罗斯福就职演说的背景
罗斯福实施新政的背景、目的
考点：罗斯福实施新政的背景、目的背景：1929年严重的经济危机，引起了政治危机，社会矛盾尖锐，政治动荡。
应对措施：1933年罗斯福开始实行“新政”直接目的：在资本主义制度内部进行调整，加强国家对经济的干预和指导，消除经济危机。
根本目的：维护资产阶级统治（维护资本主义民主制度）。
例题11932年12月24日，特格韦尔在日记中记载：“这个冬天，在纽约生活和工作的人没有不深感不安的。
我的确认为，在现代，从来还没有过这样普遍的失业现象和令人伤感的真正饥寒交迫的苦难。
”这段日记反映的是（）A.苏联工业化建设的背景B.罗斯福新政的背景C.法西斯统治下的状况D.二战后美国的状况答案：解析：1929年美国出现严重的经济危机，经济受到严重影响，很多人失业，人民生活艰难，在这一背景下美国实行罗斯福新政，故选B。
例题2美国总统奥巴马在竞选获胜演讲中说：“美国的真正天赋在于，它懂得改变。
”20世纪30年代美国所进行的一次重大“改变”的主要目的是（）A.加强国家对经济的干预和指导，消除经济危机B.废除黑人奴隶制度，维护国家统一C.驱逐殖民者，建立独立国家D.发展商品经济，促进国民经济的恢复和发展答案：A解析：20世纪30年代美国所进行的一次重大“改变”是指罗斯福新政，其主要目的是加强国家对经济的干预和指导，消除经济危机，答案A。
1. 1933年，富兰克林·罗斯福在第一次就任总统演说中鼓励美国人民说：“真正让我们感到恐惧的，只是恐惧本身。
”你认为当时美国人感到恐惧的是（）A.经济大危机B.希特勒上台C.日本轰炸珍珠港D.美国宣布参加世界大战2.为应对1929—1933年的经济大危机，他上台后宣布实行新政，取得显著成效，美国人认为他是自林肯以来最伟大的总统。
他是（）A.罗斯福B.杜鲁门C.克林顿D.奥巴马3.穿越时光隧道，小明来到1933年的美国游历，他可能经历的事情是（）A.与参加华盛顿会议的中国代表合影B.看到罗斯福宣布实行新政的新闻C.听到日本偷袭珍珠港的消息D.聆听丘吉尔发表的“铁幕”演说4. 富兰克林·罗斯福说：“我们正在努力奋斗，挽救一个伟大的、宝贵的政府。
罗斯福就职演讲稿
First Inaugural AddressFranklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福1933.3.4.演讲者简介：罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。
罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。
罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admittedtheir failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedyof the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states. Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are allready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.。
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一：罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。
因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。
我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
罗斯福就职演说
1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说这是奉献的日子。
值此就职之际，同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势，向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。
现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。
我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。
我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难，而且还将复兴，繁荣。
因此，首先允许我表明我坚定的信念，我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧，它阻碍人们做出必要的努力，反败为胜。
在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期，每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持，这是胜利的根本保证。
我深信，在目前的危急时刻，你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。
我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度；税收增加；人们的支持能力下降；各级政府机关面临着严重的经费削减；现行的贸易交易途径被冻结；工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零；农场主无法找到销售市场；成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。
更为严重的是，大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境，而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。
只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。
然而，我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。
我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。
与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比，我们要幸运的多了。
而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了这一切。
大自然的恩泽不断，而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。
我们的门廊前堆满了财富，但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。
这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。
他们已经承认了失败，自动引退了。
钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责，并为世人所唾弃。
是的，他们曾经努力过，但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。
面对着信用危机，他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。
他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众，一旦失去了利润的诱饵，他们便不惜恩惠并施，声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。
美国第26任总统 西奥多·罗斯福就职演说
就职演说1905年3月4日* *西奥多·罗斯福于1901年9月第二十五任总统威廉·麦金莱遇刺身亡后继任总统，1904年正式当选总统。
这里刊登的是他正式就职时发表的演说。
同胞们：世界上没有哪一个民族比我们更有理由感到欣慰，这样说决无炫耀我们自己的实力之意，而是满怀虔诚地向上帝表达感激之情，感谢他为我们创造条件，使我们能够获得如此巨大的物质财富和如此美好的幸福生活。
我们作为一个民族，已经得到上帝许可，在这片新大陆上奠定我们国民生活的基础。
我们是过去一切时代的继承者，但我们却几乎不必承受那些古老国家中由某种以往文明的传统势力所强加的惩罚。
我们从未为生存所迫而与任何异族作战，但我们的生活却仍然一直在呼唤活力和奋斗，因为舍此我们那些更加雄健刚毅的美德就会丧失殆尽。
在这样的条件下，倘若我们仍然遭到失败，那就是我们自己的过失；我们在过去已经获得的成功，以及我们确信未来将带给我们的胜利，不应在我们心里激起狂妄自大的情绪，而毋宁应使我们对生活赋予我们的一切，保持深刻而恒久的意识，使我们充分认识自己肩负的责任，并以坚定不移的决心展示，一个处于自由政府之下的强大民族一定能够兴旺发达，无论在物质生活还是在精神生活方面都会如此。
赋予我们的东西既然很多，那么期望于我们的理所当然也就不少。
我们对他人和对自己都负有种种责任，对此我们都不能逃避。
我们已成为一个伟大的国家，我们在同世界上其他国家交往时，这一事实促使我们的行为举止必须像一个负有这种责任的民族。
我们对其他所有的国家都应抱有真心实意的友好态度，而不问其国家的大小强弱。
我们不仅应当用言辞而且应当用行动来显示，我们热切地期望本着公正和宽厚地承认其一切权利的精神对待他们，从而博得他们的好感。
但公正和宽宏大量之于一个国家正如对个人一样，只有由强者而不是弱者表现出来才最有意义。
我们从来都小心地避免损害他人，因而我们同样应当分毫不减地坚持自己不受虐待。
我们盼望和平，但我们盼望的是正义的和平，是光明正大的和平。
美国历史上最具代表性的演讲稿——罗斯福四项自由演讲稿
美国历史上最具代表性的演讲稿——罗斯福四项自由演讲稿1933年，美国当时的总统富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin Delano Roosevelt)在就任总统不久后发表了一系列演讲，其中最著名的就是他在1941年1月6日发表的“四项自由演讲稿”，这一演讲稿已经成为美国历史上最具代表性的演讲之一，也是20世纪最重要的演讲之一。
这篇演讲在当时引起了广泛的共鸣，并且在美国及其盟友中产生了巨大的影响，对于战争的结果起到了至关重要的作用。
本文将从以下几方面介绍罗斯福四项自由演讲稿。
一、演讲背景1941年1月6日，罗斯福在美国国会发表了这篇演讲，当时美国政府正在寻找一种方法来支持反法西斯主义的阵营，这篇演讲的目的就是为了让美国能够更加坚定地支持反法西斯国家的决心。
二、四项自由的具体内容在这篇演讲中，罗斯福提出了四项自由，包括言论自由、宗教自由、免于贫困的自由和免于恐惧的自由。
这四项自由中的言论自由和宗教自由早在美国宪法中就已经被确立，但是在那个时代，许多人所处的环境并不能真正保障这两项自由的实现；至于其余两项自由，那是罗斯福在战争背景下对人类生存所需提出的要求。
三、这篇演讲对美国历史的意义在罗斯福演讲之后，美国政府开始更加积极地支持反法西斯主义的阵营，美国在二战中发挥了至关重要的作用。
这篇演讲也确立了一个新的国际秩序，即每个人都有权享受这四项自由。
这也是美国外交政策的一种核心价值观，也是美国成为世界第一超级大国的基础之一。
四、这篇演讲的影响罗斯福四项自由演讲稿的影响远超过美国自身和二战，这自由的理念一直被全世界各国所钦佩和推崇，成为了许多国际组织的主要价值观，比如联合国和世界银行的宗旨都表明了这四项自由的核心意义。
这篇演讲也让美国成为了人权和自由的“象征”。
总之，罗斯福四项自由演讲稿是美国历史上最具代表性的演讲之一，这篇演讲凝聚了美国人的精神和价值，也为全世界所推崇。
这项自由的理念不仅为美国历史上重要事件提供了指导方针，也为其它国家在推进自由和人权方面提供了有力的支持。
罗斯福国会珍珠港演说背景介绍
罗斯福国会珍珠港演说背景介绍罗斯福国会珍珠港演说是美国总统富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福于1941年12月8日在美国国会发表的演说。
这个演讲被认为是二战前后最有影响力的演讲之一，它概括了美国加入二战的理由和立场，标志着美国进入二战。
1941年12月7日上午日本袭击了夏威夷珍珠港，摧毁了美国的舰队和军事基地，造成了重大损失。
小步兵降低了紧张状态，以为日本不会袭击珍珠港。
当攻击发生时，美国政府和军队都措手不及，由于通讯故障，美国没有及时得到信息。
罗斯福国会演讲当时的形势至关紧要，美国正处于意识形态的变革时期。
罗斯福是一个出色的演说家，他利用他的声音和方式来引起听众的注意和关注，这使得他成为他所面对的历史时刻的理想领袖。
在这个关键时刻，他用他的演说来激励和鼓舞人心，同时向美国的敌人和盟友发出警告。
演讲的开端与结尾都含有经典的语言，而第二段和第三段则是演说的重点。
在第二段中，罗斯福提到了日本攻击珍珠港是“袭击并背叛”，引起了听众的强烈反应。
在第三段中，他说：“在我看来，昨天是美国历史上最黑暗的一天。
”这个句子对美国人的心理产生了巨大的影响。
在演讲中，罗斯福还说，“我们面临的挑战是更高尚的，更庄严的。
”他强调了美国与其他国家之间的区别，美国是自由世界的领导者和保卫者。
他说，“良心和理性告诉我们，在这种危险和尽责的时刻我们不能失败，我们必须胜利。
”这演讲不仅透露出美国决心进入二战的信号，而且继续为美中关系指明了方向。
罗斯福国会演讲在国际上产生了重大的影响，使得日本和德国的领导人关注到美国的实力和决心。
总之，罗斯福国会珍珠港演说是美国历史上具有重要影响力的演讲之一。
这是一次标志性的演说，它传达了美国进入二战的原因、目的和立场。
它激励了美国人民和盟国，并向美国的敌人发出了警告。
它还标志着美国成为世界自由的保卫者和领导者。
罗斯福的首次就职演说
美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。
因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。
我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。
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罗斯福就职演说的背景篇一：罗斯福总统就职演说FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,unreasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeff ortstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeaders hipoffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeo plethemselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiv ethatsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnomarketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheirow nincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesoftheunsc rupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedb ytheheartsandmindsofmen.Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremon ey.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduceourpeopletofollowtheirfalsel eadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofself-seekers.Theyhavenovi sion,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperish. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilization.wemaynowrestorethattempletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationli esintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetarypr ofit.Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpolitica lpositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofi t;andtheremustbeanendtoaconductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenh asgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwo nderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesa crednessofobligations,onfaithfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;witho utthemitcannotlive.Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavorto provideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelp edbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthep owertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticall ythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhomesandourf arms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgovernments actforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanbehelped bytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical ,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforand supervisionofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilit ieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanb ehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactq uickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurr ency.Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecial sessiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseekthe immediateassistanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelation s,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheesta blishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoff irstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationalecono micreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishme nt. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegood neighbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso, respectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespe ctsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemustgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingtosacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdisciplineno progressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,readyandwilli ngtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmakespossibleal eadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelar gerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityofdutyhithert oevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollyadequatetomeettheunprecedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedenteddemandandneedforundelayedactionmaycallfortemporaryde parturefromthatnormalbalanceofpublicprocedure. iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthemeasuresthatastrickennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuch othermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildoutofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishall seek,withinmyconstitutionalauthority,tobringtospeedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstillcritical,ishallnotevadetheclearcourse ofdutythatwillthenconfrontme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingins trumenttomeetthecrisis--broadExecutivepowertowageawaragainsttheemer gency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegiventomeifwewereinfactinvadedby aforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthedevotionthatbefittheti me.icandonoless. wefacethearduousdaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunit y;withtheclearconsciousnessofseekingoldandpreciousmoralvalues;withthe clean satisfactionthatcomesfromthestemperformanceofdutybyoldandyoungalike .weaimattheassuranceofaroundedandpermanentnationallife. wedonotdistrustthefutureofessentialdemocracy.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStat eshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredamandatethattheywantdirec t,vigorousaction.Theyhaveaskedfordisciplineanddirectionunderleadership. Theyhavemademethepresentinstrumentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftit akeit. inthisdedicationofanationwehumblyasktheblessingofGod.mayHeprotecteachandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.译文：富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。