes and political confrontations, which structure the acquisition of land for land reform in Zimbabwe. The major social and political contradictions and contestations, as well as social processes involved in land acquisition and restructuring land rights in terms of who leads and benefits are discussed in the context of changing institutional processes, including international capital and donors (Moyo, 1999). Heuristically, the empirical analyses followed addresses both macro-level and micro-level processes of the land acquisition. The paper questions whether land acquisition processes have been equators in terms of the quality of land and the nature of land rights extinguished, and how international interests converge or diverge with national interests that shape land reform.Moyo,Sam, "Land and Natural Resource Redistribution in Zimbabwe: Access, Equity and Conflict", African and Asian Studies, 2005, vol.4, No.1-2在津巴布韦的土地重新分配的斗争提出了若干重要政策问题,为南部非洲地区和教训。

毕业论文(设计)文献翻译(地质工程方面)-中英文对照

毕业论文(设计)文献翻译(地质工程方面)-中英文对照

Formation Mechanism and Distribution of Paleogene-Neogene Stratigraphic Reservoirs in Jiyang DepressionAbstractDuring Paleogene-Neogene period, multiple scale unconformities had been formed in Jiyang depression, which provided favorable conditions for stratigraphic reservoirs. In recent years, various Paleogene-Neogene stratigraphic reservoirs in Jiyang depression have been found, and proved reserves were rising significantly, which fully showed a great exploration potential for this kind of reservoirs. But the practice of exploration in recent years indicated that the unconformities carrier system and its ability of sealing, petroleum migration and its accumulation model, distribution of stratigraphic reservoirs are uncertain, which deeply restrict the exploration degree of stratigraphic reservoirs in Jiyang depression.Based on the analysis of a large number of exploration wells and seismic data for Typical reservoirs, the paper analyses unconformities construct and its effect to generation in the Paleogene—Neogene, and summarize the distribution pattern of stratigraphic reservoirs based on petroleum mechanism and accumulation model. Finally, a highly quantitative prediction modclof height of pools in stratigraphic reservoirs was established, the research results effectively guided the explorationPra- ctice of stratigraphic reservoir .There are four macro unconformity types of Paleogene—Neogene formation which including truncation-overlap, truncation·paral lel, parallel—overlap and paralel unconformity in Jiyang depression.Besides truncation-overlap unconformity lies in slopes of depression, and parallel unconformity developed inside of depression,another two types lie in local areas. Unconformity can be developed vertically three-layer structure which including unconformity roof rock, weathered clay layer and semi-weathered rock. It also Can be two—layer structure if without weathered clay layer.And part of semi—weather rock Can be form a hard shell accuse of its filling process during the laterstage.Geological characteristic of the structure layer of unconformity is different in lithology,mineralogy, element geochemistry and weather degree index. Based on optimal partition of sequential number and principal component analysis, logging quantification recognition method about unconformity structure layers were established, on which effective identification of unconformitystnlcture layers can bu achieved in the case of no rock core. The formation of various unconformity structure types isrelated to many factors such as, parent rock lithology, interval of deposition hiatus, palaeotopography,and preservation conditions, which aretogether to control spatial distributions of unconformity structure types .Macro styles and its vertical structure of unconformity can be effected as a blocking, reservoir, trap or carrier system.Blocking affection to fluid depends on weathered clay layer,hard shell of semi-weathered rock and mudstone. So petroleum migration and accumulation units is relatively independence above and belowunconformity if structure layers mentioned above existed. Reservoir affection is due to permeable rock, including roof sandstone .Semi-weathered sandstone, semi-weathered carbonate rock, semi—weathered igneous rock and semi-weathered metamorphic. Trap—controlling affection related to macro unconformity type and its juxtapose to permeability and impermeability rock above and below unconformity. It is easy to develop stratigraphy traps where the permeability and impermeability beds juxtapose in a truncation-overlap unconformity, where up permeability and down impermeability in parallel-overlap unconformity, and down permeability and up impermeability beds juxtapose in a truncation-parallel. Transporting affection is owing to lateral continuity of permeable rock of unconformity. In a terrestrial rift basin, petroleum migration in transverse or vertical short distance in local area, and is not conducive to petroleum long distance along unconformity, because interbedding pattern of mudstone and sandstone is dominated, and its physical property of mudstone improved poorly .Because of the long distance from resource to trap, migration and accumulation procese is very complicated.. Accumulation process of Paleogene-Neogene stratigraphic traps can be summarized as following:allochthonous source rock , compound transportation , later period charging, buoyancy and pressure conversion driving for accumulation, and blocking by non-permeable layer of unconformity, Trap types and its distribution are controlled by unconformity structure styles. Petroleum distribution and its scale are controlled by generating ability of Source rock. Petroleum accumulation area is decided by positive tectonic units. If carrier systemexisted , oil column of stratigraphic reservoirs is effected by four mainfactors which including generation expulsion quantity,migrating distance, dip angle and capillary resistance of carrier layer. Based on the analysis of single factor, the prediction model of height of oil columu through multi—factor regressions was established . Based on the model , the paper defruited favorable areas, which reserves in these areas exceed 1.5 x 1 08t .Research results of the paper combined closely with exploration practice, and according to previous research results,31 exploration wells had been drilled, which of them 17 wells were successfully from 2006 to 2009. There is accumulation proved reserves Was up to 2362x104t. and predict reserves was to 3684x104t .Keywords:Paleogene; Neogene; unconformity stratigraphie reservoirs; Fomation mechanism; distribution pattern; Jiyang depression1. Preface1.1 Foundationnd and signifacance of the topic1.1.1 Theme originThe theme is from the Sinopcc project:Forming and distribution of Tertiarystratigraphic reservoir of Jiyang depression .Theme number:P06012,deadline:2006-20081.1.2 Foundation and baekground of the themeThe tectonic events frequently occurred in Jiyang depression in paleogene-Neogene.It was favour of forming stratigraphic reservoir because of existence of several kinds of unconformity . Based on statistical data , beneficial area reservoired oil is about 9500km2, and the remaining resource is about 16x 108t in stratigraphic reservoirs of paleogene-Neogene stratas.Since 1980s,many overlap and unconformity reservoirs have been founded , explored reserves Was apparently increased with deep exploring. By the end of 2006 , explored resource had been up to 3.7×108t which showed a large exploring potential.But , in fact , the research on stratigraphic reservoir is lack or Uttle , especially,Accumulation pattern and forecasting model of oil have not been studied systematically. For example , the successful ratio of exploration well testing which is the lowest in allkinds reservoirs Was only 35.7%about stratigraphie reservoir in paleogene-Neogene in Jiyang depression from2001-2005. The main loss reason for the overlap andunconformity reservoirs exploration is migration and trap of oil that is separently53.5%and 23.9%.Hereby , oil migration problem and trap validity are importantaspects for overlap and unconformity reservoir exploring.In short,it has three aspects as followed:(1)Shallow comprehension about conduction of ability of unconformity Research on unconformity in present indicated that it is not a simple surface three-dimension body which is important for migration of oil and gas.There has some deep knows about the basins in west China and the marine basins in China. The systematic theory is lack about structure characteristic which deeply affect accumulating oil and gas.(2)The remain uncertain migration and accumulation process of oil and gas about stratigraphic reservoir remain uncertain .Stratigraphic reservoir lay in edge of basin . So it is difficult to exactly hold accumulation regular of oil and gas because far distance traps and hydrocarbon resources make a complicated migration process.(3)Forecasting model of stratigraphic reservoir that could be used to guide explore is lack It is necessity to finely evaluate and explore stratigraphic reservoir along with degree of exploration. Mayor controlling factors remain uncertain in construction offorecasting model of stratigraphic reservoirs.1.1.3 Aim, sense and application value of themeThe study resolves the problem of statigraphic reservoir formation and distribution of Paleogene-Neogene in Jiyang depression. By analysis of uniformity structure, their affect on statigraphic reservoir formation will be identify; The accumulation model will be established through study on static geologic characteristic of statigraphic reservoir ; Forecast mode of oil extent will be achieved through research on oil extent and to predict oil quality.Research results Can not only be used to effectively guide statigraphic reservoirExploring, to raise drilling Success ratio, provide technical support for increasing oilproduction of the Sinopec, and also provide reference to statigraphic reservoir exploring of Bohai Bay area . Research will enormously deepen statigraphic reservoir accumulation regular and further enrich and improve subtle reservoir exploring theory .1.2 Research present at home and abroad1.2.1 Present research and development at home and abroadUnconformity reservoir is one of important exploring object since Levorsen proposed the concept of stratigraphic trap and then published paper on‘‘Stratigraphic oil field ” in 1 936.It turns into stratigraphic reservoir and lithology reservoir based on scholars deepenly research the Levorsen stratigraphic eservoir .Stratigraphic trap is formed as a result of the updip reservoir directly contigence with unconformity above. According to trap place, accurrence and barrier, stratigraphic oil pools is divided into overlap pool, unconformity barbered pool and ancient buried-hill pool .Unconformity reservoir research covers three main sections. One is unconformityand its effect on oil accumulating. The second section is developing paaem of stratigraphic trap. The third is mechanism of migrating and accumulating of oil and gas. Present studies mainly focus on the three sections above .(1)Unconformity and its effect on oil accumulationUnconformity is geology base and key element to form the overlap and unconformity barriered traps and relevant reservoir . In generally,research on overlap and unconformity barrier reservoirs is first unconformity research target.Oil geologists started to understand relationship between inconformity and oil and gas acumination in 1930s. Levorsen published the book of“geology of petroleumin'1954. The book entirely introduced definition and significance of unconformity and the relatiooships with oil accumulation .The research and application of unconformity were promoted by stratigraohy andrecent oil and gas accumulation theory,especially,thesequence stratigraohy pay a important role in predict of geological discontinuity .Pan zhongxiang[2’3]referred to unconformity importance for oil and gas accumulation in 1983. Unconformity is benefit to find petroleum because it is favour of oil and gas migration and accumulation. From 1990s, the research on unconformity and accumulation effect were also be done in Tarim basin, ordos basin, Bohai bay basin and Jungar basin, a important and innovation result were be achieved .Fuguang[4,5],Wu kongyou[l6,7]and Zhang jianlin[8]had noted that unconformity is not only a simple surface but also a special geology body, a migration and accumulation passageway of oil and gas. It is represent for tectonic movement, sea or lake suface change,and geologic alteration to earlier rocks.The inhomogeneity of alteration and later overlap make the a. rchitecture of unconformity. There ale three layers structure in a ideal unconformity: roof rock above unconformity, weathered clay horizon and semi-weathered rock.Unconformity formation is related to denudation time,climate, elevation, tectonic movement and lithology. Two layers structure layers were formed as the weathered clay horizon was lack. Liuhua[16], Suifenggui[17], etc. divided unconformity into four types sand/mud, sand/sand, mud/mud and mud/sand . According to lithologic deploy of unconformity. They refcred that the migrating and accumulating ability of unconformity are decided by lithologic deploy of unconformity .Panzhongxiang[2'3],Liuxiaohant[11],Zhangkeyin[12],Chenzhonghong[14],Hedengfa,Aihuaguo[19],Wuyajun[20],Chenjianping[22'23], Zhangjiguang[2l], John S[26]etc . had a deepresearch on unconformity and refered that unconformity has an apparent controllingeffect on oil and gas accumulation. In summery, five main aspects is included: charging reservoir, charging trap,charging migrating, charging accumulating anddestroying reservoir. Based on physical modeling of oil migration, Lv xiuzheng Bekele thought the oil migration is followed the rule “migration through thin bed”, namely, migration through prevailing passway, otherwise anywhere in a conformity .(2)Development regularity of stratigraphic trapsOverlapped and unconformity is premise of overlap and unconformity reservoirExiting. so, this kind reservoir developed based on overlapped and unconformity trap formation first.Chensizhong proposed four conditions for developing overlap and unconformity reservoirs in 1982 based on research on the characteristics of overlapped and unconformity reservoirs and its distribution patterns. First is that Multiple overlapped and unconformity reservoir formed as a result of Multiple unconformityies and overlaps.second is that oil avvumulation area is above and below unconformity nearby hydrocarbon source rock. Third is that Torque subsidence of dustpan depression cause wide rang of overlap and unconformity reservoir. Fourth is that favourable overlap and unconformity reservoir lies in anti-cycle litbofacies fold play. Tong xiao guang referred four main controlling factors in 1983. First is time, lithology, attitude and weathering degree of pre-Paleogene-Neogene base rocks. Second is structure of faulted depression and movement strength.Third is overlap distribution of overlap line and feature of overlap lay above unconformity. Fourth is distribution of unconformity surface, permeability of overburden rocks above unconformity. Hujianyi[1lreferred that unconformity is the base of forming overlap and unconformity barrier trap, but not all good trap exits bearby unconformity in 1 984 and 1 986. The basic condition of forming overlap and unconformity barrier trap are six elements:three lines and three surfaces. Three lines are lithologic wedging line, layer overlap line and intended zone contour line. Three surface are unconformity surface, adjacent rock surface of reservoir and fault surface. It exits kinds of trap types when six elementsarraies.People deeply know development regularity of overlap and unconformity trapwith sequence stratigraphy spring up. Zhangshanwen[31] refer that multi. type breakcontrol overlap and unconformity trap, base on researching sequence of Zhungaer basin, Bohaibay basin and Songliao basin in 2003. Lipilong[35-39] refer that tectonic and deposit control overlap and unconformity trap in 2003 and 2004. Tectonic movement cause basin up and down, formed large area exceed peel zone in edge of basin. It is benefit to form trap.Tectonic form nosing structures in basin. It is benefit to form traps, Deposit control reservoir and barrier layer forming. Yishiwei[42] propose that oil accumulation controlled three surface, lake extensive surface, unconformity surface and fault surface, according to Erlian basin, Jizhong depression overlap andinconformity reservoir characteristic. Overlap and unconformity reservoir distributionare controlled by truncation zone and overlap zone. Enriching is controlled by beneficial accumulating phase belt.(3)Oil and gas migration and accumulation mechanism of stratigraphic trapReservoir is resuk of oil and gas migrating and accumulating in long distance, due to stratigraphic trap far from hydracarbon source rock. It is controlled by migrating dynamic, passageway, path, distance and accumulation etc.Lipilong[35-39]refer that the most effective oil path is fault-sandfault-unconformity and fault-sand-unconformity compound transmit system for overlap and unconfortuity trap in 2003 and 2004.Lichunguang[44]refer that heavy crude is secondary gas/oil pool through unconformity path migrating and accumulating in unconformity accompany trap, based on researching feavy crude reservoir of Dongyingdepression in 1999. Zhangjiazhent and Wangyongshi[48]refer thatY'Lhezhuang reservoir mainly lie in 100m above old burial hill old layer reflect shaft in 2005. Capping formation and barrier formation control the accumulation of the area oil and gas. Better Capping formation and barrier formation, better oil accumulation Suifenggui[17]refers that it is key for stratigraphic trap accumulation that‘T-S’transmit system validity and ability consist of oil soures fault,sand and ubconformity in 2005 in Jiyang depression. Layer unconformity style affects the stratigraphy trap forming and oil and gas migration.Lvxiuxiang refer that migration in uncomformity is thin bed migration through oil migrating physical analog in 2000. Oil migrates along advantage path, but not unconformity surface.All in one, there are many researches and outcome about trap develop and oil/gas accumulation of land facies basin stratigraphy reservoir home and abroad. But trap forcast is difficult because stratigraphy lie in basin edge and changeable lithofacies.Accumulation regular known less than other type reservoir, especially how unconformity affect stratigraphic reservoir develop, accumulation process, model and distribution, because of long distance between trap and hydrocarbon ,complex migtation process.1.2.2 Developing tendencyOverlap and unconformity reservoir show more and more important position with development of un-anticlinal trap exploratory development and rising of degree of exploration of petroliferous basin.Survey showed that although large of reseach and probe,research of overlap and unconformity are limited at quality. But, the common understanding include following respects:(1)Evaluation of structure, carrier system and barrier abilityUnconformity is important to develop overlap and unconformitty barrier reservoir. Now research about unconformity focus on one angle. It is tendency that begins with contributing factor of unconformity, analysis structure, make definite forming characteristic, evaluate transmiting and barrier ability,analyze the relationship between unconformity and oil/gas reservoir. (2)Mayor controlling factors and developing regularity of overlap and unconformity reservoir.It is common understanding that key overlap and unconformity barrier trap formation in develop system in home and abroad. Based Oll many research, this type trap is controlled by reservoir, cap rock and crossrange barrier, especially their valid matching.However,there is not deep research on three elements on system and contributing because of exploration phase confinement.(3)Oil and gas migration mechanism and accumulation model of overlapped andstratigraphic reservoir.With long distance migration and accumulation, reservoir development relate toDynamic, fashion, path, distance, process, etc. Element. They limit the understandingabout oil migrating mechanism. It is tendency that based on quantification, combinating type dissect, establishing accumulating model, effectively guide unconformity reservoir exploration .1.3 Research content and technique route1.3.1 Research contentThe subject confh'm following three research contents in view of key problembased on research present and development tendency .(1)Characteristic and distribution ofunconformity architecturesBased on basin the evolution of basin structure and deposition, through structural geology and sedimentology, and combined lab analysis, geophysical interpretation and mathematical statistics, the geology characteristic of unconformity and mayor controlling factors were analysised to definite spatial distribution unconformity architectures .(2)Formation mechanism and accumulation model of stratigraphic reservoirBased on geology comprehensive research and mathematical statistics ofstatic-characteristic of stratigraphy reservoir and by analysis migration and accumulation.Process, the migration path, accumulation stage and accumulation dynamic mechanism were analyzed to evaluate unconformity affect on oil/gas accumulation in geological history .Based on above research, sum up stratigraphy reservoir accumulating mechanism of Paleogene-Neogene, establish accumulating model through positive and negative respects research .(3)Distribution paRem and predict of favorable area of stratigraphy reservoirAccording to accumulation process and model, sum up distribution of stratigraphy reservoir. Based on mathematics statistics and geology analysis, make definite main element and quantification token parameter of oilness altitude, probe quantification forcast model of oilness altitude of stratigraphy reservoir starting from oil/gas migrating and accumulation process .Based on research findings above, it mainly focus on forecasting of stratigraphicreservoir nearby unconformities between Paleogene—Neogene and pre—Paleogene, and between Neogene and Paleogene .1.3.2 Technique routeUsing for reference from outcome of predecessors, based on type characteristic and distribution of unconformity of Jiyang depression, keep layer unique feature and accumulation process dissecting loss trap analyze as key, make geology comprehensive research and mathematical statistics method, sum up accumulation process and model, sum up main element, establish quantification forcast model of trap oilness, evaluate benefit exploring area .Figl-1: Frame picture showing research technique route ofdistribution patternand formationof samigraphy reservoir in Paleogene and Neogene slratas in Jiyang depression济阳坳陷古近系一新近系地层油藏形成机制与分布规律摘要济阳坳陷古近系.新近系发育过程中,形成了多个规模不等的不整合,为地层油藏的发育提供了有利条件。

介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文

介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文

介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文In the realm of environmental and urban studies, Land Resource Management stands as a critical field that addresses the sustainable use, conservation, and development of land resources. This interdisciplinary area integrates knowledge from geography, urban planning, environmental science, and public policy to ensure that land is utilized efficiently and equitably.Students pursuing a degree in Land Resource Management are equipped with the skills to assess land use patterns, evaluate the impact of development projects, and formulate strategies for land conservation. They learn to use Geographic Information Systems (GIS) for mapping and analyzing spatial data, which is essential for making informed decisions about land allocation.The importance of this field cannot be overstated, as it directly influences the quality of life in communities by affecting factors such as housing, transportation, and green spaces. Professionals in Land Resource Managementplay a pivotal role in mitigating the effects of urban sprawl, preserving natural habitats, and promoting sustainable development practices.In conclusion, Land Resource Management is a vital discipline that addresses the complex challenges of balancing human needs with environmental stewardship. It is a field that requires a deep understanding of both the natural and built environments and the ability to applythis knowledge to create sustainable solutions for the future.土地资源管理专业是环境和城市研究领域中至关重要的一个分支,它关注土地资源的可持续利用、保护和开发。

土地资源管理公共房屋中英文对照外文翻译文献

土地资源管理公共房屋中英文对照外文翻译文献

中英文翻译1 外文文献译文香港公屋内部流动的影响1 简要介绍公共房屋是对房屋的成本相当大的补贴,但必须严格竞争用户之间的配给。

当配给时,资源可能不被分配到他们最有价值的用途,因为人们无法有效地传达他们的偏好强度。

例如,考虑两个完全相同的住房单位,另外有两个准住户分配。

在单位A的附近比单位B的附近位置较为理想,所以两个准租户愿意支付的保费为单位A的租金。

假设第一人也正好工作在同一街区的单位A的位置,他愿意支付更高的溢价A座给第二个准租户。

在一个开放的市场,将分配一个扁平的人,谁更值,即第一个准租户。

当租金补贴的水平和盖板固定在非市场手段进行分配,不过,这两个人都将会如实地揭示潜在租户他们更喜欢单位A而不是单位B。

没有行政手段来确定这两个哪个是更高价值为较理想的用户单位。

在实践中,住房补贴的分配,常常是补贴住房分配偏好的基础上辅以一些彩票陈述或排队机制。

本文的目的是研究香港在提供公共房屋的分配使用非价格方法所引起的低效率根据分配的非价格的方法吸引了来自资源配置不当,在经济大和行之有效的文献(例如Cheung, 1974; Weitzman,1977; Suen, 1989; Glaeser and Luttmer, 2003)。

当一个人是低于市场价格的分配,销售商须有良好的生产激励不足。

由此产生的不足,供应的补贴导致了良好的无谓损失。

公认的事实是,对于一般竞争价格补贴导致的价值损耗。

巴泽尔(1974)展示了如何通过社会平衡,可通过浪费分配给公共住房方面取得的,准租户可以答应他们的劳动供给决策,以免他们的收入超过了资格门槛,而现任租户可以选择留在自己的单位效率低下根据不断变化的情况,以免他们失去了宝贵的补贴。

然而,一个效率低下的第三个来源是,当个人无法表达自己的意愿通过自己的喜好来支付力度,分配非价格方法一般不分配稀缺资源,价值最高的用户。

如果一个单位价值港币10,000元,每月租金正在为港币2000元租来的,任何准租户的单位,其价值超过港币2000元将在其投标兴趣。

土地流转_外文文献__中英文对照

土地流转_外文文献__中英文对照

本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献、资料题目:The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification --An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province文献、资料来源:网络文献、资料发表(出版)日期:2000.8院(部):土地资源与城乡规划学院专业:土地资源管理班级:姓名:学号:指导教师:外文文献The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification--An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province CHEN BaifengSchool of Law, Zhongnan University of Economics and Law; Research Center for Rural China Governance, Huazhong University of Science and TechnologyAbstract:Peasants’ motivation and purpose for transferring land vary from time to time. Based on a survey of 10 villages in Jingshan county, Hunan province, this article finds that the specificforms of rural land transfer include active long-term transfer, passive long-term transfer and short-term transfer. Land transfer has an important impact on the stratification of the peasantry. Present institutional arrangements for land ignore the legitimate interests of migrant families and poor and weak villagers and therefore they hold different attitudes toward land tenure institutions than middle peasants do. Based on the conclusions of an empirical analysis, this article puts forward a series of policy recommendations aimed at protecting the land rights of poor and weak peasant households.Keywords: land transfer, stratum, peasant stratification, land tenure arrangement Land transfer is the focus of current debates on the institutional change of land. Many scholarshave conducted research on the forms, causes and implications of land transfer and havecome upwith measures and countermeasures to standardize the transfer of land. Special attention has beenpaid to the role of land transfer in agrarian restructuring, industrialization, moderate-scaleoperation, rural labor transfer and peasant income enhancement. However, such studies rarely involve land’s impact on changes in the hierarchical structure of current rural China. Chen Chengwen and Luo Zhongyong (2006) focus on dissecting the overall rural structure and examining the role of land transfer in reconstructing the rural social structure. Some scholars arguethat deregulating the transfer of land will lead to polarization among the peasantry (Wen Tiejun, 2008; Li Changping, 2008), but such an argument is merely a macrojudgment without factual support at the micro level. China is a huge country with uneven development in rural areas;peasant stratification is anything but a strange phenomenon. Therefore, we shall pay more attention to observing the stratification of the peasantry at the micro level.In classical Marxist theory, the institutional conditions of land are an important basis of class and stratification. In the 1930s, Chen Hansheng, et al, proceeded with an observation of the land tenure institutions and scientifically substantiated the feudal factor-driven class relations in rural China and the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of rural Chinese society. In times of revolution, Mao Zedong (1982, 1991) also singled out the institutional conditions of land as an important basis of class and stratification. He played a crucial role in understanding Chinese class conditions at that time and justifying the necessity of launching a land revolution. After land reform was launched in the People’s Republic of China, land no longer exerted a significant impact on rural class stratification and hence scholars discussed the rural class structure mainly based on occupational stratification (Lu Xueyi, 2002). After the agricultural tax was abolished, farming generated a handsome income for peasants and the impact of land transfer on rural social stratification and peasant stratification became increasingly pronounced. In September 2008, we 2conducted a survey of 10 villages in two township jurisdictions of Jingshan county, Hubei province. Based on the qualitative interview and quantitative statistics, this article attempts to discuss the impact of land transfer on the stratification of the peasantry.I. The complex reality of land transferAfter introducing the household contract responsibility system, the ruling Communist Party and government have enacted a series of policies aimed at permitting and encouraging the transfer of land use rights within the term of contract while stabilizing rural land contract relations. The central government has always intended to realize the transfer of land tenure rights according to law and on a voluntary and compensatory basis and to effectively protect the rights and interests of peasants. The reality is, however, very complicated. The motivation, purpose and method of rural land transfer vary from time to time. The actual conditions also vary across rural China. In Jingshan county,, land transfer has gone through three different stages:The first stage began in the 1980s. During this period, peasants transferred land before seeking jobs or doing business in cities. The transition to a market economy started early in Jingshan and as a result, land transfer took place earlier here than elsewhere in rural areas of central and westernChina.The second stage started in the late 1980s. At this stage, peasant burden became increasingly cumbersome. Many peasants were unable to bear the burden of the new levies and as a result, they had no alternative but to transfer or abandon their farmland and search for jobs in urban areas. The abandoned land was transferred under the stewardship of village collectives or committees. This was a prevalent phenomenon during the period from the 1990s until 2004, the year in which the agricultural tax was repealed.The third stage began in 2004. After abolishing the agricultural tax in 2004, the state no longer levied fees on peasants and instead offered them various subsidies. Farming gradually became lucrative and the once-abandoned land suddenly became sought-after. In addition, there were dramatic changes in the mode and state of land transfer. On one hand, peasants were less willing to transfer land, and the proportion of land transferred was in decline. On the other hand, some peasant households had to transfer their land because its size was too small to be profitable.In the face of different situations, peasants transferred their land in one of the three modes:1. Active long-term land transferActive long-term land transfer is when peasants choose to abandon contracted land in their home villages after settling down in urban areas, or actively seek to transfer the contracted land because they expect to settle down in urban areas. This form of land transfer existed from the 1980s onward and after the agricultural tax was repealed. Among the 60 villagers who transferred a large area of land in Caozhengong village, Jingshan county, 13 farmers transferred their land under this method. Six of the 13 farmers went to cities without their spouses or became non-farmers (private school teachers or temporary workers turned into full-time workers). The six villagers transferred their land in a foolproof way, and they now are living a decent life. The other seven villagers abandoned their land due to an optimistic judgment in their ability to work and live in urban areas. Six of those seven villagers are making a living in urban areas, and one of them returned to the countryside and bought a house and a plot of land in a village in an adjacent township. Among the six villagers settling down in urban areas, four villagers live an affluent life and two villagers are neither rich nor poor. Of the latter two villagers, one has bought a house with a tile roof in a town 3and makes a living by selling bean curd; the other makes a living by working in a barber shop.When a peasant household actively transfers its land for a long period of time, the transferee is naturally entitled to acquire the land for the mutually agreed-upon period of time.2. Passive long-term land transferPeasant burden became increasingly heavy from the late 1980s to 2003, when the reform of the tax and fee system was launched. Because grain prices were in decline and peasants lost money tilling the land, many of them transferred their land without little consideration. Sometimes the transferor even had to offer a subsidy of up to 300 yuan/mu to the transferee. Since taxes and fees were levied on land, abandoning land meant leaving taxes and fees up in the air, sograssroots-level governments forbade peasants from abandoning their land and forced them to pay taxes and fees even if their land was untilled. This is what Li Changping (2002) called “farmers have t o till their land against (their) will when they actually wish to abandon it.” In this situation, some peasant households transferred their houses and land together to non-native immigrants from mountainous areas; some peasant households tried every means to move their registered permanent residence elsewhere and even ended up becoming unregistered residents. Still more peasant households preferred to just leave their land behind and go work and do business elsewhere. Consequently, a vast expanse of land was abandoned in rural areas. Some villagers asked their neighbors to care for the land, but the land changed hands soon after or was abandoned anyway. When villagers abandoned their land and went to work elsewhere, the township and village governments could not expect to collect taxes and fees, and as a result had to transfer the abandoned land by every means.The modes of land transfer conceived at township and village levels include “one land plot per household” contract, low-price contract and change of l and use. “One land plot per household”contract means that in order to resolve land cultivation and irrigation issues, the village collective or committee reallocated land and concentrated the land contracted to each peasant household in one single plot of land to facilitate construction of small water conservancy facilities (He Xuefeng et al, 2003), thus making it more attractive for peasants to take over the contracted land. Low price contract occurred when the village collective or committee transferred the abandoned land at a price lower than the regular tax and fee burden. In this situation, village cadres often hold an attitude of “collecting a penny of tax and fee is better than collecting nothing.” Change of land use means changing the farmland use to attract villagers to contract it. For instance, hillside land canbe contracted to grow hybrid poplars; low-lying wetland can be used to dig a pond and raise fish. Under the orchestration of village collectives and with every endeavor of village cadres, the peasants who abandoned their land are able to transfer the land to those who are willing to acquire it.When the first-round land contract expired in 1997, the central government required each province to conduct a second round of land contracting. Peasants were not enthusiastic about thesecond-round contract because the farm tax and fee burden was too heavy and consequently, the cadres of many local areas, including those of Jingshan county, had no alternative but to make the second-round contract a mere formality. After the agricultural tax was repealed in 2004, farming became lucrative and many villagers returned home and asked for land, thereby unleashing a series of disagreements with the villagers who stayed in the farmland. The peasants who returned home were lawfully entitled to the farmland contracting rights, whereas the peasant households who stayed in the farmland had entered into contracts with village committees. The two parties4struggled in disagreement against each other, and the township and village cadres could not think of an effective way to overcome the impasse. In this situation, Hubei province issued Opinions on Improving the Second Round of Rural Land Contracting in November 2004 to “reconfirm land rights” in rural areas. This po licy document made it possible to solve land disputes through compromise by adopting flexible measures under the condition of preserving the current status of land tenure without breaking the law.In practice, Jingshan county government handled land disputes by confirming land rights based on the existing land tenure institutions but requiring large farm households to give up a small piece of land (2 mu) to peasant households who had abandoned their land before the agricultural tax was abolished. Disputes were very acute at that time, and township cadres stayed in villages to handle the land issues. Even so, there were still 29 groups of Cao township villagers lodging petitions in 2005. Today some villagers who have received confirmation of land rights from the government are still unable to get their land. In consequence, the villagers who did not promptly return home and ask for land in 2005 are forced to relinquish all of their land for a long period of time; those who promptly returned home and asked for land are also forced to relinquish a large proportion of land for a long period of time (2 mu of land per person or 10 mu per household in Jingshancounty). Among the 60 households in Gongcun village that transferred their land, 47 households fall under th is category. Now 24 of the 47 households have become “landless peasants” innon-suburban areas and three have become permanently “landless peasants” because they sold their house and land together to non-native immigrants, thus losing eligibility for confirmation of land rights. The other 23 households have received 2 mu of subsistence land. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through land transfer are unexpectedly entitled to long-term land contracting rights due to policy and circumstance change.3. Short-term land transferThis is a prevalent land transfer method adopted by peasant households due to their expectation on long-term land possession and a sense of insecurity for other methods of making a living. In the rural areas of Jingshan, short-term land transfer is currently adopted by most peasant households that acquired 2 mu of subsistence land through the confirmation of land rights in 2005. In Production Team 1 of Gongcun village, there are 18 peasant households with contracted land at the present time: Only 10 households till the land at home, while the other eight households have only 2 mu of farmland each. These families transferred their land for a short period of time and moved elsewhere to find employment. In Production Team 3 of the village, there are 25 peasant households, of which 12 households moved their families elsewhere. Now five of the 12 households have transferred their subsistence land under the short-term scheme, but the other seven households are without any subsistence land. Most of the peasant households that moved elsewhere had left their home villages before the agricultural tax was repealed and transferred land in a passive way. Now a large proportion of them have stronger demand for land and choose not to transfer it for a long period of time because they are likely to return home to the land in the future. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through short-term land transfer are thus entitled to short-term land contracting rights.II. Land tenure status and peasant stratificationThe foregoing analysis has revealed the existence of a number of different land transfer methods. This phenomenon is related to the policies concerning agriculture, rural areas and farmers in5different periods, and to the different conditions of peasants in different periods. In different periods and circumstances, peasants have adopted different land transfer methods. At present, landtransfer has a significant impact on the well-being of peasants. In Jingshan, the villages are under greater exposure or openness. Some leave home from time to time as a result of urbanization. Non-native villagers can settle down in the villages by acquiring land through land transfer. In this article, we will also analyze the stratification of the peasantry at the village level based on the detailed data about the economic and employment conditions of registered permanent residents in three villages. Roughly Jingshan peasants can be aggregated into five strata: migrant businessman stratum, peasant worker stratum, part-time peasant worker stratum, migrant family stratum and poor villager stratum, as shown in the table below:1. The migrant businessman stratumThis stratum refers to the upper stratum of peasants who have long been doing business elsewhere 6with almost no present dependence on rural land. They are completely dissociated with the villages in which they are registered as permanent residents. In the three villages, 10.4% of households fall under this stratum. On average, a migrant businessman earns an annual income of over RMB 30,000 and has a bank deposit of at least RMB 100,000. In Gongcun village, the two wealthiest businessmen should each have a bank deposit of RMB 1 million. Among the 15 migrantbusinessmen, 13 of them have houses in urban areas, six of them have bought or built houses in townships, and seven of them have bought houses in county towns or cities. In addition, some of them also keep houses in the village that are now solely the residence of elderly family members. Even though migrant businessmen are classified in the upper stratum of villagers, the vast majority of them have become “urbanized,” and the most successful businessmen can move to large cities. However, there are also a small number of businessmen who have met obstacles in the urbanization process and have returned to their home villages. Deng Deyi, a farmer in Gongcun village, went to Wuhan, capital of Hubei province, to sell rice in the 1990s but returned home in the face of tough business conditions. Returnees’ econ omic well-being is still in good condition because of money they earned and saved while working in urban areas. After the agricultural tax was abolished, the land interest structure has become more rigid, thus making it impossible for migrant businessmen to return to their home villages. Deng, 60, moved to a town to do business in the 1990s and cancelled his registered permanent residence in the village but failed to qualify forpermanent resident status in the town. At the time of “confirmation of land rights,” he failed to acquire any contracted land due to his lack of registered permanent residence. Now he earns a meager income and wishes to return to his home village but cannot because he has no land there. Generally speaking, most of the migrant businessmen in this stratum earn high income and do not care about land at all.2. The peasant worker stratumThe peasant worker derives the name from his/her dual identity of working partly as a peasant and partly as a worker. This stratum refers to the affluent stratum of villagers who till the land at home in farming seasons and work elsewhere in non-farming seasons. Peasant workers still have some dependence on rural land. In the three villages, 23.1% of peasant households fall under this stratum. On average, a peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 30,000, including RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 20,000 earned as a worker. The peasant worker status has been realized under the “incomplete family model”concocted by Lu Dewen (2008). Under the steady state of this model, young couples go together to work in urban areas, while the elderly stay home to care for children and continue to till the land. In Jingshan county, it is common for people over 70 years of age to till the land or help their children till the land. In a migrant working economy, working in cities is more important than tilling the land in the countryside. The gender-based division of labor characterized by “male breadwinner, female housewife” has now be come the inter-generation division of labor and relay characterized by “young breadwinner, elderly housewifery.” In fact, this has evolved into a new pattern of supplementing migrant work with farming activity. “Peasant workers give precedence tothe worke r side of the equation” because farming income is something that has long been taken for granted.3. The part-time peasant worker stratumThe part-time peasant worker stratum refers to the stratum of “middle peasants” who supplement farming income with income earned by working part-time in county seats and townships. Middle 7peasants are heavily dependent on rural land. Middle peasant is a benchmark on which villagers compete cosmetically with one another and try to “keep up with the Joneses,” and it also is a goalpursued by poor and weak peasant households. In the three villages, 46.4% of peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a part-time peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000-30,000, including over RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 10,000-20,000 earned as a worker. Those who fall under this stratum migrate frequently between urban and rural areas. Working in urban areas will not change their basic way of living but serves only as a means to making more money. Unlike peasant workers focusing on the migrant working economy, part-time peasant workers would rather concentrate on agricultural production and they are psychologically conservative. In their minds, they hope to expand land operation; in action, they shrink with cowardice. They intend to acquire short-term land tenure through short-term land transfer, but it is very difficult for them to acquire long-term land tenure through active long-term land transfer. During our survey interview, the part-time peasant workers were overtly envious of landlords who own 10-plus mu of land in adjacent villages and hoped to have more land themselves. Theoratically if they wished, they could become landlords by buying the houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities. In 2008, the total price of a two-story four-bedroom brick and concrete mixed structure house plus 9 mu of land was only RMB 21,000. Although the part-time peasant workers are financially able to buy the houses and land, few take concrete action to make their landlord dream come true. The houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities are often bought by non-native peasant households from mountainous areas. Part-time peasant workers are more inclined to acquire a small area of land (say, 1 or 2 mu) from a migrant family through short-term land transfer.4. The migrant family stratumThis migrant family stratum refers to the stratum of rural households that are mainly engaged in migrant employment and not dependent on rural land. They are like nomads, roaming outside of their home villages and returning once a year during Spring Festival. Some migrant families have even chosen to buy houses in urban areas; as a result, they are completely disengaged from the countryside and agriculture except for the fact they are still registered as permanent residents in their home villages. In the three villages, 10.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a migrant family usually has 2 mu of subsistence land acquired through confirmation of land rights in 2005, but some families are even deprived of subsistence land, making it neither realistic nor economy to till the land at home. More often than not, they choose to transfer the landand move their families elsewhere to find employment. On average, a migrant family earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000 by working in urban areas. Some peasant households may also choose to move their families elsewhere even though they have 10 mu of farmland. This happens when a better opportunity arises that allows them to earn an annual income of over RMB 20,000. Migrant families have special demand for land in the sense that they hope to reallocate and reacquire land through confirmation of land rights, then transfer it and continue to work in urban areas. Migrant families are usually peasant households that had abandoned the land before the agricultural tax was repealed. At that time, they passively transferred the land under thelong-term transfer scheme and became the “landless peasants” in non-suburban areas. They are full of anxiety over the future because no matter how much money they earn, they still lack a sense of security. They are deeply worried about the loss of the ability to work and make a living when they get old or ill. They are an underprivileged group in the villages. As they have been8working away from home year in and year out, it is very difficult for them to effectively express their interests in and opinions of land. When the “confirmation of land rights” was conducted in 2005, they rushed back to their home villages to claim land title but ended up being easily defeated one by one and eventually acquired only 2 mu of subsistence land.5. The poor villager stratumThe poor and weak peasant stratum is the bottom stratum in the village. This stratum is subdivided into two subclasses: 1) peasant households that become impoverished due to illness; 2) peasant households that have a small piece of land but cannot work away from home. These two subclasses are the poorest peasant households in the villages. Poor and weak peasants are mainly engaged in agricultural production and heavily dependent on farmland. They cannot work away from home due to a shortage of hands. Poor and weak peasants fall under the “poor peasant”stratum in the villages. The part-time peasant worker stratum serves as a yardstick of comparison and a goal of pursuit for poor and weak peasants. In the three villages, 8.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. A peasant who becomes impoverished due to illness can still earn an annual income of up to RMB 10,000 if he has 10-plus mu of land, and he will not be the poorest person in the village. If he does not have a large piece of farmland, however, he likely will become the poorest person in the village. Peasant households with 2 mu of subsistence land willbecome poor if they are unable to work away from home due to conditional constraints or to earn extra income by doing sideline business. Conditional constraints arise when there are children who need to be cared for or when the elderly are in poor health or deceased, thus making it impossible to maintain the peasant worker structure or part-time peasant worker structure under the “incomplete family” model. Gong Erping of Gongcun village fi ts neatly into this description. His wife died of cancer last year, and now he cultivates 5 mu of land while raising a child who is studying in a senior high school. During his interview, he said he is deeply worried about his poverty status but feels utterly hopeless as to how to escape poverty.Peasant strata may change as circumstances change. The economic pattern of the peasant worker stratum needs to be supported by the incomplete family model. In the absence of such support (say,the peasant’s parents lost land-tilling capacity), they would be no longer eligible for the part-time peasant worker stratum and may fall into the migrant family stratum. In the event of failing to maintain the peasant worker’s production method, the vast majority of the peasa nts will choose to move their families elsewhere, transfer their land and give up agricultural income except in special cases where there are children who need cared for.In the rural areas of Jingshan, the land tenure conditions have more important impacts on the stratification of the peasantry. While some peasants can enter urban areas through their own efforts,other peasants may fall into the poor villager stratum due to illness or other reasons. Generally speaking, land tenure conditions are closely related to the stratification of the peasantry. Some peasant households may willingly relinquish their land titles after making a rational consideration. However, the current land tenure conditions are caused by policy factors such as the imposition of agricultural tax and fee burden, the abolition of the agricultural tax and the confirmation of land rights. The land tenure condition has to a large extent determined the stratum under which peasants fall. A peasant household that occupies more land can easily qualify for the peasant worker stratum or part-time peasant worker stratum and enter the middle stratum in the villages; a peasant household that occupies less land can only enter the migrant family stratum in thebest-case scenario and may even fall into the poor villager stratum in the worst-case scenario.9。

地质毕业论文英文翻译

地质毕业论文英文翻译

翻译部分英文原文:中文译文Austar煤矿长臂式崩落采矿法的地质问题Adrian Moodie1 and James Anderson摘要:难控制的岩层、深层开采和高粘结度煤层是Austar矿的难题。

综采工作面条件差,循环载荷,沉重的挡板巷道和保持在<5.2米巷道的稳定,更不用说需要一个8.5米的巷道安装面,这些一直是管理所关注的问题。

LTCC 对解决一部分难题有很好的效果,但也引发了其他岩土岩土方面的考虑。

这些附加的岩土工程问题在LTCC的操作过程中,不仅需要控制,而且在评估新的Austar的煤矿或者在澳大利亚或者全球可用LTCC开采的能源都需要考虑。

关键词:长臂法开采, austar ,澳大利亚,兖矿集团背景2006年9月Austar开始在A1盘区使用LTCC开采。

从那以后LTCC工作面宽度从147m扩张到216m,并且最终扩张到227m,并且迄今以提交并完善运用到其他盘区。

LTCC在A1、A2,A3的运用和现在A4盘区的运用非常成功,无论从煤炭资源采后处理的角度,还是从煤矿自燃和岩层控制都有良好的作用。

本文重点介绍了LTCC在澳思达煤矿应用时的地质问题,并且也提出了在煤矿岩层控制中的一些进展。

地点:图1 - 澳思达煤矿所在地Austar煤业(奥星),是兖煤澳大利亚有限公司(兖煤)的子公司,经营Austar煤矿,地下煤矿位于下猎人谷,新州约8公里以南的塞斯诺克(参见图1)。

该矿是前Ellalong, Pelton, Cessnock No.1 和 Bellbird South Collieries合并重组而来。

位于南方Maitland煤田。

这些煤矿的开采运输由Austar集团处理。

历史地下开采开始于1916年在Pelton Colliery直到1992年仍在继续。

Kalingo Colliery在1921年开采作为一个地下矿井并且于1961年停止使用。

在上世纪60年代末期Kalingo煤矿被Pelton Colliery煤矿整合。

略论土地资源:英文翻译与译文

略论土地资源:英文翻译与译文

基于地理信息系统的元胞自动机对城市土地开发与土地利用变化的模拟——吴太初洪博义一、引言土地利用变化可以被视为是将某种土地的利用的方式转变为另一种利用方式,例如将农业用地转化为住宅用地;也可以被视为一块暂时,没有被开发的用地开始被开发。

然而,土地并不会自己变化发展,所以土地利用变化的决策依赖于土地开发者的选择。

除了社会经济和政治因素之外,相邻的土地使用模式也将影响土地开发者的决策行为。

近年来,由于计算机科学的快速发展,基于GIS 数据的元胞自动机开始广泛的应用于对城市土地利用变化的过程的模拟。

本文以决策行为者之间的关系及土地利用变化为基础,通过收集土地利用的GIS数据、土地价格、人口、城市规划等信息,将他们转化成50乘50平方米的网格,然后再利用元胞自动机的NETLogo功能模拟台南市的土地利用变化。

实证研究领域是在台湾的台南市第五时期重组的领域。

其研究期间为1989年到2016年,土地利用变化模型的估计期限是1989年到2006年,预测期间为2007年到2016年。

本文的结构如下所述:下一章描述了本项研究所使用的方法,第三章是对变量和数据处理的描述,第四章是对土地开发概率逻辑模型的预测,第五章是对土地利用变化的模拟,最后第六章是本文的结论。

二、方法A.研究领域。

此研究领域坐落于台湾的台南市第五时期重组的领域,面积约631.49公顷。

该地区原本是钓鱼场,1979年,台南市政府对该地区的城市土地利用计划进行了审查,并计划将该地区作为重组区域进行开发。

B.土地利用开发估算模型的概率。

本文假设土地利用变化是否取决于土地开发者的决策。

土地开发者对土地发展的决策行为取决于土地开发的概率。

本文将土地开发可能的模型视为逻辑回归的概率模型。

当概率值超过土地开发的阈值时,开发商将会选择开发土地。

反之则选择不开发土地。

C.土地利用转换的规则。

利用CA进行模拟时,土地利用转换规则主要取决于土地开发的可能性和相邻土地的状况。

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本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献、资料题目: Rural and Urba n Land Developme ntand Land Tenure Systems: A Comparis onbetwee n South Africa and Botswa na文、资料来源: 网络献、文献、资料发表(出版)日期:2000.8院(部): 管理工程学院专业:土地资源管理班级:姓名:学号:指导教师:翻译日期:外文文献:RURAL AND URBAN LAND DEVELOPMENT AND LANDTENURE SYSTEMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICAAND BOTSWANASusa n Bouillo nLegal Advisor: City Coun cil of PretoriaINTRODUCTIONFran kli n D. Roosevelt once said that Every pers on who inv ests in land n ear a grow ing city, adopts the suresta nd safest method of beco ming in depe ndent, for land is the basis of wealth. The purpose of this paperis to discuss the rural and urba n land developme nt and land tenure systems of South Africa and Botswa na, and to explai n their con tributi ons to urba n sustai nability.DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN BOTSWANABotswa na is located at the centre of the South Africa n plateau, and is bordered by South Africa on the south and southeast, Zimbabwe on the northeast and Namibia on the west and northwest. Approximately 23% of the population is in urban areas and 77% in rural areas. Botswana has a rich tribal culture, and therefore it is not surprising that the Botswana legal system con sists of local tribal courts, which adjudicate traditi onal matters and Tribal Land Boards, which rule on land use matters in tribal la nds and traditi onal villages. Town Coun cils rule on land use matters in urba n areas.The government of Botswana has adopted a system of development planning which has coped relatively well compared with other Africa n coun tries. Developme nt pla nning invo Ives the preparati on of land use pla ns for both urba n and rural areas. The practice in Botswa na is that the public is made aware of the implicati ons of land use pla ns before land is zoned for various uses. Public aware nessa nd participati on is en sured by giving land users an opport unity to select preferred land use opti ons from a range of opti ons determ ined through the evaluati on of physical and econo mic suitability of land resources (bottom-up approach).PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN BOTSWANAIt is the policy of the Gover nment that all citize ns should have easy and equal access to land. In order to realize this, three land tenure systems have bee n put in place. Tribal la nd covers 71% of the total la nd area of the coun try. It is allocated to citize ns free of charge for all types of uses. State land is owned bythe state and comprises 23% of the total area. Most of this land is used as National Parks, or Forest and Game Reserves within which no settlements are permitted. However, a small percentageof this land is allocated for residential purposes, particularly in urba n cen ters. Freehold land comprises only 6% of the total area and is privately own ed. Most of the gover nment policies to date are therefore directed at tribal la nd.RURAL LANDPrior to independence, Botswana had established traditional ways of allocating and man agi ng tribal la nd and its resources through chiefs and com mun ities. Soon after in depe nden ce, the authority to allocate tribal la nd was shifted from the chiefs to the Tribal Land Boards which were established by the Tribal Land Act, but the man ageme nt of the resources rema ins the responsibility of the users and their communities. According to this act, almost 71% of the available land is adm ini stered as tribal la nd accord ing to an in tegrated system of customary land tenure. Although the ten urial rules for tribal la nd have bee n cha nged con siderably by this act, it is con sidered a very inno vative way to comb ine in dividual la nd tenure security with tribal la nd-use.The Land Boards were established for a specified tribal territory, and took over the administrative functions from chiefs and other tribal authorities. Title of the land vested in the Land Boards. The Land Boards were in itially en titled to make customary and com mon law gran ts, for residential, grazing or cultivation purposes, to members of the different tribes living in the specified territories only, but since 1993 any citizen of Botswana is entitled to apply for these rights. Land Boards maintain their own record or registrati on system and rights are not registered in the cen tral deeds registrati on system of Botswa na, appare ntly to keep them more affordable. The Land Boards are en titled to issue certificates of customary grants or certificates of occupati on. Provisi on has bee n made for the conv ersi on of these certificates into titles registrable in the deeds registry once dema nd arises to deal with these certificates in the commercial le nding market. Any cha nge in right-holder must be reported to the land board in order to mai ntai n the accuracy of the record system of the land board. Shelter provision in rural areas has been on individuals in itiatives. The most importa nt prerequisite for hous ing developme nt, which is access to land, has not really bee n a disturb ing issue due to the fact that all male and female citize ns are allocated tribal la nd for free, but in an effort to facilitate shelter provisi on in rural areas, the gover nment intends to in troduce a rural hous ing programme.Land use pla nning is not a new phe nomenon in Botswa na. Past experie ncesa nd records in dicate that the traditi onal chiefs who had authority on land have always done some form of land use pla nning. Formal la nd usepla nning in Botswa na started with the impleme ntati on of the Tribal Grazi ng Land Policy in 1975, whe n some areas were zoned for wildlife use, others became reserved areas, while other areas continued to be for communal use. This policy enabled in dividuals or groups to have exclusive use of land in areas zoned for such use. These rights are perma nent, exclusi onary and in heritable. They may on ly be revoked by the land board in circumsta nces where the right-holder fails to utilize the land on terms specified by the land board, or fails to develop the land accord ing to the specified purposes with in five years or where the land was not distributed fairly .In these in sta nces, the land does not revert to the gover nment but is reallocated by the land board to other applica nts. This policy was therefore a major programme through which rural developme nt was to be achieved.The districts up to now continue to prepare and update their respective in tegrated land use pla ns. In the preparatio n of such pla ns the com mun ities have major in puts with regard to the various land uses. This is in realizati on of the fact that to have an impleme ntable and susta in able land use pla n, the com mun ities should be the ones who decide the uses on a particular type of Ian d. It should be no ted, however, that not all districts have such pla ns.URBAN LANDAn urba n centre in Botswa na is defi ned as All settleme nts on state land and settleme nts on tribal land with a population of 5000 or more persons with at least 75% of the labor force in non-agricultural occupati ons. Gen erally, an urba n centre should be see n to provide its populati on with in fra-structural and en vir onmen tal services similar to that which exists in a moder n city. Rural-urba n migrati on has played an importa ntrole in the growth of urba n areas. Several urba n developme nt policies have bee n evolved over the years to guide the growth and developme nt of the urban areas. Due to the fact that a large part of the people of Botswana are living in rural areas, most of the developme nt is aimed at the rural areas, but a few programmes were in troduced in order to better the circumstances of those living in urban areas. The Self Help Housing Programme was in troduced to assist the low in come urba n households to develop their own houses. Un der this scheme, the Gover nment provides basic services such as roadswater sta nd pipes, and a pit-latri ne to each plot. Plot holders were give n ten urial security through a Certificate of Rights. This programme has also been used in upgrading the squatter settlements which existed prior to its in ceptio n.Shortage of serviced land has been identified as one of the major constraints to urban housing development. Therefore a major land servicing programme, the Accelerated Land Servici ng Programme, was in troduced. The objective of the programme was to service land for all uses, such as reside ntial, commercial and in dustrial, in all urba n areas. A Hous ing Departme nt has bee n established, which is charged with the resp on sibility of promoti ng hous ing developme nt and improvement through policy initiatives that create an enabling environment for shelter provisi on.The Town and Country Planning Act, which is the main legislation guiding physical pla nning in Botswa na, makes provisi ons for an orderly and progressive developme nt and con trol of land in both urba n and rural areas. The Urba n Developme nt Stan dards and the Developme nt Con trol Code also facilitate the orderly pla nning of settleme nts. Sustai nable urba n developme nt depends on the availability of clean water supply and provision of infrastructure for sanitation and waste management. An integrated approach in the provision of environmentally sound in frastructures in huma n settleme nts is see n as an in vestme nt that fosters susta in able developme nt and that can improve the quality of life, in crease productivity, improve health, and reduce poverty.Although the con cept of susta in able developme nt gained prominence on the intern ati onal sce ne only a few years back, it has been one of the objectives of development planning in Botswana since independence in 1966. The term has appeared as an objective in all the subsequent development plans, but its meaning has been expanded to reflect the changing development realities over the years.LAND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAThe shape and form of the cities in South Africa are the result of conscious apartheid pla nning in the past. Whe n South Africa?s first democratically elected gover nment came in to power in 1994, it in herited the fragme nted, un equal and in cohere nt pla nning systems which developed under apartheid. During apartheid, land development planning in the then four provinces, ten homelands and the ,group area?racial zones, fell under many different laws, ordinan ces, procedures and regulati ons. There was a lack of coord in ati on, an un equal distributi on of resources and a lot of ,red tape? which slowed dow n developme nt projects.A Nati onal Developme nt and Pla nning Commissio n were appo in ted to advise the Min ister of Land Affairs and the Mini ster of Hous ing on pla nning and developme nt. Among other thin gs, the Commissio n was requested to prepare a Gree n Paper on pla nning which would review and recomme nd cha nges to the apartheid legislatio n and process of land developme nt in South Africa. The Commissi on decided to focus on the spatial pla nning system for urba n and rural developme nt. A land development policy, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), a comprehensive and sectorally-based socio-economic policy framework that established the developmental foundations for the removal of apartheid and the building of a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist future, wasadopted. This policy is based upon in tegrated developme nt pla nning, a process which aims to maximize the impact of scarce resources and limited capacity. The prime purpose of this policy was to establish procedures to facilitate the release of appropriate public land for affordable housing, public services and productive as well as recreatio nal purposes .In settleme nts which have bee n established in remote locati ons, without formal pla nnin g, la nd developme nt invo Ives upgrad ing services and in frastructur^n situ.Pla nning in South Africa in the past and at prese nt is done accord ing to the Town Pla nning Ordinancesof the various provinces. Although mechanisms for forward planning have long existed, the tow n pla nning scheme, which was established in terms of the Ordi nan ces, is at the heart of the tow n pla nning system. While this system was strictly en forced in most white, I ndia n and colored areas, on ly simplified vers ions were later in troduced to urba n tow nships, further complicat ing the land admi nistrati on system. As a result hereof South Africa n settleme nts in both urba n and rural areas were gen erally in efficie nt, fragme nted and inconvenien t. I n large part, this is the result of the in terplay betwee n historical spatial pla nning policies and practices and the impleme ntatio n of the ideology of apartheid. Despite this, there are few sig ns that sig nifica nt and wide reach ing improveme nts have bee n set in place since 1994. ThC on stituti on of South Africa has a bearing on the planning system in those new constitutional requirements such as cooperative governance, procedural and participatory rights to ensure accountability for decision-making, the promotion of social and economic rights and the protection of the environment create imperatives that profoundly affect planning. In the planning sphere, legislatio n has shifted, with the pass ing of the Developme nt Facilitati on Act, which was the first n ati onal pla nning legislatio n promulgated after the first democratic electio ns in 1994, from being con trol-orie ntated towards being no rmatively-based. It was passed to beg in the process of tran sformi ng pla nning to meet the n eeds of the new democracy.The Development Facilitation Act introduces the concept of land development objectives. These are plans approved by political decision-makers that set their objectives and targets for developme nt of an area. Thela nd developme nt objectives? inten ti ons are to create a ear spatial framework for the area and to create a proactive rather tha n a reactive pla nning system .In terms of the Local Gover nment Tran siti on Second Ame ndme nt Acrtnun icipal authorities are required to create integrated development plans. An integrated development plan is a plan aimed at the in tegrated developme nt and man ageme nt of the area of jurisdicti on of the muni cipality concern ed, and which has been compiled having regard to the general principles contained in the Developme nt Facilitatio n Act. A com mon inten ti on of both in tegrated developme nt pla ns and land development objectives is to tie public age ncy pla ns to budgets. I n draw ing up both land developme nt objectives andin tegrated developme nt pla ns, local authorities are required to try to achieve the intentions of the Development Facilitation Act principles. A land development applicatio n may not be approved if such applicati on is incon siste nt with any land developme nt objective or integrated development plan, although land owners and developers may make proposals to cha nge land use if they can motivate that the cha nge would be con siste nt with both in tegrated developme nt pla ns and land developme nt objectives and thDevelopme nt Facilitati on Act prin ciples. The onus of resp on sibility to dem on strate this is on the developer.PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN SOUTH AFRICALand tenure in post-apartheid South Africa is a conten tious issue and has long bee n a source of conflict. As is the case in many tran siti onal political situati ons, there are also differe nces of opinion regarding the role and definition of ownership and other rights in property. The Con stituti on of South Africa provides in secti on 25(1) for the ack no wledgeme nt of differe nt rights in property. It is clear that not only own ership, but also other rights in immovable property are recog ni zed and protected. In terms of secti on25(6) the state has the obligati on to secure by means of legislati on, other forms of land tenure which are in secure as a result of the apartheid legislati on and policies.In order to rectify the in justices of the past, the Departme nt of Land Affairs started with a programmeof land reform by means of restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. This programme resulted in the follow ing acts being promulgated: the Restituti on of Land Rights Act (regard ing the restituti on of land to pers ons dispossessed of land after 1913 as a result of racially discriminatory legislation), the Development Facilitation Act (regarding quicker and cheaper planning and development methods), the Land Reform (Labor Tenants) Act (regarding the security of housing, grazing and cultivating rights of labor tenants), the Communal Property Associations Act (regarding the creation of associations to own, control and deal with com mun al/com mon property), the In terim Protectio n of In formal Land Rights Act (regard ing the interim protection of the rights of people in rural areas), the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (regard ing the protecti on of laborers other tha n labor tenants in rural areas) and thPreve nti on of Illegal Evictio n from and Un lawful Occupati on of Land Act (regard ing the measures to protect vuln erable occupiers and evict squatters).The vision and strategy for South Africa's land policy, a policy that is just, builds recon ciliatio n and stability and con tributes to econo mic growth, is set out in the White Paper on South African Land Policy. The government's land reform programme is made up of land restituti on( which invo Ives returni ng land lost since1913 because of racially discrimi natory laws, or compe nsat ing victims for loss of land due to raciallydiscrimi natory laws), la nd redistributio n (makes it possible for poor and disadvantaged people to buy land with the help of a Settleme nt/La nd Acquisiti on Grant) and land tenure reform (it aims to bring all people occupy ing land un der a un itary, legally validated system of Ian dholdi ng.) This programme will devise secure forms of land tenure, help resolve tenure disputes and provide alter natives for people who are displaced in the process. In the long run, as part of the land tenure reform programme, gover nment is committed to the tran sfer of the land, which is in the nominal own ership of the state, to its real own ers. The White Paper emphasizesthe importa nee of local participatio n in decision-making, gender equity, economic viability, and environmental sustainability in the implementation of the land reform programmes. This White Paper is not only focusing on the urba n areas but also on the rural areas.The deeds registrati on system in South Africa differs from the Botswa na system. It has only one deeds registration system, and this system does not provide for the registration of all the differe nt la nd tenure rights that are statutorily recog ni zed. A large part of the populati on, no tably people in in formal settleme nts and in rural areas where a system of com munal property still prevails, is excluded from the deeds registrati on system .In the White Paper on South Africa n Land Policy a part of the land policy has been set aside for development of the registration system to make the registrati on of in formal la nd rights in urba n and rural areas possible.Whilst exist ing gover nment policy provides a great range of in puts for pla nning and developme nt, the White Paper on Local Gover nment is critical as it places muni cipalities at the centre of pla nning for better huma n settleme nts. The new mun icipal pla nning system is foun ded on the concept of “ developmenta l ocal government ” It emphasizes integrated development planning as a tool for realizing the vision of developmental local government. The Urban Development Framework published by the Department of Housing, examines the current dilemmas and realities facing South Africa?s urban areas, whilst the Rural Development Framework describes how gover nment aims to achieve a rapid and susta in able reduct ion in absolute rural poverty.CONCLUSIONPhysical planners use the term land development to describe the process of identifying, acquiring and releasing land and resources for development. The aim of development is to attempt to overcome the problems in our cities. Pla nning aims to cha nge our cities from being separate and sprawli ng into in tegrated, compact cities.Since the time of ancient civilizati ons, cities have bee n the powerhouses of econo mic growth and the cen tres of tech no logical and scie ntific adva nceme nt. Cities have always acted as magn ets attracting people in search of a better life. Rapid urbanization is, however, threatening the environment, human health and the productive capacity of cities. The most pressing problems facing cities and tow ns, mainly in the develop ing world is un employme nt, crime, the health impact of in adequate services, polluti on, in adequate shelter and overcrowd ing. As is the case in other coun tries, the cities in South Africa and Botswa na are un susta in able in terms of the massive con sumpti on of resources and the requireme nt of large qua ntities of water, food, en ergy and raw materials.As seen above, most of the land in Botswana is used as tribal land, resulting in a small perce ntage of land directed for urba n usage. In con trast with Botswa na, a very large part of the land in South Africa is being used for urba n purposes. Tribal la nd does not play the same role in South Africa as it does in Botswana. Although the South African Constitution gives some recog niti on to the role of traditi on al leadership, the lack of accuracy about the n ature and scale of its invo Iveme nt rema ins a problem. This has led to sig nifica nt un certa in ty, con fusi on and eve n con test over the decisi on-mak ing powers of these authorities in developme nt processes. Leaders in traditi onal and tribal areas have had powers to allocate resources in rural and in formal com mun ities, and have also played an admi nistrati on role in respect of land use matters. The new legislatio n in South Africa, however did not make provisi on for the traditi onal and tribal leaders in development planning. The recently published Municipal Structures Act recognizes that traditi on al leaders have a role to play in muni cipal gover nance and provides for their participatio n in local gover nment affairs.The land developme nt and tenure system in Botswa na differs from the developme nt system in South Africain that South Africa?s development planning system is aimed at the rectification of the injustices of the past, while Botswa na?s system is aimed at the allocatio n of tribal la nd to the inhabitants. Nonetheless, Botswana is constrained by under developed human resources. There is a shortage of skilled and productive man power toquickly absorb and diffuse new tech no logy that comes from foreig n direct in vestme nts.Public participation only recently became part of planning law in South Africa, while the same practice was impleme nted in Botswa na decades ago. The practice in South Africa in cludes the no tificati on of all affected parties of an applicati on for land developme nt or land use cha nge by means of a letter distributed to the affected person(s), advertisements in the Government Gazette and two local n ewspapers as well as an advertiseme nt on the applicati on property. This ensures that there is adequatepublic participation in the decision-makingprocess. The South Africa n con text requires a particularly thoughtful and thorough type of public participatio n in land developme nt decisi on-mak in g. Illiteracy is widespread; many people are un familiar with the work ings of a land developme nt man ageme nt system and the admi nistrative processes in gen eral. This is particularly, although not exclusively, true in rural areas. Thus, special care has to be take n to en sure that all affected parties are fully in formed of the implicati ons of a proposed developme nt or land use cha nge, as well as in formed of their rights in the adjudicati on process.The developme nt of an area should not just meet the n eeds of today?s users, but aisietneeds of future gen erati ons. This means that resources must be used wisely so that they last, because our land is a precious resource. We build our homes on it; it feeds us; it susta ins ani mal and pla nt life and stores our water. It contains our min eral wealth and is an esse ntial resource for in vestme nt in our coun try's economy. Land does not only form the basis of our wealth, but also our security, pride and history.中文译文:农村及城市土地开发和土地所有权制度在南非和博茨瓦纳的比较介绍弗兰克林d罗斯福曾说过,每一个在正崛起的城市附近土地上投资的人都是在采用最可靠和最安全的方法使自己变得独立,因为土地是财富的基础。

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