布莱尔申奥演讲中英
英国首相布莱尔的演讲(3)
Hello and welcome to what I am sure will be the first of many direct broadcasts from the Downing Street website. I'm sitting here at my desk in Downing Street in front of my PC terminal, which I'm just getting to use after many years of not really wanting to come to terms with the new computer technology. I did a course. I'm coming to terms with it. I'm using the new PC terminal and it really brings me to reflect upon what I wanted to say to you this week, which is of course the importance of education and skills-the importance of education and skills for everyone including adults but most particularly for our children. My children, like others, are having to learn the new technology. They have to become expert at it and they are going to be leaving school and going to work in a world in which skill and talent and ability is not just their route to personal fulfilment, it is their route to prosperity. They will need those skills and talents if they have got any chance of succeeding. And the country needs them to be highly skilled as well.In Britain, we've always been excellent at educating an elite well. The top 20 per cent have always been pretty well educated. But for the majority, the standards just haven't been high enough. We've had a poverty of ambition and aspiration which has meant that large numbers of people leave school either without qualifications or without nearly the qualifications they need. Our vision for the education system is really like this. We need education throughout life. Everyone understands that.It has to begin at a young age so the first stage is nursery education for the four year olds and three year olds. And we're pretty well on the way to achieving that. The four year olds have now got the chance of decent nursery education. We've doubled the numbers of three year olds who get the chances of nursery education and will extend that further over time.Then after that, at the second stage, we need primary schools that really focus on the basics - getting literacy and numeracy right and I'll come back to that in a minute.And then the third stage is a comprehensive system. That isn't comprehensive in the sense of being so uniform that everyone gets the same type of teaching in the same way as if they were all of the same ability. But is comprehensive in the sense that everyone gets the chance of an equal opportunity dependent on their ability, to do the very best that they can.And the fourth stage is a university system where we're opening up access to more people and where we're building up really high class, high quality universities.So, going back to the primary school system, this week we had a report from OFSTED - which is the body that inspects all our schools and says how they're doing - we had a report which was good news in many ways and showed where we still have to improve.On the primary schools they've pointed out that, thanks to the reforms of the literacy and numeracy hour, then results of English and Maths for the test for 11 year olds had shot up to the best ever. And that's good news. It's a great tribute to the people and of course the teachers. And it's important in other ways too because what it meant was that we could see that the reforms introduced, which many people resisted at the time, have actually yielded good results, I think we're well on the way, with the reduction in infant class sizes and the new money that's going into primary school buildings to make our primary schools a place where kids can pretty much be guaranteed the very basics they need for later life education.What we've now got to do is turn our attention to the secondary schools. And here, in a sense, we've tolerated bad results and low expectations, particularly in some of the inner city comprehensives, for far too long. Now when I said we wanted a comprehensive system in which there was equal opportunity but where we didn't have a uniform system, what I meant by that was we need schools that all have strong headteachers, good discipline and ethos of hard work and learning, high quality motivated teachers, parents that get involved, good facilities - all these things are vital, and you can tell a good school the moment you walk through the door. Those things are, if you like, common to all good schools. But then we also need to recognise that children are of different abilities and we also need to recognise that schools can specialise in different types of subjects. So what we are now doing is, as well as trying to raise standards generally in the schools, developing specialist schools and, in fact by the year 2003, about a quarter of our secondary schools will be specialist schools. That means that they will specialise in science or languages or technology and they'll offer something particular, and a bit more in those specalties that wil attract children to the school they want to specialize in that way,but also raise the standards in the school generally.Along with all the other investment that we're putting in-with the changes in teachers' pay so that teachers can get an increase above the ordinary increase but related to standards of performance, along with the measures we're taking to train headteachers properly and to set up a new college of leadership for our schools where we're trying to develop the headteachers of the future - along with all these things, I think we will be able to build a secondary school system for the future that isn't abouteither returning to the old system where we divided kids up into successes and failures at the age of 11, but is getting away from, if you like, the 60s or 70s concept of the comprehensive school. So I think again there the OFSTED report said that we were making improvements. They said that the majority of schools were doing better than they were last year but we've got some way to go. And we've acknowledged that and I hope that the reforms that we're putting in place will help us get there. So, yes we've got a long way to go, but there's nothing more important in Britain than the sort of teenagers that emerge from our schools. And our aim has got to be that more and more of them get high quality, high class education that enables them to go into university or to develop their skills in a way that gives them the chance of fulfilling their own potential. And I think that's within our reach. We need the investment in our schools, but we need the reform and the modernisation too. So it's a long haul but this week's OFSTED report is important because it shows we can make a difference.I'm the first to say that we have to go even further. That education is my passion, the passion of this Government. We said it would be our number one priority. It is our number one priority. And I think we can say asa result of this report this week that, yes, there's much still to do buta lot has been achieved. Britain's schools are getting better step by step, and, as those reforms take root, and as people start to see the results of those reforms, then I think we can build the notion of high quality excellent education for all as the national purpose for Britain as we begin the 21st Century.。
布莱尔演讲：珍惜现在把握未来_演讲稿
布莱尔演讲：珍惜现在把握未来_演讲稿It is an honor to be here and say to the Yale College Class of 20xx: you did it; you came through; from all of us to you: congratulations.The issues you must wrestle with-the threat of climate change, food scarcity, and population growth, worldwide terror based on religion, the interdependence of world economy-my student generation would barely recognize. But the difference today is they are essentially global in nature.Your understand this. Yale has become a melting pot of culture, language and civilization. You are the global generation. So be global citizens.Each new generation finds the world they enter. But they fasion the world they leave. So: what do you inherit and what do you pass on?The history of humankind is marked by great events but written by great people.People like you.Given Yale’s record of achievement, perhaps by you.So to you as individuals, what wisdom, if any, have I learnt?First, in fact, keep learning. Always to be alive to the possibilities of the next experience, of thinking, doing and being.When Buddha was asked, near the end of his life, to describe his secret, he answered bluntly: “I’m awake”.So be awake.Understand conventional wisdom, but be prepared to change it.Feel as well as analyze; use you instinct alongside your reason. Calculate too much and you will miscalculate.Be prepared to fail as well as to succeed, realist it is failure not success that defines character.I spent years trying to be a politician failing at every attempt and nearly gave up. I know you’re thinking: I should have.Sir Paul McCartney reminded me that the first record company the Beatles approached rejected them as a band no-one would want to listen to.Be good to people on your way up because you never know if you will meet them again on your way down.Judge someone by how they treat those below them not those above them.Be a firm friend not a fair-weather friend. It is your friendships, including those friends you made here at Yale, at this time, that sustain and enrich the human spirit.A good test of a person is who turns up at their funeral and with what sincerity. Try not to sit the test too early, of course.Recently, I attended a funeral and the speaker said he would like to begin by reading a list of all those whose funerals he would rather have been attending, but the list was too long. It was a sweet compliment to our friend.Alternatively there was Spike Milligan, the quintessential English comic who when he was asked what he would like as the epitaph on his tombstone replied : “They should write: I told you l was ill.”There was a colleague of mine in the British Parliament who once asked another:” why do people take such an instant dislike to m e?” and got the reply:” Because it saves time.”So, when others think of you, let them think not with their lips but their hearts of a good friend and a gracious acquaintance.Above all, however, have a purpose in life. Life is not aboutliving but about striving. When you get up, get up motivated. Live with a perpetual sense of urgency. And make at least part of that purpose about something bigger than you.There are great careers. There are also great causes.Ht least let some of them into your Lives. Giving hefts the heart in a way that getting never can. Maybe it really was Oscar Wilde who said: “No one ever died, saying if only l had one more day at the office.”One small but shocking sentence: each year three million children die in Africa from preventable disease or conflict.The key word? Preventable.When all is said and done, there is usually more said than done.Be a doer not a commentator. Seek responsibility rather than shirk it. People often ask me about leadership, l say: leadership is about wanting the responsibility to be on your shoulders, not ignoring its weight but knowing someone has to carry it and, reaching out for that person to be you. Leaders are heat-seekers not heat-deflectors.And luck?You have all the luck you need. You are here, at Yale, and what-apart from the hats-could be better?You have something else: your parents.When you are your age, you can never imagine being our age. But believe me, when you’re our age we remember clearly being your age. That’s why I am so careful ab out young men and my daughter, “Don’t tell me what you’re thinking. I know what you’re thinking.”But as a parent let me tell you something about parents. Despite all rational impulses, despite all evidence to the contrary,despite what we think you do to us and what you think we do to you-and yes, it is often hell on both sides-the plain, unvarnished truth is we love you. Simply, profoundly, utterly.I remember, back in the mists of time, my Dad greeting me off the train at Durham railway station. I was a student at Oxford. Oxford and Cambridge are for Britain kind of like Yale and Harvard, only more so. It was a big deal. I had been away for my first year and was coming home.I stepped off the train. My hair was roughly the length of Rumpelstiltskin’s and unwashed. I had no shoes and no shirt. My jeans were torn-and this was in the days before this became a fashion item. Worst of all, we had just moved house. Mum had thrown out the sitting room drapes. I had retrieved them and made a sleeveless long coat with them.My Dad greeted me. There were all his friends at the station. Beside me, their kids looked paragons of responsibility.He saw the drapes, and visibly winced. They did kind of stand out. I took pity on him.“Dad”, I said. “There is good news. I don’t do drugs.”He looked me in the eye and said: “Son, the bad news is if you’re looking like this and you’re not doing drugs we’ve got a real problem.”Your parents look at you today with love. They know how hard it is to make the grade and they respect you for making it.And tomorrow as I know, as a parent of one of this class, as you receive your graduation, their hearts will beat with the nature rhythm of pride. Pride in what you have achieved. Pride in who you are.They will be nervous for you, as you stand on the threshold of a new adventure for they know the many obstacles that lieahead.But they will be confident that you can surmount them, for they know also the strength of character and of spirit that has taken you thus far.To my fellow parents: I say, let us rejoice and be glad together.To the Yale College Class of 20xx, I say: well done; and may blessings and good fortune be yours in the years to come.。
布莱尔演讲稿：《IDidWhatIThoughtWasRight我问心无愧》中英
布莱尔演讲稿：《I Did What I Thought Was Right我问心无愧》中英I Did What I Thought Was RightResignation Speech (May 10, 2007)Thank you very much, indeed.It’s a great privilege to be with you here again today and to thank all of you, too, for such a wonderful and warm welcome, especially Maureen and her friends, who gave me such a wonderful welcome. The only thing is theywhen I was coming in"Four more years,I was saying, "Maureen, that’s not our message for today."I’d just like to say, also, if I might, just a special word of thanks to John Burton. John has been my agent here for many years now. He’s still the best political adviser that I’ve got. He’sall the years I’ve known him, he’s been steadfast in his loyalty to me, to the Labour Party, and to the Sunderland Football Club, not necessarilyin that order. We won’t get into that.But, you know, it’s been my great good fortune at certain points in my life to meet exceptional people, and he is one very exceptional person.And also, if I may refer to another exceptional person, who’s my wife, friend and partner Cherie.And the children, of course, Euan and Nicky and Kathryn and Leo, who make me never forget my failings... but give me great love and support.So I’ve come back here to Sedgefield to my constituency, where my political journey began and where it’s fitting that it should end.Today I announce my decision to stand down from the leadership of the Labour Party. The party will now select a new leader. On the 27th of June, I will tender my resignation from the office of prime minister to the queen.I’ve been prime minister of this country for just over 10 years. In this job in the world of today, I think that’s long enough for me, but more especially for the country. And sometimes, the only way you conquer the pull of power is to set it down.It’s difficult in a way to know how to make this speech. There are obviously judgments to be made on my premiership, and in the end, that is for you the people to make.I can only describe what I think has been done over these last10 years and, perhaps more important, why I tried to do it. And I’ve never quite put it in this way before.I was born almost a decade after the Second World War. I wasa young man in the social revolution of the ‘60s and ‘70s. I reached political maturity as the Cold War was ending, and the world was going through a political and economic and technological revolution.And I looked at my own country: a great country, wonderful history, magnificent traditions, proud of its past, but strangely uncertain of its future, uncertain about the future, almostold-fashioned.And all that was curiously symbolized, you know, in the politics of the time. You had choices. You stood for individual aspiration and getting on in life or social compassion and helping others. You were liberal in your values or conservative. You believed in the power of the state or the efforts of the individual. Spending more money on the public realm was the answer or it was the problem.And none of it made sense to me. It was 20th-century ideology in a world approaching the new millennium.Of course, people want the best for themselves, and their families, but in an age where human capital is the nation’s greatest asset, they also know it’s just and sensible to extend opportunities to develop the potential to succeed for all our people, not just the elite at the top. And people today are open-minded about race and sexuality, they’re averse to prejudice, and yet deeply, rightly, conservative with a small c when it comes to good manners, respect for others, treating people courteously. They acknowledge the need for the state and the responsibility ofthe individual. And they know spending money on our public services matters. And they know it’s not enough: How they are run and organized matters, too.So 1997 was a moment for a new beginning, the sweeping away of all the detritus of the past. And expectations were so high. Too high, probably. Too high in a way for either of us.And now, in 2007, you could easily point to the challenges or the things that are wrong or the grievances that fester. But go back to 1997. Think backno, really think back.Think about your own living standards then in May 1997 and now. Visit your local school, any of them around here or anywhere in modern Britain. Ask when you last had to wait a year or more on a hospital waiting list or heard of pensioners freezing to death in the winter, unable to heat their homes.There is only one government since 1945 that can say all of the following: more jobs, fewer unemployed, better health and education results, lower crime, and economic growth in every quarter. Only one government: This one.But we don’t need statistics. There’s something bigger than what can be measured in waiting lists or GSCE results or the latest crime or jobs figures.Look at the British economy, at ease with globalization; London, the world’s financial center; visit our great cities in this country and compare them with 10 years ago. No country attracts overseas investment like we do.And think about the culture in Britain in the year 2007. I don’t just mean our arts that are thriving. I mean our values: the minimum wage, paid holidays as a right, amongst the best maternity leave and pay in Europe, equality for gay people.Or look at the debates that reverberate around the world today: the global movement to support Africa in its struggle against poverty, climate change, the fight against terrorism. Britain is not a follower today. Britain is a leader. It gets the essential characteristic of today’s world: It’s interdependence.This is a country that today for all its faults, for all the myriadof unresolved problems and fresh challenges, it is a country comfortable in the 21st century, at home in its own skin, able not just to be proud of its past, but also confident of its future.And I don’t think Northern Ireland would have been changed unless Britain had changed, or the Olympics won if we were still the Britain of 1997.And as for my own leadership, throughout these 10 years, where the predictable has competed with the utterly unpredicted, right at the outset, one thing was clear to me: Without the Labour Party allowing me to lead it, nothing could have ever been done.But I also knew my duty was to put the country first. That much was obvious to me when, just under 13 years ago, I became Labour’s leader.What I had to learn, however, as prime minister, was what putting the country first really meant.Decision-making is hard. You know, everyone always says in politics,"Listen to the people,and the trouble is, you find,they don’t always agree.And when you’re in opposition, you meet this group and they say,"Why can’t you do thisand you say, "It’s a really good question, thank you,and they go away and say, "It’s great; he really listened."And then you meet that other group, and they say, "Why can’t you do that and you say, "It’s a really good question, thank you,and they go away happy that you listened.In government, you have to give the answer; not an answer, the answer.And in time, you realize that putting the country first doesn’t mean doing the right thing according to conventional wisdom or the prevailing consensus or the latest snapshot of opinion. It means doing what you genuinely believe to be right; that your duty as prime minister is to act according to your conviction.And all of that can get contorted so that people think that you act according to some messianic zeal.Doubt, hesitation, reflection, consideration, reconsideration: These are all the good companions of proper decision-making. But the ultimate obligation is to decide.And sometimes the decisions are accepted quite quickly. Bank of England independence was one which, gave us our economic stability.Sometimes, like tuition fees or trying to break up old monolithic services, the changes are deeply controversial, hellish hard to do, but you can see you’re moving with the grain of change around the world.And sometimes, like with Europe, where I believe Britain should keep its position strong, you know you are fighting opinion, but you’re kind of content with doing so.And sometimes, as with the completely unexpected, you are alone with your own instinct.In Sierra Leone and to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, I tookthe decision to make our country one that intervened, that did not pass by or keep out of the thick of it.And then came the utterly unanticipated and dramatic September the 11th, 2001, and the death of 3,000 or more on the streets of New York. And I decided we should stand shoulder to shoulder with our oldest ally, and I did so out of belief. And so Afghanistan, and then Iraq, the latter, bitterly controversial.And removing Saddam and his sons from power, as with removing the Taliban, was over with relative ease, but the blowback since from global terrorism and those elements that support it has been fierce and unrelenting and costly. And for many, it simply isn’t and can’t be worth it.For me, I think we must see it through. They, the terrorists who threaten us here and around the world, will never give up if we give up. It is a test of will and belief, and we can’t fail it.So some things I knew I would be dealing with. Some I thought I might be, some never occurred to meor to youon that morning of the 2nd of May 1997 when I came into Downing Streetfor the first time.Great expectations, not fulfilled in every part for sure.Occasionally, people say, as I said earlier, "The expectations were too high. You should have lowered them.But to be frank, I would not have wanted it any other way. I was and remain, as a person and as a prime minister, an optimist. Politics may be the art of the possible, but at least in life give the impossible a go.So, of course, divisions are painted in the colors of the rainbow and the reality sketched in the duller tones of black and white and gray. But I ask you to accept one thing: Hand on heart, I did what I thought was right. I may... I may have been wrong. That’s your call. But believe one thing, if nothing else: I did what I thought was right for our country.And I came into office with high hopes for Britain’s future, and you know, I leave it with even higher hopes for Britain’s future. This is a country that can today be excited by the opportunities, not constantly fretful of the dangers.And people say to me, "It’s a tough job.Not really. A tough life is the life led by the young severely disabled children and their parents who visited me in Parliament the other week. Tough is the life my dad had, his whole career cut short at the age of 40 by a stroke.Actually, I’ve been very lucky and very blessed.And this country is a blessed nation. The British are special. The world knows it. In our innermost thoughts, we know it. This is the greatest nation on Earth.So it has been an honor to serve it.I give my thanks to you, the British people, for the times that I’ve succeed, and my apologies to you for the times I’ve fallen short. But good luck.我问心无愧[1]辞职演说(2007年5月10日)非常感谢诸位。
英国首相托尼布莱尔奥运演讲 英文版Tony Blair-olympic
Tony Blair:(In French)Mr President, IOC members, distinguished guests. I am sorry I can't be with you in person. My responsibility as host of the G8 summit, which starts today, means I must be back in the UK. It is the only reason I am not at your historic session. I was, however, honoured to meet many of you over the last few days, and delighted to renew old friendships.Last year I was privileged to attend the superb Olympic Games and Paralympic Games in Athens. And proud to be one of 20,000 Britons, the largest group of overseas spectators.Athens inspired me - and taught me much about the Olympic Movement. Our goal is to witness its power in London.(in English)It is a unique honour to act as Host City. I also understand it is an honour which comes with a great responsibility - and which requires the highest levels of co-operation with the IOC.My promise to you is that we will be your very best partners. All of us who have made guarantees to you are ready to deliver on them now. On security. On finance. On every single undertaking we have given. If you award London the Games, I pledge to you personally we will continue to give the highest level of support to Seb Coe and Keith Mills as they lead the Organising Committee, backed up by our Olympic Minister Tessa Jowell.My entire Government - and the main Opposition parties too - are united behind this bid. It has total political support. It is the nation's bid. It has excited people throughout the country. More than three million have already volunteered their support. And that support goes beyond our shores too. We were honoured to receive the endorsement of the most inspiring statesman of our age: Nelson Mandela. He said this: `I can't think of a better place than London to hold an event that unites the world. London will inspire young people around the world and ensure that the Olympic Games remain the dream for future generations'.Those words remind us that as leaders, in government or sport, we have a duty to reach beyond our own time and borders. To have a vision which serves those who come after us.Our vision is to see millions more young people - in Britain and across the world - participating in sport, and improving their lives as a result of that participation.And London has the power to make that happen. It is a city with a voice that talks to young people. And, with more than 1,000 foreign media correspondents based here, it is a city with a voice that is heard all around the world.It is that unique combination of strengths which London offers - a global platform for the Olympic message to young people. Not just for the 17 days of the competition, but for the years leading up to the Games, and beyond.。
英国首相布莱尔的演讲
标题英国首相布莱尔的演讲(1)Being Prime Minister is a difficult job but nothing's more difficult than being a parent.And there are fewer bigger worries when you are a parent than drugs. No matter how hard you try to bring your children up well, no matter how sensible and decent they are, we all of us worry.What if they fall in with wrong crowd? What if my kids get offered ecstasy at a party or a club? What if someone even offers them drugs at school?Heroin. Ecstasy. Crack. Cocaine.Lethal drugs with lethal consequences. Hard drugs that lead to addiction. Often after starting from so called softer drugs. These drugs ruin lives. They replace hope with despair, they tear families apart. They shatter communities.And they fuel, of course, we all know that, so much of our crime. It is estimated that at least half of all the property crime in this countryis linked in some way to drugs.And it isn't just inner-city housing estates which are prey to drugs.There's not a community, from here in the centre of London to the most remote parts of our countryside, which is free from it. Not a parent - rich or poor - that doesn't worry. Not a family that is immune to the threat.So not just as a Prime Minister, as a parent too, we want to support hard working families and make sure that we engage in a real battle to combat the scourge of drugs in our society.We all know there's no single, simple solution. What's needed is a raft of co-ordinated measures to tackle this modern menace.Choking off the supply of drugs. Catching and punishing drug dealers. Breaking the link between drugs and crime. Treating properly those hooked on drugs. Educating our children about the dangers.Giving families every possible support.New laws are the crucial first step.We're taking new powers to test criminals for drugs.Mandatory testing of all prisoners.New powers to ensure convicted drug offenders are referred for treatment.New seven year minimum sentences for drug dealers.But we have to do more. Because no matter how effectively the police, or courts or customs operate, they can't win this war on their own. We've all got to play our part.That's what's behind the successful Metropolitan Police Rat on a Rat phone-line here in London and the other Crime Stoppers campaigns that are engaging members of the public in this battle too.Just to give you a couple of examples, in one case a grandmother got suspicious about the people next door. From her call to the confidential number, the police were able to bust a。
英国首相布莱尔演讲(7)
英国首相布莱尔演讲（7）I want to talk today about a subject on which I've probably spent almost as much time as anything else since I became Prime Minister - the efforts to find a fair and lasting peace for Northern Ireland.I am also delighted that the Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern, who is sitting with me here in Downing Street, has agreed to join me on this week's webcast.It is, I suppose, a practical recognition of how closely our two Governments have worked together ever since the peace process started.Certainly I've worked more closely with the Taoiseach and spent far more time with him thanI have with any other Prime Minister as we try to play our part in delivering a peaceful andprosperous future for all the people of Northern Ireland.Of course, we are not there yet. But, on the second anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, it's important to remember the real progress that has been made.It's progress which has made a real and practical difference in many different ways already to the lives of the people of Northern Ireland.Yes, there are still unacceptable acts ofviolence but the overall level of violence is as low as many people can remember.For the first time in 30 years, there are no regular soldiers stationed on the streets of BelfastThe city, largely freed of the threat of violence and terrorism, is as vibrant as any in Europe.There's a real sense of optimism about Northern Ireland's economic prospects.And there's been progress, too, on human rights and tackling inequality and discrimination.Not for the first time, of course, in this process we have real problems to overcome. But weshould not forget what the progress made means to the people of Northern Ireland.And it's why, when people say that the Good Friday Agreement is over, they have got it badly wrong.For it's only through the full implementation of the Agreement that we can deliver the peace that people want.No-one from the very beginning of this process has put forward a realistic alternative. Theagreement remains the only show in town.And there's something else that strikes you when you spend time speaking to people in Northern Ireland as I did earlier this week.An antidote, in a way, to the widespread cynicism about politics in so many parts of the world.Across Northern Ireland and in both communities, there was a real welcome for the Executive and the Assembly, a real joy, a real sense of achievement and ownership.It was not just pride or the fact that people in Northern Ireland have more control over their own lives.They saw it as a symbol of the better future they want for themselves and their families.It was, I can assure you, with the greatest reluctance that we took the decision to suspend the Assembly and the Executive.But I can also promise you that we want to restore these institutions and implement the restof the Good Friday Agreement as quickly as possible. And I believe it can be done.It won't be easy. It will need patience and courage.The central questions - on government, on decommissioning - are clear. We are working flatout to find the answers.And I believe there remains a real commitment to find a solution becausewe've come too far to fail.After my discussions in Northern Ireland earlier this week, I believe the lasting peace which is the overwhelming desire of the people of Northern Ireland remains within our grasp.I can promise that we will keep working to ensure this opportunity for peace and prosperity - the best for a generation - is not wasted.It is now my pleasure to ask the Taoiseach, the Irish Prime Minister to address you.TaoiseachThank you very much Prime Minister.It's my pleasure and honour to join with you in this week's Webcast and to say a few words on this the second anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement - the most important Agreement that has happened and a historic achievement in relations between Britain and Ireland since the Treaty 80 years ago.I believe that we, during that week of two years ago, got the balance right and the institutions were working extremely well, responding to the real needs of real people. All sides were beginning to reach out to each other.Tragically therefore the institutions are in suspension. Above all else, the Prime Ministerand myself and all of the Parties are determined to put them back in place at the earliest possible date. It's our highest priority to do that. We believe that the institutions areworking for Loyalists and Republicans, for Unionists and Nationalists and can make NorthernIreland prosperous.The economic prosperity in the North is beginning to grow. Peace is at its strongest ever.Violence thankfully has practically stopped in all its respects. And if we can continue to renew our collective commitment to the Good Friday Agreement we can restore the institutions and bring forward the implementation of all the Agreements and all its aspects.I agree fully with the Prime Minister that on issues of human rights, on equality, of theimplementation of many parts of the Agreement, that it's worked extraordinarily well.We are seeing peaceful cooperation between communities. We are seeing greater cooperationNorth and South and in the period that the north south bodies were operating, we saw the prosperity of the islands moving forward.And what is true of our excellent economic relations holds good for cooperation in sportsand politics, in culture and social life.I am proud of the quality of the relationships between Ireland and Britain that's been builtup by Tony Blair and I over the last two years. And I wanted to publicly acknowledge the role which everybody plays to do that and particularly what the British Government have done.I believe that strong Anglo-Irish relations are a great source to our country and I am determined to make them stronger in every way moving forward. The relations between Ireland and Britain on the economic front have never been better. And the level of economic inter-dependence between us has never been greater.And for all of these reasons, and the fact that our people are now again travelling across the sea - an enormous part of tourism and an enormous part of investment, last year 3.4 million people visited Ireland from Britain, this new relationship which we have built up together can be completed and we can see the Good Friday Agreement in all its respects in an inclusive way with all of the parties working together successfully implemented.I look forward on the other side of the Easter break to continuing this work with the British Prime Minister and thank him for the enormous amount of involvement and commitmentand dedication he's given to it over the last three years.。
演讲稿 布莱尔演讲：联合国大会演讲稿
布莱尔演讲：联合国大会演讲稿以下是给大家整理的布莱尔演讲联合国大会演讲稿，希望能帮到你!布莱尔演讲联合国大会演讲稿Mr. President and Colleagues,The UN must come of age. It must become the visible and credible expression of the globalisation of politics. The modern world insists we are dependent on each other. We work with each other or we suffer in isolation.The principles of the UN have always had a moral force. Today they receive the sharper impulse of self-interest.The terrorist attacks in Britain on 7 July have their origins in an ideology born thousands of miles from our shores.The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons will never be halted outside of an international consensus to do so.Failed states, as we know to our cost, fail us all. The protection of the environment, the promotion of international trade: we can do nothing without effective action together.And when we look with revulsion, as we should, at the misery of the millions who die in Africa and elsewhere through preventable famine, disease and conflict, the urgency to act is driven not just by consciencebut by an inner sense that one day, if we refuse to act, we will reap a dire reward from our refusal.Whats more, humanity today is confident of its common values. Give people the chance and they always vote for freedom; always prefer tolerance to prejudice, will never willingly accept the suppression of human rights and governance by extremism.So the challenge is clear; the values clear; the self-interest in upholding them together also clear.What must now be clear is that the UN can be the instrument of achieving the global will of the people.It must give leadership on terrorism. There is not and never can be any justification, any excuse, any cause that accepts the random slaughter of th innocent. Wherever it happens, whoever is responsible, we stand united I condemnation.The United Nations must strengthen its policy against non-proliferation; in particular, how to allow nations to develop civil nuclear power but not nuclear weapons.The new Human Rights Council must earn the worlds respect not its contempt.The United Nations Peace-building Commission must become the means of renewing nations, where war and the collapse of proper systems of government have left them ravaged and their peopledesolate.For the first lime at this Summit we are agreed that states do not have the right to do what they will within their own borders, but that we, in the name of humanity, have a common duty to protect people where their own governments will not.Stalking this summit, like a spectre, are the Millennium Development goals.The struggle against global poverty will define our moral standing in the eyes of the future.The G8 in Scotland shows how we redeem it. I have heard people describe the outcomes of this Summit as modest, No summit requiring unanimity from 190 nations can be more than modest.But if we did what we have agreed on doubling aid, on opening up trade, on debt relief, on HI V/AIDS and malaria, on conflict prevention so that never again would the world stand by, helpless when genocide struck, our modesty would surprise.There would be more democracy, less oppression. More freedom, less terrorism. More growth, less poverty. The effect would be measured in the lives of millions of people who will never hear these speeches or read our statements.But it would be the proper vocation of political leadership; and the United Nations would live up to its name. So let us do it.内容仅供参考。
布莱尔讲话We Can Help China Embrace The Future
The Beijing Olympic Games were a powerful spectacle, stunning in sight and sound. But the moment that made the biggest impression on me came during an informal visit just before the Games to one of the new Chinese Internet companies, and in conversation with some of the younger Chinese entrepreneurs.These people, men and women, were smart, sharp, forthright, unafraid to express their views about China and its future. Above all, there was a confidence, an optimism, a lack of the cynical, and a presence of the spirit of get up and go, that reminded me greatly of the U.S. at its best and any country on its way forward.These people weren't living in fear, but looking forward in hope. And for all the millions still in poverty in China, for all the sweep of issues -- political, social and economic -- still to be addressed, that was the spirit of China during this festival of sport, and that is the spirit that will define its future.During my 10 years as British leader, I could see the accelerating pace of China's continued emergence as a major power. I gave speeches about China, I understood it analytically. But I did not feel it emotionally and therefore did not fully understand it politically.Since leaving office I have visited four times and will shortly return again. People ask what is the legacy of these Olympics for China? It is that they mark a new epoch -- an opening up of China that can never be reversed. It also means that ignorance and fear of China will steadily decline as the reality of modern China becomes more apparent.Power and influence is shifting to the East. In time will come India, too. Some see all this as a threat. I see it as an enormous opportunity. But we have to exercise a lot of imagination and eliminate any vestiges of historic arrogance.The volunteer force that staged the Games was interested, friendly and helpful. The whole feel of the city was a world away from the China I remember on my first visit 20 years ago. And the people are proud, really and honestly proud, of their country and its progress.No sensible Chinese person -- including the country's leadership -- doubts there remain issues of human rights and political and religious freedom to be resolved. But neither do the sensible people -- including the most Western-orientated Chinese -- doubt the huge change, for the better, there has been. China is on a journey. It is moving forward quickly. But it knows perfectly well the journey is not complete. Observers should illuminate the distance to go, by all means, but recognize the distance traveled.The Chinese leadership is understandably preoccupied with internal development. Beijing and Shanghai no more paint for you the complete picture of China than New York and Washington do of the U.S. Understanding the internal challenge is fundamental to understanding China, its politics and its psyche. We in Europe have roughly 5% of our population employed in agriculture. China has almost 60%. Over the coming years it willseek to move hundreds of millions of its people from a rural to an urban economy. Of course India will seek to do the same, and the scale of this transformation will create huge challenges and opportunities in the economy, the environment and politically.For China, this economic and social transformation has to come with political stability. It is in all our interests that it does. The policy of One China is not a piece of indulgent nationalism. It is an existential issue if China is to hold together in a peaceful and stable manner as it modernizes. This is why Tibet is not simply a religious issue for China but a profoundly political one -- Tibet being roughly a quarter of China's land mass albeit with a small population.********So we should continue to engage in a dialogue over the issues that rightly concern people, but we should conduct it with at least some sensitivity to the way China sees them.This means that the West needs a strong partnership with China, one that goes deep, not just economically but politically and culturally. The truth is that nothing in the 21st century will work well without China's full engagement. The challenges we face today are global. China is now a major global player. So whether the issue is climate change, Africa, world trade or the myriad of security questions, we need China to be constructive; we need it to be using its power in partnership with us. None of this means we shouldn't continue to raise the issues of human rights, religious freedoms and democratic reforms as European and American leaders have done in recent weeks.It is possible to hyperbolize about the rise of China. For example, Europe's economies are still major and combined outreach those of China and India combined. But, as the Olympics and its medal tables show, it is not going to stay that way. This is a historic moment of change. Fast forward 10 years and everyone will know it.For centuries, the power has resided in the West, with various European powers including the British Empire and then, in the 20th century, the U.S. Now we will have to come to terms with a world in which the power is shared with the Far East. I wonder if we quite understand what that means, we whose culture (not just our politics and economies) has dominated for so long. It will be a rather strange, possibly unnerving experience. Personally, I think it will be incredibly enriching. New experiences; new ways of thinking liberate creative energy. But in any event, it will be a fact we have to come to terms with. For the next U.S. president, this will be or should be at the very top of the agenda, and as a result of the strength of the Sino-U.S. relationship under President Bush, there is a sound platform to build upon.The Olympics is now the biggest sporting event in the world, and because of the popularity of sport it is therefore one of the events that makes a genuine impact on real people. These Games have given people a glimpse of modern China in a way that no amount of politicalspeeches could do.London 2012 gives Britain a tremendous chance to explore some of these changes and explain to the East what the modern West is about. One thing is for certain: Hosting the Olympics is now a fantastic opportunity for any nation. My thoughts after the Beijing Games are that we shouldn't try to emulate the wonder of the opening ceremony. It was the spectacular to end all spectaculars and probably can never be bettered. We should instead do something different, drawing maybe on the ideals and spirit of the Olympic movement. We should do it our way, like they did it theirs. And we should learn from and respect each other. That is the way of the 21st century."。
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布莱尔申奥演讲中英
It is a unique honour to act as Host City. I also understand it is an honour which comes with a great responsibility - and which requires the highest levels of co-operation with the IOC.
My promise to you is that we will be your very best partners. All of us who have made guarantees to you are ready to deliver on them now. On security. On finance. On every single undertaking we have given. If you award London the Games, I pledge to you personally we will continue to give the highest level of support to Seb Coe and Keith Mills as they lead the Organising Committee, backed up by our Olympic Minister Tessa Jowell.
My entire Government - and the main Opposition parties too - are united behind this bid. It has total political support. It is the nation's bid. It has excited people throughout the country. More than three million have already volunteered their support. And that support goes beyond our shores too. We were honoured to receive the endorsement of the most inspiring statesman of
our age: Nelson Mandela. He said this: `I can't think of a better place than London to hold an event that unites the world. London will inspire young people around the world and ensure that the Olympic Games remain the dream for future generations'.
Those words remind us that as leaders, in government or sport, we have a duty to reach beyond our own time and borders. To have a vision which serves those who come after us.
Our vision is to see millions more young people - in Britain and across the world - participating in sport, and improving their lives as a result of that participation.
And London has the power to make that happen. It is a city with a voice that talks to young people. And, with more than 1,000 foreign media correspondents based here, it is a city with a voice that is heard all around the world.
It is that unique combination of strengths which London offers - a global platform for the Olympic message to young people. Not just for the 17 days of the competition, but for the years leading up to the Games, and beyond.
我们希望能够成为主办城市，这是我们的荣幸，这个荣幸也意味着巨大的责任，也要求最高水准地与国际奥委会的合作。
我向大家承诺，我会成为你们最佳的合作伙伴，我向大家承诺，我所有的承诺将会兑现，无论是安保还是资金，或者任何方面的准备工作，如果我们获得主办权利，我个人的承诺将会继续给我们奥申委的同事提供最高水平的支持。
无论是政府还是反对党在申办的问题上都是同心协力的，这是我们全国的一个申办。
现在有三百多万个英国人已经自愿地表示了他们的支持，我希望引用曼德拉先生说的一句话&l squo;没有一个地方比伦敦更合适举行将世界团结在一起的盛事，伦敦将激励全世界的青年人，将他们的思想实现’。
无论是政府还是体育界，我们有这样的责任，来超越我们的时代，超越我们的国界。
我们的远景是数百万的年轻人，不过是英国还是全球，都要让他们参加体育改变他们的生活，伦敦有一种声音能向年轻人说话，有超过一千个媒体在我们这里向全世界播出这里的信息，通过这种独特的力量，一个全球的平台将在我们这里激励我们的年轻，不仅仅是在那17天的比赛进程中，而是在后面的很多年里都会这样。
”。