里根第一次就任美国总统时的演讲(中文翻译)
TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton(中文翻译)

TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton(中文翻译)第一篇:The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton(中文翻译)克林顿第二次就职演说同胞们:藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际,让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。
所幸的是,时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘,一个新的千周年,而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。
我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。
在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下,让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。
美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念:人生来皆平等。
在十九世纪,我们的国家横跨大陆,拯救了联邦,废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。
这一信念得以流传和扩展。
然后,在辛劳和胜利之中,这种希望奔上了世界的舞台,使本世纪成为美国的世纪。
这是怎样的一个世纪啊。
美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国,它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来,并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。
在这一进程中,美国产生了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度,建立了无与伦比的学习中心,并对全民开放公立学校,分裂了原子且探索了太空,发明了计算机和微芯片,通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命,及扩大妇女的公民权利,就业机会和人身尊严,而深掘了正义之泉。
现在,也是第三次,一个新世纪来到我们面前,这又是一个选择的时候,我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择,使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸,我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择,使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观,即自由经营,水土保持,和恪守人类正义,这些选择使得一切迥然不同。
在二十一世纪曙光来临之际,一个自由的民族必须做出选择,去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。
去释放全民无尽的潜能,并且,去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。
上次我们在此相聚时,我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确,我们那时曾宣誓确立新的道路,复兴我们的国家。
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语

历届美国总统就职演说中英双语第一篇范文:美国历届总统就职演讲稿First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years―a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought tobe peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than myown, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and courseof nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republicanmodel of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that Ishould renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parentof the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF __LPHIAMONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793Fellow Citizens:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams__AL __ IN THE CITY OF __LPHIA__Y, MARCH 4, 1797When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences― universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce,discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and countrythan any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my ownnative State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, andsecured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union,without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the publicopinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and callthemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with第二篇范文:美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿:First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORK__Y, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowmentsfrom nature and unpracticed in the duties of civiladministration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." Thecircumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me fromentering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage ofcommunities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between。
里根总统就职演说 英语

里根总统就职演说英语Title: President Reagan"s Inaugural AddressOn this day, we gather to celebrate the inauguration of our 40th President, Ronald Reagan. A man of great vision and leadership, President Reagan has dedicated his life to the service of our nation. He has fought tirelessly to protect our freedom and promote our interests around the world.As we stand here today, we are reminded of the great challenges that we face as a nation. We are facing a global economy that is constantly evolving, and we must adapt to these changes if we are to remain competitive. We are also facing a healthcare system that is failing to meet the needs of our people, and we must find new ways to address this issue.But despite these challenges, we must not lose sight of the great opportunities that lie before us. We have the ability to build a brighter future for ourselves and for generations to come. And it is up to each and every one of us to contribute our own efforts to this cause.As President, Ronald Reagan will work tirelessly to promote peace and prosperity around the world. He will continue to support our Allies and work to contain the spread of Communism. He will also work to improve our relations with other countries,and to promote trade and friendship between our nations.In addition, President Reagan will work to improve the lives of our people here at home. He will promote economic growth and job creation, and work to reduce the deficit and debt. He will also work to improve education and training programs, and to promote innovation and technology in our nation.Finally, President Reagan will continue to fight for the values that make our nation great. He will fight to protect our freedom and our Constitution, and to promote a more just and equitable society.In conclusion, let us reflect on the legacy of Ronald Reagan.A man of great courage and leadership, he has given his all to our nation. It is now up to us to carry on his legacy and to continue to work towards a brighter future for all Americans. Thank you, and God bless you.。
最新-里根就职演讲中文字幕 1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照 精品

里根就职演讲中文字幕1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照按照宪法要求,政府权利正在有序地移交,我们已经如此例行公事了两个世纪,很少有人觉得这有什么特别的.但在世界上更多人看来,这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式,却实在是一个奇迹.(二)Mr.President,Iwantourfellowcitizenstoknowhowmuchyoudidtocarryonthistr adition.Byyourgraciouscooperationinthetransitionprocess,youhaveshowna watchingworldthatweareaunitedpeoplepledgedtomaintainingapoliticalsyst emwhichguaranteesindividuallibertytoagreaterdegreethananyother,andIth ankyouandyourpeopleforallyourhelpinmaintainingthecontinuitywhichisthe bulwarkofourRepublic.总统先生,我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力.通过移交程序中的通力合作,你向观察者展示了这么一个事实:我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体,这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由.同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助,因为你们坚持了这样的传承,而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基.Thebusinessofournationgoesforward.TheseUnitedStatesareconfrontedwi thaneconomicafflictionofgreatproportions.Wesufferfromthelongestandone oftheworstsustainedinflationsinournationalhistory.Itdistortsoureconom icdecisions,penalizesthrift,andcrushesthestrugglingyoungandthefixed-i neelderlyalike.Itthreatenstoshatterthelivesofmillionsofourpeople.我们国家的事业在继续前进.合众国正面临巨大的经济困难.我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀,它扰乱着我们的经济决策,打击着节俭的风气,压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人,威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计.(三)Idleindustrieshavecastworkersintounemployment,causinghumanmiseryandpe rsonalindignity.Thosewhodoworkaredeniedafairreturnfortheirlaborbyatax systemwhichpenalizessuccessfulachievementandkeepsusfrommaintainingfullproductivity.Butgreatasourtaxburdenis,ithasnotkeptpacewithpublicspen ding.Fordecades,wehavepileddeficitupondeficit,mortgagingourfutureando urchildren"sfutureforthetemporaryconvenienceofthepresent.Tocontinueth islongtrendistoguaranteetremendoussocial,cultural,political,andeconom icupheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严.即使那些有工作的人,也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬,因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就,使我们无法保持充分的生产力.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重,但还是跟不上公共开支的增长.数十年来,我们的赤字额屡屡上升,我们为图目前暂时的方便,把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了.这一趋势如果长此以往,必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡.(四)YouandI,asindividuals,can,byborrowing,livebeyondourmeans,butforonlyal imitedperiodoftime.Why,then,shouldwethinkthatcollectively,asanation,w earenotboundbythatsamelimitationWemustacttodayinordertopreservetomorr ow.Andlettherebenomisunderstanding--wearegoingtobegintoact,beginningt oday.Theeconomicillswesufferhaveeuponusoverseveraldecades.Theywillnot goawayindays,weeks,ormonths,buttheywillgoaway.Theywillgoawaybecausewe ,asAmericans,havethecapacitynow,aswehavehadinthepast,todowhateverneed stobedonetopreservethislastandgreatestbastionoffreedom.Inthispresentc risis,ernmentistheproblem.作为个人,你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活,然而只能维持一段有限的时期,我们怎么可以认为,作为一个国家整体,我们就不应受到同样的约束呢?为了保住明天,我们今天就必须行动起来.大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动.我们深受其害的经济弊病,几十年来一直袭击着我们.这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失,但它们终将消失.它们之所以终将消失,是因为我们作为现在的美国人,一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情,以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒.。
里根就职演说

7. Ronald Reagan’s First Inaugural Address (January 20, 1981)Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “Yes!” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world’s strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow – measured in inches and feet, not miles – but we will progress.It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence, a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of the Massachusetts Co ngress, said to his fellow Americans: “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of … On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves.”Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to insure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children’s children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and the beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries – they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it – now or ever.7.里根总统第一任就职演说(1981年1月20日)我们能解决摆在我们面前的这些问题吗?回答是毫不含糊和断然的两个字:能够。
美国总统演讲稿之里根2

Ronald Reagan: Address from the Brandenburg Gate (BerlinWall)Delivered 12 June 1987Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Lincke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen koffer in Berlin." [I still ha ve a suitcase in Berlin.]Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President von Weizsacker has said: "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told-George Marshallannounced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the Western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium --virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany-busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of park land. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles-the wonderful goods of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on Earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But, my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on Berliner herz, Berliner humor, ja, und Berliner schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner schnauze.] [Laughter]In the 1950's, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind-too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control. Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent--and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides. Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of-striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons. While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative-research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete. Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, tocreate a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world. To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation. There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you many have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic Games here in Berlin, East and West?In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something de eper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago,before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the Sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin --the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.☼注释☼:♫unalterable [✈⏹●♦☜❒☜♌●] adj. 不能变更的♫totalitarian [ ♦☜◆♦✌●♓♦☪☜❒♓☜⏹] adj. 极权主义的♫shelter [ ☞♏●♦☜] n. 掩蔽处, 身避处, 庇护所♫doctrine [ ♎♦❒♓⏹] n.教条, 学说♫orchestra [ ♓♦♦❒☜] n. 管弦乐队, 乐队演奏处♫unprecedented [✈⏹☐❒♏♦♓♎☜⏹♦♓♎] adj. 空前的♫liberalization [ ●♓♌☜❒☜●♋♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 自由主义化, 使宽大♫conventional [ ☜⏹♏⏹☞☜⏹●] adj. 惯例的, 常规的♫retaliation [❒✋♦✌●✋♊♏✋☞☹⏹] n. 报复, 报仇♫implementation [ ♓❍☐●♓❍♏⏹♦♏♓☞☜⏹] n. 执行♫aviation [ ♏♓♓♏♓☞☜⏹] n.飞行, 航空♫distinction [♎♓♦♦♓☠☞☜⏹] n. 区别, 差别♫embodiment [♓❍♌♎♓❍☜⏹♦] n. 体现, 具体化, 化身。
最新整理美国肯尼迪总统就职演说英文原稿及中文译文范文.docx

最新整理美国肯尼迪总统就职演说英文原稿及中文译文美国肯尼迪总统就职演说英文原稿及中文译文We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning-- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. 我们今天在这里,不是庆祝政党的胜利,而是共享自由的庆典――标志着一个结束,也是一个开始――彰显着更新,也彰显着改变。
因为我在你们面前许下我们的祖先近xxxx年前制定的相同的庄严誓言。
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.当今的世界已经是今非昔比。
因为人类的血肉之手掌握着消除人类一切贫困和生命的魔力。
美国总统就职演说汉译

committed on it by time.
• (George Washington,
• The Experiment of the American People)
a
2
1) Analysis of the original:
•A) Grammatical analysis •B) Stylistic analysis •C) Background knowledge
第二章 美国总统就职演说汉译
第一节 第二节
a
1
Original 21:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could
have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which
the notification was transmitted by your order, and
was rendered every day more necessary as well as more
dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of
frequent interruption in my health to the gradual waste
and of frequent interruption in my health to the
a complex sentence, composed of a main clause and an attributive clause, with a parenthetic clause embedded in the predicate and another attributive clause embedded in the appositive nominal phrase at the end of the sentence.
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1、对于今天在此的我们中的一些人,这是一个庄严的值得纪念的时刻。
然而在我国的历史上,这不过是个司空见惯的事件。
这个按宪法要求的有序的政权交替周而复始地进行了近二百年,而我们中很少有人停下来考虑一下我们到底有多么独特。
在世界上很多人的眼里,这个我们习以为常的四年一度的庆典不啻一个奇迹。
2、总统先生,我要让人民知道您为传承这一传统付出了多少心血。
在这个政权交替过程中,您的殷切合作向关注的世人展示了我们是一个统一的民族,决心维系一个比其他任何一个国家都更保证个人自由的政治体制。
我要感谢您和您的同僚在维护国策连续性上给予的倾力合作。
3、我国的事业继往开来。
我国的大多数州都经历着经济困境。
我们苦于历史上最严重、持续时间最长的通货膨胀之一。
它扭曲了我们的经济决策,惩罚了节俭,粉碎了奋斗的年轻人和固定收入的老人们等的梦想。
它威胁着要粉碎成千成万美国人的生活。
4、不景气的工业让工人们陷入失业、霉运和无尊严中。
很多人付出了辛劳却没有收获应得的回报,始作俑者就是惩罚成就和阻碍我们发挥最大生产力的税收体系。
5、但是尽管我们的税收负担很重,还是跟不上公共开销。
几十年来我们赤字不断累积,为了当前片刻的方便透支了我们的未来和我们子孙后代的未来。
纵容这种趋势就是放任无尽的社会、文化、政治和经济动荡。
6、你和我,作为个人,可以靠借贷,超前消费,但只能在有限的一段时间内。
那么为什么我们作为一个集体,即一个国家来考虑这个问题,我们就不被同一限制约束了呢?7、为了我们的明天,我们今天必须行动。
毋庸置疑,我们今天将开始一个新的开始。
8、我们遭遇的经济顽症已经持续几十年了。
它们不会在几天、几周或几个月内消失,但它们一定会消失。
之所以它们一定会消失,是因为我们美国人现在具备这个实力,如同我们过去一样,完成保卫这个自由世界最后的最伟大的堡垒所需要做的一切。
9、在当前的危机中,政府不是我们的问题的解,政府本身就是问题。
10、我们一次次地试图相信社会已经复杂到不能靠自制来管理了,精英政府优于民享、民治和民有的政府。
但是,如果我们中没有人能管理自己,那么我们中有谁能管理别人呢?我们所以人,无论在政府内外,都要分担这个重荷。
我们的解决方案必须公平合理,不会把任何群体孤立出去,让他们负担更多。
11、我们听到太多特殊利用群体了。
我们必须为一个长期被忽视的特殊群体着想。
这个群体没有阶层界限或民族和种族划分,超越政党分歧。
它由男人和女人组成,他们生产我们的食物,巡视我们的街道,运行我们的工厂和矿山,教育我们的孩子,打扫我们的房间,当我们生病时治愈我们――他们是职业人士、企业家、店主、职员以及出租车和货车司机。
简而言之,他们是人民,美国人民。
12、本届政府的目标一定是一个健康和成长的经济,没有歧视地为所有美国人提供平等的机会。
让美国运转意味着让所有美国人有工作。
结束通货膨胀意味着让所有美国人摆脱生活开销用尽的威胁。
所有人都要在“新开始”中有所作为,所有人都应分享复苏了的经济的实惠。
有了理想主义和公平竞争,这个我们政体和国力的核心,我们会建设一个内部和谐与他国和平共处的强大繁荣的美国。
13、在我们开始之前,我们清点一下家底。
我们是一个有政府的国家,不是一个有国家的政府。
除了人民赋予的权力政府没有任何特权。
现在到了遏制和逆转政府规模增长的时候了,人民对此不满的迹象已经日益凸现了。
14、我的目的是限制政府编制的规模和影响,让人们认识到各个州或人民的权力与赋予联邦政府的权力的区别。
我们所有人都不应忘记,不是联邦政府创建了各个州,而是各个州创建了联邦政府。
15、所有不要误解,我的目的不是废除政府。
而是让它工作――与我们一起工作,不是凌驾于我们之上,站在我们旁边,不是骑在我们头上。
政府能够也必须提供机会,不是封杀机会;培育生产力,不是扼杀生产力。
16、如果我们寻找为什么这么多年来,我们取得如此成就,繁荣得如同没有其他国家一样的答案,其结果就是在这片土地上我们比以往任何时候都更多地释放了人的能量,发挥了人的天才。
与世界上任何地方相比,这里人的自由更多,尊严更有保证。
有时为了这个自由我们要付出高昂的代价,但我们从来没有不愿意付出这种代价。
17、我们面对的问题与政府没有必要的过度增长对我们干预和践踏成正比,绝非巧合。
现在是我们审视自我的时候了,我们这样一个伟大的国家,怎能把自己局限于鼠目寸光的小梦想呢。
我们并没有如有些人希望的那样注定走向不可避免的衰落。
我不信无论我们做什么都只有一个命运,我深知我们什么也不做是什么命运。
让我们调动一切积极性,开创国家重振的新时代。
让我们重新焕发决心、勇气和实力。
让我们更新我们的信仰和希望。
18、我们有权做任何英雄梦。
有人说我们处于一个没有英雄的时代――其实他们是不知道到哪去找英雄。
你每天都可以看见英雄们进出工厂的大门。
还有一部分,人数不多,生产的粮食不仅养活我们全体美国人,还有世界上的其他人。
你在柜台前就能遇见英雄们,他们在柜台的两侧。
有很多企业家带着自信和对理想的信仰创造新工作、新财富和新机会。
有很多个人和家庭的税收支持着政府,他们的志愿捐赠支持着宗教、慈善、文化、艺术和教育。
他们的爱国主义含蓄而深沉。
他们的价值维系国民生计。
19、现在,谈及这些英雄时,我用了“他们”和“他们的”。
我可以用“你们”和“你们的”,因为我正在我谈及的英雄们面前演讲,你们是这片福地上的公民。
你们的梦想、你们的希望和你们的目标将是本届政府的梦想、希望和目标,上帝保佑!20、我们要彰显你们天性中最光辉的一面――同情。
我们如何能热爱国家却不爱国人――热爱他们那就在他们跌倒时伸手扶他们一把,他们病了就给他们治病,给他们提供机会使他们能经济上独立,这样他们才能享受事实上的平等而不是理论上的平等?21、我们能解决面对的问题吗?回答是掷地有声和斩钉截铁的“能”。
我这样诠释丘吉尔的一句名言:“我发誓不做让这个世界上最强大的经济体土崩瓦解的总统。
”22、在以后的日子里,我将提议铲除延缓经济发展和降低生产力的路障。
旨在回复各级政府之间的平衡的措施会陆续出台。
进步会很缓慢――只能用英寸英尺而不是英里来度量――但是我们将不断进步。
现在到了唤醒这个工业巨人、让政府回归本位和减少惩罚性税收负担的时候了。
这些将是我们的第一要务,在这些原则上,没有任何妥协的余地。
23、在我们的独立战争开始的前夕,一个本可以成为我们伟大的国父之一的人,约濏夫.华伦博士对他的同胞们说:“我们的国家处于危难之中,但还有希望。
美国的未来在你们手上。
你们将决定成千上万尚未出生的美国人的自由和幸福的问题。
做无愧于自己的事吧。
”24、我相信我们今天的美国人已经做好了准备做无愧于自己的事,做好了准备做保证我们的自由和幸福及我们的子孙万代的自由和幸福所必须做的一切。
25、我们在国内更新自己,而在全世界看来我们更加强大了。
我们将在此成为现在还没有自由的人们的自由榜样和希望灯塔。
26、对分享我们自由的我们的邻国和盟友,我们将加强历史悠久的纽带并且坚定我们的支持和承诺。
我们将以忠诚回报忠诚。
我们将倾力打造一个互利的关系。
我们不会把我们的友谊强加于他们的主权之上,因为我们自己的主权是不能出卖的。
27、对自由的敌人,他们是我们的潜在敌人,他们要知道和平是美国人民的最高热望。
我们可以用谈判换和平,用牺牲换和平,但我们不会用投降换和平――现在不会,永远不会。
28、我们的容忍不容误解。
我们不愿打仗不是意志崩溃。
如果为了国家安全我们必须行动,我们将会行动。
我们将维持取胜所必须的武力,因为只有这样,我们才有可能永远不使用武力。
29、最重要的是我们要认识到没有什么武库或武库中的武器比自由男女的意志和正义勇气更具威力。
这种武器当今世界上我们的敌人没有。
这种武器我们美国人确有。
这一点那些大搞恐怖主义和觊觎邻国的国家须知。
30、我听说今天有无数的祝福聚会;我对此深表感谢。
我们是上帝光辉普照的国家,我坚信上帝希望我们自由。
我想,如果今后每个总统就职日都被作为祝福日,那倒是非常合适和令人欣喜的。
31、正如你们所知,这个仪式在国会大厦西门举行历史上还是第一次。
站在这里,一幅极其美丽的历史画卷在眼前展开。
在开敞林荫道的尽头是巨人们的纪念碑、纪念堂,他们的肩上站着我们。
32、在我的正前方是最值得纪念的国父华盛顿的纪念碑。
他为人谦虚,不愿被当作伟人。
他领导美国取得革命的胜利并建立了年轻的合众国。
纪念碑的一侧,是杰弗逊纪念堂,独立宣言闪烁着他雄辩的火焰。
33、倒映池的那边,是林肯纪念堂庄严的大理石柱。
无论谁如果真心想理解美国的含义,他可以从林肯的一生读懂。
34、在这些纪念碑的前面,是波多马克河,河的彼岸是阿灵顿国家公墓的斜坡,坡上有一排排的带有十字和大卫星的白色墓碑,纪念英雄们。
这些简朴的墓碑仅仅是我们为自由付出的代价的一小部分。
35、美国碑纪念一个我前面所说的英雄。
他们牺牲在贝露森林, 阿贡国家实验室, 奥马哈海滩, 萨莱诺,和地球那边的瓜达康纳尔岛, 塔拉瓦岛, 猪排山,长津水库,及到处是稻田和丛林的地方――越南。
36、在其中一个墓碑下,安息着一个年轻人,马丁.特里普托,他在1917年辞去一个小镇理发店的工作加入著名的彩虹师来到法国。
在那里的西线,他在炮火下为阵地间传递消息,不幸牺牲。
37、我们知道在他身上找到一个日记本。
扉页上有一个标题“我的誓言”,下面写到:“美国必须赢得战争。
因此,我将愉快地尽全力工作、拯救、牺牲、坚守战斗,如同这个胜利靠我一个人一样。
”38、我们今天面对的危机不要求我们付出马丁.特里普托和千百万其他人付出的牺牲。
然而它需要我们最大的努力和相信我们自己及相信我们干大事的能力的愿望;相信在上帝的保佑下,我们一起能够也将要解决我们当前面对的问题。
39、最终,我们为什么不相信我们是美国人呢?上帝保佑你们。
非常感谢各位!。