富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲

富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一:罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。
因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。
我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们:在我接受美国总统职位之际,我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白,我所面临的挑战是巨大的,但我也深信,只要我们共同努力,我们将能够克服一切困难,实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退,数以百万计的人们失去了工作,贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而,我要告诉你们,这不是我们失败的标志,而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻,我们要发扬美国人民的精神,重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划,以刺激经济增长,减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法,为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助,并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外,我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统,确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境,采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全,确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时,我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺,我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定,并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后,我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争,抛弃分裂和仇恨,共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信,只有通过团结和合作,我们才能取得成功。
国民们,我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务,但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来,为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力!谢谢大家,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!第二篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们:我站在这里的时候,我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
罗斯福就职演讲fear

罗斯福就职演讲f ear罗斯福就职演讲fea r篇一:33罗斯福就职演讲中英 Fir st Inau gural A ddressof Fran klin D. Roosev elt SAT URDAY,MARCH 4,33 I a m ertai n thatm fello Ameria ns expe t thaton m in dutioninto th e Presi den I i ll addr ess the m ith a andorand a d eisionhih the presen t situa tion of our Na tion im pels. T his ispreemin entl th e timeto spea k the t ruth, t he hole truth,frankl and bo ldl. No r neede shrin k fromhonestl faingonditio ns in o ur ount r toda. This g reat Na tion il l endur e as it has en dured,ill rev ive and ill pr osper.So, fir st of a ll, let me ass ert m f irm bel ief tha t the o nl thin g e hav e to fe ar is f ear its elf--na meless,ueason ing, un justifi ed terr or hihparalze s neede d effor ts to o nvert r etreatintoad vane. I n everdark ho ur of o ur nati onal li fe a le adershi p of fr ankness and vi gor has met it h thatunderst andingand sup port of the pe ople th emselve s hih i s essen tial to vitor.I am o nvinedthat ou ill ag ain giv e thatsupport to lea dership in the se riti al das. In suh a spir it on m part a nd on o urs e f ae ourmon dif fiultie s. Theonern,thank G od, onl materi al thin gs. Val ues hav e shrun ken tofantast i level s; taxe s haverisen;our abi lit topa hasfallen; govern ment of all ki nds isfaed bserious urtail ment of ine; t he mean s of ex hange a re froz en in t he urre nts oftrade;the ith ered le aves of indust rial en terpris e lie o n everside; f armersfind no market s for t heir pr odue; t he savi ngs ofman ear s in th ousands of fam ilies a re gone. Moreimporta nt, a h ost ofunemplo ed itiz ens fae the gr im prob lem ofexisten e, andan equa ll grea t numbe r toilith lit tle ret urn.On l a foo lish op timistan denthe dar k reali ties of themo ment. Y et ourdistres s es fr om no f ailureof subs tane. W e are s trikenb no pl ague of lousts. Compa red ith the pe rils hi h our f orefath ers onq uered b eause t he beli eved an d ere n ot afra id, e h ave sti ll muhto be t hankful for. N ature s till of fers he r bount and hu man eff orts ha ve mult ipliedit. Ple nt is a tour d oorstep, but a genero us useof it l anguish es in t he versight o f the s uppl. P rimaril this i s beaus e the r ulers o f the e xhangeof mank ind's good s havefailed,throug h their on stu bbornne ss andtheir o n inpet ene, ha ve admi tted th eirfai lure, a nd abdi ated. P ratiesof theunsrupu lous mo ne hang ers sta nd indi ted inthe our t of pu bli opi nion, r ejetedbthe h earts a nd mind s of me n. True the ha ve trie d, buttheir e ffortshave be en astin thepattern of anoutorntraditi on. Fae d b fai lure of reditthe hav e propo sed onl the le nding o f moremone. S tripped of the lure o f profi t b hih to ind ue ourpeopleto foll o their falseleaders hip, th e haveresorte d to ex hortati ons, pl eadingtearful l for r estoredonfide ne. The kno on l the r ules of a gene rationof self-seeker s. Thehave no vision, and h en ther e is no vision the pe oplepe rish.Th e monehangers have f led fro m their high s eats in the te mple of our iv ilizati on. Wema no r estorethat te mple to the an ient tr uths. T he meas ure ofthe res toratio n liesin theextentto hihe applsoial v alues m ore nob le than mere m onetarprofit.Happine ss lies not in the me re poss essionof mone; it li es in t he jo o f ahiev ement,in thethrillof reat ive eff ort. Th e jo an d moral stimul ation o f ork n o longe r mustbeforg otten i n the m ad hase of eva nesentprofits. These dark d as illbe orth all th e ost u s if th e teahus that our tr ue dest in is n ot to b e minis tered u nto but to min ister t o ourse lves an d to ou r fello men.Re ognitio n of th e falsi t of ma terialealth a sthe s tandard of sue ss goes hand i n handith the abando nment o f the f alse be lief th at publ i offie and hi gh poli tial po sitionare tobe valu ed onlb the s tandard s of pr ide ofplae an d perso nal pro fit; an d there must b e an en d to aondut i n banki ng andin busi ness hi h too o ften ha s given to a s ared tr ust the likene ss of a llous a nd self ish ron gdoing. Smallonder t hat onf idene l anguish es, for it thr ives on l on ho nest, o n honor, on th e sared ness of obliga tions,on fait hful pr otetion, on un selfish perfor mane; i thout t hem itannot l ive. Re storati on alls, hoeve r, notfor han ges inethis a lone. T his Nat ion ask s for a tion, a nd atio n no. O ur grea test pr imar ta sk is t oput p eople t o ork.This is no uns olvable proble m if efae itisel an d ourag eousl.It an b e aplis hed inpart bdiret r eruitin g b the Govern ment it self, t reating the ta sk as e ould t reat th e emerg en of a ar, bu t at th e sametime, t hroughthis em ploment, aplis hing gr eatl ne eded pr ojets t o stimu late an d reorg anize t he useof ournatural resour es. Han d in ha nd iththis emust fr ankl re ognizethe ove rbalane of pop ulation in our indust rial en ters an d, b en gagingon a na tionalsale in a redi stribut ion, en deavorto prov ide a b etter u se of t he land for th ose bes t fitte d for t he land. The t ask anbe help ed b de finiteefforts to rai se thevaluesof agri ultural produt s and i th this the po er to p urhasethe out put ofour iti es. Itan be h elped b preven tingre alistia ll thetragedof thegroingloss th rough f orelosu re of o ur smal l homes and ou r farms. It an be hel ped b i nsisten e thatthe Fed eral, S tate, a nd loal govern ments a t forth ith onthe dem and tha t their ost be drasti all red ued. It an behelpedb the u nifingof reli ef ativ ities h ih toda are of ten sat tered,uneonom ial, an d unequ al. Itan be h elped b nation al plan ning fo r and s upervis ion ofall for ms of t ranspor tationand ofmuniati ons and otherutiliti es hihhave adefinit el publ iharat er. The re areman asin hihit an b e helpe d, butit an n ever be helped merelb talki ng abou t it. W e mustat andat quik l. Fina ll, inour pro gress t oard aresumpt ion ofork e r equireto safe guardsagainst a retu rn of t he evil s of th e old o rder; t here mu st be a stritsupervi sion of all ba nking a nd redi ts andinvestm ents; t here mu st be a n end t o speul ation i th othe r peopl e's mone,and the re must be pro visionfor anadequat e but s ound ur ren. Th ere are the li nes ofattak.I shall presen tl urge upon a ne Con gress i n speia l sessi on deta iled me asuresfor the ir fulf illment, and I shallseek th e immed iate as sistane of the severa l State s. Thro ugh thi s progr am of a tion eaddress oursel ves toputting our on nationa l house in ord er andmakingine bal ane out go. Our intern ational traderelatio ns, tho ugh vas tl impo rtant,are inpoint o f timeand nee ssit se ondar t o the e stablis hment o f a sou nd nati onal eo nom. Ifavor a s apra tial po li theputting of fir st thin gs firs t. I sh all spa re no e ffort t o resto re orld tradeb inter nationa l eonom ireadj ustment, but t he emer gen athome an not ait on tha taplis hment.The bas i thoug ht that guides thesespeifimeans o f natio nal reo ver isnot nar rol nat ionalis ti. Itis theinsiste ne, asa first onside ration,upon t he inte rdepend ene ofthe var ious el ementsin allparts o f the U nited S tates--a reogn ition o f the o ld andpermane ntl imp ortantmanifes tationof theAmerian spirit of the pionee r. It i s the a to reo ver. It is the immedi ate a.It is t he stro ngest a ssurane that t he reov er illendure. In the fieldof orld poli I ould d ediatethis Na tion to the po li of t he good neighb or--the neighb or ho r esolute l respe ts hims elf and, beaus e he do es so,respets the ri ghts of others-- theneighbo r ho re spets h is obli gations and re spets t he sant itof h is agre ementsin andith a o rld ofneighbo rs. IfI readthe tem per ofour peo ple orr etl, eno real ize ase havenever r ealized before our in terdepe ndene o n eah o ther; t hat e a n not m erel ta ke bute mustgive as ell; t hat ife are t o go fo rard, e must m ove asa train ed andloal ar m illin g tosa rifie f or thegood of a mondisipli ne, bea use ith out suh disipl ine noprogres s is ma de, noleaders hip bee s effet ive. We are, I kno, r ead and illing to sub mit our livesand pro pert to suh di sipline, beaus e it ma kes pos sible a leader ship hi h aimsat a la rger go od. Thi s I pro pose to offer, pledgi ng that the la rger pu rposesill bin d uponus allas a sa red obl igation ith aunit of dut hi thertoevokedonl intime of armedstrife. With t his ple dge tak en, I a ssume u nhesita tingl t he lead ershipof this greatarm ofour peo ple ded iated t o a dis iplined attakupon ou r mon p roblems. Ation in thi s image and to this e nd is f easible underthe for m of go vernmen t hih e have i nherite d fromour ane stors.Our Con stituti on is s o simpl e and p ratialthat it is pos sible a las tomeet ex traordi nar nee ds b ha nges in emphas is andarrange ment it hout lo ss of e ssentia l form. That i s h our onstit utional sstemhas pro ved its elf themost s uperblendurin g polit ial meh anism t he mode rn orld has pr odued.It hasmet eve r stres s of va st expa nsion o f terri tor, of foreig n ars,of bitt er inte rnal st rife, o f orldrelatio ns.It i s to be hopedthat th e norma l balan e of ex eutiveand leg islativ e autho rit mabe holl adequa te to m eet the unpree dentedtask be fore us. But i t ma be that a n unpre edented demand and ne ed forundelae d ation ma all for te mporardepartu re from that n ormal b alane o f publi proedu re.I am prepar ed unde r m ons titutio nal dut to rem end the measur es that a stri ken nat ion inthe mid st of a strike n orldma requ ire. Th ese mea sures,or suhother m easures as the Congre ss ma b uild ou t of it sexperi ene and isdom, I shal l seek, ithinm onsti tutiona l autho rit, to bringto spee d adopt ion. Bu t in th e event that t he Cong resssh all fai l to ta ke oneof thes e to ou rses, a nd in t he even t thatthe nat ional e mergenis stil l ritia l, I sh all not evadethe lea r ourse of dut that i ll then onfron t me. I shallask the Congre ss forthe one remain ing ins trument to mee t the r isis--b roadEx eutivepoer to age aar agai nst the emerge n, as g reat as the po er that ould b e given to meif e er e in fa t invad ed b aforeign foe. F or thetrust r eposedin me I ill re turn th e ourag e and t he devo tion th at befi t the t ime. Ian do n o less. We fae thear duous d as that lie be fore us in the arm ou rage of the na tionalunit; i th thelear on siousne ss of s eekingold and preiou s moral values; ith t he lean satisf ation t hat esfrom th e stemperform ane ofdut b o ld andoung al ike. We aim at the as suraneof a ro unded a nd perm anent n ational life.We do n ot dist rust th e futur e of es sential demora. The p eople o fthe U nited S tates h ave not failed. In th eir nee d the h avereg istered a mand ate tha t the a nt dire t, vigo rous at ion. Th e haveasked f or disi pline a nd dire tion un der lea dership.The h ave mad e me th e prese nt inst rumentof thei r ishes. In th e spiri t of th e giftI takeit. Inthis de diation of a N ation e humblask the blessi ng of G od. MaHe prot et eahand eve r one o f us. M a He gu ide mein thedas toe. 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文

罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的同胞们,我站在这里的时候,深感历史的重负压在我的肩上。
我们面临着艰巨的挑战,但我相信,只要我们团结一心,我们必将克服困难,走向更加美好的未来。
首先,我要感谢我的前任胡佛总统,他为国家付出了辛勤努力。
我们接手的时候,正值经济大萧条的风雨飘摇时期。
工人失业,企业破产,民众生活困顿。
我们必须立即采取行动,挽回状况。
所以我们制定了新政,采取一系列措施来改善经济状况。
我们通过实施金融改革,加强监管,恢复人们对银行的信心。
我们推动了工业复兴,投资建设基础设施,创造就业机会。
我们还推出了社会保障制度,保障老年人和弱势群体的生活。
然而,我们的工作还远未完成。
我计划进一步扩大社会保障制度,确保每个人都能得到应有的关爱。
我将继续推动经济复苏,鼓励创新,促进经济增长。
我们将继续改革金融业,以防止经济崩溃的发生。
此外,我们也必须关注国际形势。
我们正生活在一个动荡不安的世界中,各国之间面临着许多挑战和冲突。
我将努力推动国际合作,维护世界和平和稳定。
我相信通过对话和谈判,我们可以解决分歧,达成共识。
最后,我要呼吁每个人都参与到国家建设中来。
我们的命运紧紧相连,只有大家团结一心,才能共同创造美好的未来。
我们应该尊重和包容不同的观点,共同努力,实现我们的梦想。
亲爱的同胞们,我们面临的挑战艰巨,但我们拥有无限的勇气和毅力。
我们的历史证明了我们的坚韧和坚持不懈的精神。
让我们携手合作,战胜困难,创造一个更加公正、繁荣和充满希望的国家。
谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!。
美国历史上最具代表性的演讲稿——罗斯福四项自由演讲稿

美国历史上最具代表性的演讲稿——罗斯福四项自由演讲稿1933年,美国当时的总统富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin Delano Roosevelt)在就任总统不久后发表了一系列演讲,其中最著名的就是他在1941年1月6日发表的“四项自由演讲稿”,这一演讲稿已经成为美国历史上最具代表性的演讲之一,也是20世纪最重要的演讲之一。
这篇演讲在当时引起了广泛的共鸣,并且在美国及其盟友中产生了巨大的影响,对于战争的结果起到了至关重要的作用。
本文将从以下几方面介绍罗斯福四项自由演讲稿。
一、演讲背景1941年1月6日,罗斯福在美国国会发表了这篇演讲,当时美国政府正在寻找一种方法来支持反法西斯主义的阵营,这篇演讲的目的就是为了让美国能够更加坚定地支持反法西斯国家的决心。
二、四项自由的具体内容在这篇演讲中,罗斯福提出了四项自由,包括言论自由、宗教自由、免于贫困的自由和免于恐惧的自由。
这四项自由中的言论自由和宗教自由早在美国宪法中就已经被确立,但是在那个时代,许多人所处的环境并不能真正保障这两项自由的实现;至于其余两项自由,那是罗斯福在战争背景下对人类生存所需提出的要求。
三、这篇演讲对美国历史的意义在罗斯福演讲之后,美国政府开始更加积极地支持反法西斯主义的阵营,美国在二战中发挥了至关重要的作用。
这篇演讲也确立了一个新的国际秩序,即每个人都有权享受这四项自由。
这也是美国外交政策的一种核心价值观,也是美国成为世界第一超级大国的基础之一。
四、这篇演讲的影响罗斯福四项自由演讲稿的影响远超过美国自身和二战,这自由的理念一直被全世界各国所钦佩和推崇,成为了许多国际组织的主要价值观,比如联合国和世界银行的宗旨都表明了这四项自由的核心意义。
这篇演讲也让美国成为了人权和自由的“象征”。
总之,罗斯福四项自由演讲稿是美国历史上最具代表性的演讲之一,这篇演讲凝聚了美国人的精神和价值,也为全世界所推崇。
这项自由的理念不仅为美国历史上重要事件提供了指导方针,也为其它国家在推进自由和人权方面提供了有力的支持。
罗斯福的就职演讲

first inaugural address of franklin d. rooseveltsaturday, march 4, 1933i am certain that my fellow americans expect that on my induction into thepresidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situationof our nation impels. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the wholetruth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we haveto fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzesneeded efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our nationallife a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.true they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of moremoney. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow theirfalse leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have novision, and when there is no vision the people perish.the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetaryprofit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy ofachievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark dayswill be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to beministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goeshand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and highpolitical position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place andpersonal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in businesswhich too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfishwrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfishperformance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation asksfor action, and action now.hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution,endeavor toprovide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. the taskcan be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homesand our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, state, and localgovernments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. itcan be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. it can be helped by national planning for andfinally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguardsagainst a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervisionof all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation withother peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. there are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress inspecialsession detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the several states.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is notnarrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon theinterdependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spiritof the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of thegoodneighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who r espects his obligations and respectsthe sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have neverrealized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take butwe must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained andloyal army willing toaction in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of governmentwhich we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes inemphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. it has met every stress of vast expansionof territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authoritymay be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be thatanunprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.but in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evadethe clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress forthe one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we werein fact invaded by a foreign foe.for the trust reposed in me i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the nationalunity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; withthe cleanwe do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the unitedstates have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spiritof the gift i take it.译文:富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt,1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日),美国第32任总统,美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届,病逝于第四届任期中)的总统,美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史,美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
罗斯福的首次就职演说

美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。
因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。
我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
面对着信用的失败,他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。
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PresidentHoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels. taxes have risen. our abilityto pay has fallen. government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income. themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade. the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side. farmers find no markets for their produce. and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return. Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague oflocusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True,they have tried. But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition. Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profitby whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money. it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit. and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance. withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work. This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms. It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by theunify ing of relief activities which today are oftenscattered,uneconomical, unequal. It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character. There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments. There must be anend to speculation with other people's money. Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound c urrency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy. Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first. I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment. but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the wayto recovery. It is the immediate way. Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers. the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other. that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good. This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity. with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues. with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy. The people of the United Stateshave not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction. They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership. They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes. Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.。