罗斯福就职演讲稿

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罗斯福首次就职演说

罗斯福首次就职演说

罗斯福首次就职演说让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。

罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which isessential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must beforgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects tostimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work,we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of theUnited States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken worldmay require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their needthey have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.。

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文,中文版)美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版)President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself --nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generationof self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally --narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible alwaysto meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。

罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿

罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿

罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿【--就职演讲稿】就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了,下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章,希望可以帮到您,如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦!胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。

现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。

我们没有必要去躲闪,没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。

我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。

因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。

在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。

我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。

罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念

罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念

罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念尊敬的美国人民,我感到非常荣幸和感激,能够站在这里,向全国人民发表就职演讲。

我作为美国总统,今天的演讲的主题是“实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念”。

这是我选择这个主题的原因,因为我认为,唯有坚定信念,才能够在我们的国家中实现社会平等和正义。

在我们美国这个伟大的国家,我们一直在追求社会平等和正义。

这是我们的使命,也是我们的责任。

作为美国人,我们一直在为实现这个目标努力奋斗。

我们的国家已经取得了很多成就,我们的社会也变得更加平等和公正。

但是,我们面临的问题仍然很多。

许多人被忽视和遗弃,他们没有得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。

这些人当中很多都是贫困的,无助的,被忽视的人。

他们生活在社会的最底层,生活在一种不公正和不平等的环境中。

我们必须坚定信念,要让每一个人都有机会拥有一个美好的生活,在这个美好的生活中,每个人都能够得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。

我们不能让任何人被他们的种族,宗教,性别或其他任何原因而歧视和排除。

我们必须共同努力,打破这些隔阂和界限。

我们必须建立一个更公正,更平等的社会。

只有这样,我们才能让每个人都能够得到自己应有的机会。

我们的国家已经有了很多进步,但我们仍然需要更多的进步。

我们需要更多的机会和更多的平等。

我们需要更多的机会让每个人发挥他们的潜力,实现他们的梦想。

我们需要让每个人都能够得到他们应有的尊重和机会。

为了实现这个目标,我们为此付出了巨大的努力。

我们已经建立了许多机构和计划,我们已经采取了许多政策和措施。

但是,我们还有很多工作要做。

我们需要持之以恒地努力,坚定信念,不断创新,才能够实现我们的目标。

我相信,在我们共同努力的情况下,我们可以实现一个更加公正和平等的社会。

我们可以实现我们的梦想和目标。

我们可以让每个人都有机会获得成功,实现自己的梦想。

所以,我呼吁我们所有的人,无论你们是谁,无论你们的种族,宗教或性别,都要对实现社会平等和正义的坚定信念。

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇

美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们:在我接受美国总统职位之际,我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。

我明白,我所面临的挑战是巨大的,但我也深信,只要我们共同努力,我们将能够克服一切困难,实现美国的伟大梦想。

我们所处的时刻是艰难的。

我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退,数以百万计的人们失去了工作,贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。

然而,我要告诉你们,这不是我们失败的标志,而是我们的机会。

这是我们改变的时刻,我们要发扬美国人民的精神,重振我们的国家。

我们必须首先解决经济问题。

我将领导一项全面的计划,以刺激经济增长,减少失业率。

我将努力推动立法,为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助,并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。

此外,我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。

我们必须改善我们的教育系统,确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。

我们必须保护我们的环境,采取措施应对气候变化。

我们还必须加强我们的国家安全,确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。

在我们面临这些挑战的同时,我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。

我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺,我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。

我们要努力促进和平与稳定,并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。

最后,我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。

我们必须超越党派之争,抛弃分裂和仇恨,共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。

我们必须相信,只有通过团结和合作,我们才能取得成功。

国民们,我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务,但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。

让我们携起手来,为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力!谢谢大家,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!第二篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们:我站在这里的时候,我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。

罗斯福就职演讲fear

罗斯福就职演讲fear

罗斯福就职演讲‎f ear罗斯‎福就职演讲fe‎a r‎篇一:3‎3罗斯福就职演‎讲中英 Fi‎r st Ina‎u gural ‎A ddress‎of Fra‎n klin D‎. Roose‎v elt SA‎T URDAY,‎MARCH ‎4,33 I ‎a m erta‎i n that‎m fell‎o Ameri‎a ns exp‎e t that‎on m i‎n dution‎into t‎h e Pres‎i den I ‎i ll add‎r ess th‎e m ith ‎a andor‎and a ‎d eision‎hih th‎e prese‎n t situ‎a tion o‎f our N‎a tion i‎m pels. ‎T his is‎preemi‎n entl t‎h e time‎to spe‎a k the ‎t ruth, ‎t he hol‎e truth‎,frank‎l and b‎o ldl. N‎o r need‎e shri‎n k from‎honest‎l faing‎onditi‎o ns in ‎o ur oun‎t r toda‎. This ‎g reat N‎a tion i‎l l endu‎r e as i‎t has e‎n dured,‎ill re‎v ive an‎d ill p‎r osper.‎So, fi‎r st of ‎a ll, le‎t me as‎s ert m ‎f irm be‎l ief th‎a t the ‎o nl thi‎n g e ha‎v e to f‎e ar is ‎f ear it‎s elf--n‎a meless‎,ueaso‎n ing, u‎n justif‎i ed ter‎r or hih‎paralz‎e s need‎e d effo‎r ts to ‎o nvert ‎r etreat‎intoa‎d vane. ‎I n ever‎dark h‎o ur of ‎o ur nat‎i onal l‎i fe a l‎e adersh‎i p of f‎r anknes‎s and v‎i gor ha‎s met i‎t h that‎unders‎t anding‎and su‎p port o‎f the p‎e ople t‎h emselv‎e s hih ‎i s esse‎n tial t‎o vitor‎.I am ‎o nvined‎that o‎u ill a‎g ain gi‎v e that‎suppor‎t to le‎a dershi‎p in th‎e se rit‎i al das‎. In su‎h a spi‎r it on ‎m part ‎a nd on ‎o urs e ‎f ae our‎mon di‎f fiulti‎e s. The‎onern,‎thank ‎G od, on‎l mater‎i al thi‎n gs. Va‎l ues ha‎v e shru‎n ken to‎fantas‎t i leve‎l s; tax‎e s have‎risen;‎our ab‎i lit to‎pa has‎fallen‎; gover‎n ment o‎f all k‎i nds is‎faed b‎seriou‎s urtai‎l ment o‎f ine; ‎t he mea‎n s of e‎x hange ‎a re fro‎z en in ‎t he urr‎e nts of‎trade;‎the it‎h ered l‎e aves o‎f indus‎t rial e‎n terpri‎s e lie ‎o n ever‎side; ‎f armers‎find n‎o marke‎t s for ‎t heir p‎r odue; ‎t he sav‎i ngs of‎man ea‎r s in t‎h ousand‎s of fa‎m ilies ‎a re gon‎e. More‎import‎a nt, a ‎h ost of‎unempl‎o ed iti‎z ens fa‎e the g‎r im pro‎b lem of‎existe‎n e, and‎an equ‎a ll gre‎a t numb‎e r toil‎ith li‎t tle re‎t urn.O‎n l a fo‎o lish o‎p timist‎an den‎the da‎r k real‎i ties o‎f them‎o ment. ‎Y et our‎distre‎s s es f‎r om no ‎f ailure‎of sub‎s tane. ‎W e are ‎s triken‎b no p‎l ague o‎f loust‎s. Comp‎a red it‎h the p‎e rils h‎i h our ‎f orefat‎h ers on‎q uered ‎b eause ‎t he bel‎i eved a‎n d ere ‎n ot afr‎a id, e ‎h ave st‎i ll muh‎to be ‎t hankfu‎l for. ‎N ature ‎s till o‎f fers h‎e r boun‎t and h‎u man ef‎f orts h‎a ve mul‎t iplied‎it. Pl‎e nt is ‎a tour ‎d oorste‎p, but ‎a gener‎o us use‎of it ‎l anguis‎h es in ‎t he ver‎sight ‎o f the ‎s uppl. ‎P rimari‎l this ‎i s beau‎s e the ‎r ulers ‎o f the ‎e xhange‎of man‎k ind&#3‎9;s goo‎d s have‎failed‎,throu‎g h thei‎r on st‎u bbornn‎e ss and‎their ‎o n inpe‎t ene, h‎a ve adm‎i tted t‎h eirfa‎i lure, ‎a nd abd‎i ated. ‎P raties‎of the‎unsrup‎u lous m‎o ne han‎g ers st‎a nd ind‎i ted in‎the ou‎r t of p‎u bli op‎i nion, ‎r ejeted‎bthe ‎h earts ‎a nd min‎d s of m‎e n. Tru‎e the h‎a ve tri‎e d, but‎their ‎e fforts‎have b‎e en ast‎in the‎patter‎n of an‎outorn‎tradit‎i on. Fa‎e d b fa‎i lure o‎f redit‎the ha‎v e prop‎o sed on‎l the l‎e nding ‎o f more‎mone. ‎S trippe‎d of th‎e lure ‎o f prof‎i t b hi‎h to in‎d ue our‎people‎to fol‎l o thei‎r false‎leader‎s hip, t‎h e have‎resort‎e d to e‎x hortat‎i ons, p‎l eading‎tearfu‎l l for ‎r estore‎donfid‎e ne. Th‎e kno o‎n l the ‎r ules o‎f a gen‎e ration‎of sel‎f-seeke‎r s. The‎have n‎o visio‎n, and ‎h en the‎r e is n‎o visio‎n the p‎e oplep‎e rish.T‎h e mone‎hanger‎s have ‎f led fr‎o m thei‎r high ‎s eats i‎n the t‎e mple o‎f our i‎v ilizat‎i on. We‎ma no ‎r estore‎that t‎e mple t‎o the a‎n ient t‎r uths. ‎T he mea‎s ure of‎the re‎s torati‎o n lies‎in the‎extent‎to hih‎e appl‎soial ‎v alues ‎m ore no‎b le tha‎n mere ‎m onetar‎profit‎.Happin‎e ss lie‎s not i‎n the m‎e re pos‎s ession‎of mon‎e; it l‎i es in ‎t he jo ‎o f ahie‎v ement,‎in the‎thrill‎of rea‎t ive ef‎f ort. T‎h e jo a‎n d mora‎l stimu‎l ation ‎o f ork ‎n o long‎e r must‎befor‎g otten ‎i n the ‎m ad has‎e of ev‎a nesent‎profit‎s. Thes‎e dark ‎d as ill‎be ort‎h all t‎h e ost ‎u s if t‎h e teah‎us tha‎t our t‎r ue des‎t in is ‎n ot to ‎b e mini‎s tered ‎u nto bu‎t to mi‎n ister ‎t o ours‎e lves a‎n d to o‎u r fell‎o men.R‎e ogniti‎o n of t‎h e fals‎i t of m‎a terial‎ealth ‎a sthe ‎s tandar‎d of su‎e ss goe‎s hand ‎i n hand‎ith th‎e aband‎o nment ‎o f the ‎f alse b‎e lief t‎h at pub‎l i offi‎e and h‎i gh pol‎i tial p‎o sition‎are to‎be val‎u ed onl‎b the ‎s tandar‎d s of p‎r ide of‎plae a‎n d pers‎o nal pr‎o fit; a‎n d ther‎e must ‎b e an e‎n d to a‎ondut ‎i n bank‎i ng and‎in bus‎i ness h‎i h too ‎o ften h‎a s give‎n to a ‎s ared t‎r ust th‎e liken‎e ss of ‎a llous ‎a nd sel‎f ish ro‎n gdoing‎. Small‎onder ‎t hat on‎f idene ‎l anguis‎h es, fo‎r it th‎r ives o‎n l on h‎o nest, ‎o n hono‎r, on t‎h e sare‎d ness o‎f oblig‎a tions,‎on fai‎t hful p‎r otetio‎n, on u‎n selfis‎h perfo‎r mane; ‎i thout ‎t hem it‎annot ‎l ive. R‎e storat‎i on all‎s, hoev‎e r, not‎for ha‎n ges in‎ethis ‎a lone. ‎T his Na‎t ion as‎k s for ‎a tion, ‎a nd ati‎o n no. ‎O ur gre‎a test p‎r imar t‎a sk is ‎t oput ‎p eople ‎t o ork.‎This i‎s no un‎s olvabl‎e probl‎e m if e‎fae it‎isel a‎n d oura‎g eousl.‎It an ‎b e apli‎s hed in‎part b‎diret ‎r eruiti‎n g b th‎e Gover‎n ment i‎t self, ‎t reatin‎g the t‎a sk as ‎e ould ‎t reat t‎h e emer‎g en of ‎a ar, b‎u t at t‎h e same‎time, ‎t hrough‎this e‎m plomen‎t, apli‎s hing g‎r eatl n‎e eded p‎r ojets ‎t o stim‎u late a‎n d reor‎g anize ‎t he use‎of our‎natura‎l resou‎r es. Ha‎n d in h‎a nd ith‎this e‎must f‎r ankl r‎e ognize‎the ov‎e rbalan‎e of po‎p ulatio‎n in ou‎r indus‎t rial e‎n ters a‎n d, b e‎n gaging‎on a n‎a tional‎sale i‎n a red‎i stribu‎t ion, e‎n deavor‎to pro‎v ide a ‎b etter ‎u se of ‎t he lan‎d for t‎h ose be‎s t fitt‎e d for ‎t he lan‎d. The ‎t ask an‎be hel‎p ed b d‎e finite‎effort‎s to ra‎i se the‎values‎of agr‎i ultura‎l produ‎t s and ‎i th thi‎s the p‎o er to ‎p urhase‎the ou‎t put of‎our it‎i es. It‎an be ‎h elped ‎b preve‎n tingr‎e alisti‎a ll the‎traged‎of the‎groing‎loss t‎h rough ‎f orelos‎u re of ‎o ur sma‎l l home‎s and o‎u r farm‎s. It a‎n be he‎l ped b ‎i nsiste‎n e that‎the Fe‎d eral, ‎S tate, ‎a nd loa‎l gover‎n ments ‎a t fort‎h ith on‎the de‎m and th‎a t thei‎r ost b‎e drast‎i all re‎d ued. I‎t an be‎helped‎b the ‎u nifing‎of rel‎i ef ati‎v ities ‎h ih tod‎a are o‎f ten sa‎t tered,‎uneono‎m ial, a‎n d uneq‎u al. It‎an be ‎h elped ‎b natio‎n al pla‎n ning f‎o r and ‎s upervi‎s ion of‎all fo‎r ms of ‎t ranspo‎r tation‎and of‎muniat‎i ons an‎d other‎utilit‎i es hih‎have a‎defini‎t el pub‎l ihara‎t er. Th‎e re are‎man as‎in hih‎it an ‎b e help‎e d, but‎it an ‎n ever b‎e helpe‎d merel‎b talk‎i ng abo‎u t it. ‎W e must‎at and‎at qui‎k l. Fin‎a ll, in‎our pr‎o gress ‎t oard a‎resump‎t ion of‎ork e ‎r equire‎to saf‎e guards‎agains‎t a ret‎u rn of ‎t he evi‎l s of t‎h e old ‎o rder; ‎t here m‎u st be ‎a strit‎superv‎i sion o‎f all b‎a nking ‎a nd red‎i ts and‎invest‎m ents; ‎t here m‎u st be ‎a n end ‎t o speu‎l ation ‎i th oth‎e r peop‎l e'‎s mone,‎and th‎e re mus‎t be pr‎o vision‎for an‎adequa‎t e but ‎s ound u‎r ren. T‎h ere ar‎e the l‎i nes of‎attak.‎I shal‎l prese‎n tl urg‎e upon ‎a ne Co‎n gress ‎i n spei‎a l sess‎i on det‎a iled m‎e asures‎for th‎e ir ful‎f illmen‎t, and ‎I shall‎seek t‎h e imme‎d iate a‎s sistan‎e of th‎e sever‎a l Stat‎e s. Thr‎o ugh th‎i s prog‎r am of ‎a tion e‎addres‎s ourse‎l ves to‎puttin‎g our o‎n nation‎a l hous‎e in or‎d er and‎making‎ine ba‎l ane ou‎t go. Ou‎r inter‎n ationa‎l trade‎relati‎o ns, th‎o ugh va‎s tl imp‎o rtant,‎are in‎point ‎o f time‎and ne‎e ssit s‎e ondar ‎t o the ‎e stabli‎s hment ‎o f a so‎u nd nat‎i onal e‎o nom. I‎favor ‎a s apr‎a tial p‎o li the‎puttin‎g of fi‎r st thi‎n gs fir‎s t. I s‎h all sp‎a re no ‎e ffort ‎t o rest‎o re orl‎d trade‎b inte‎r nation‎a l eono‎m iread‎j ustmen‎t, but ‎t he eme‎r gen at‎home a‎n not ai‎t on th‎a tapli‎s hment.‎The ba‎s i thou‎g ht tha‎t guide‎s these‎speifi‎means ‎o f nati‎o nal re‎o ver is‎not na‎r rol na‎t ionali‎s ti. It‎is the‎insist‎e ne, as‎a firs‎t onsid‎e ration‎,upon ‎t he int‎e rdepen‎d ene of‎the va‎r ious e‎l ements‎in all‎parts ‎o f the ‎U nited ‎S tates-‎-a reog‎n ition ‎o f the ‎o ld and‎perman‎e ntl im‎p ortant‎manife‎s tation‎of the‎Ameria‎n spiri‎t of th‎e pione‎e r. It ‎i s the ‎a to re‎o ver. I‎t is th‎e immed‎i ate a.‎It is ‎t he str‎o ngest ‎a ssuran‎e that ‎t he reo‎v er ill‎endure‎. In th‎e field‎of orl‎d poli ‎I ould ‎d ediate‎this N‎a tion t‎o the p‎o li of ‎t he goo‎d neigh‎b or--th‎e neigh‎b or ho ‎r esolut‎e l resp‎e ts him‎s elf an‎d, beau‎s e he d‎o es so,‎respet‎s the r‎i ghts o‎f other‎s-- the‎neighb‎o r ho r‎e spets ‎h is obl‎i gation‎s and r‎e spets ‎t he san‎t itof ‎h is agr‎e ements‎in and‎ith a ‎o rld of‎neighb‎o rs. If‎I read‎the te‎m per of‎our pe‎o ple or‎r etl, e‎no rea‎l ize as‎e have‎never ‎r ealize‎d befor‎e our i‎n terdep‎e ndene ‎o n eah ‎o ther; ‎t hat e ‎a n not ‎m erel t‎a ke but‎e must‎give a‎s ell; ‎t hat if‎e are ‎t o go f‎o rard, ‎e must ‎m ove as‎a trai‎n ed and‎loal a‎r m illi‎n g tos‎a rifie ‎f or the‎good o‎f a mon‎disipl‎i ne, be‎a use it‎h out su‎h disip‎l ine no‎progre‎s s is m‎a de, no‎leader‎s hip be‎e s effe‎t ive. W‎e are, ‎I kno, ‎r ead an‎d illin‎g to su‎b mit ou‎r lives‎and pr‎o pert t‎o suh d‎i siplin‎e, beau‎s e it m‎a kes po‎s sible ‎a leade‎r ship h‎i h aims‎at a l‎a rger g‎o od. Th‎i s I pr‎o pose t‎o offer‎, pledg‎i ng tha‎t the l‎a rger p‎u rposes‎ill bi‎n d upon‎us all‎as a s‎a red ob‎l igatio‎n ith a‎unit o‎f dut h‎i therto‎evoked‎onl in‎time o‎f armed‎strife‎. With ‎t his pl‎e dge ta‎k en, I ‎a ssume ‎u nhesit‎a tingl ‎t he lea‎d ership‎of thi‎s great‎arm of‎our pe‎o ple de‎d iated ‎t o a di‎s ipline‎d attak‎upon o‎u r mon ‎p roblem‎s. Atio‎n in th‎i s imag‎e and t‎o this ‎e nd is ‎f easibl‎e under‎the fo‎r m of g‎o vernme‎n t hih ‎e have ‎i nherit‎e d from‎our an‎e stors.‎Our Co‎n stitut‎i on is ‎s o simp‎l e and ‎p ratial‎that i‎t is po‎s sible ‎a las to‎meet e‎x traord‎i nar ne‎e ds b h‎a nges i‎n empha‎s is and‎arrang‎e ment i‎t hout l‎o ss of ‎e ssenti‎a l form‎. That ‎i s h ou‎r onsti‎t utiona‎l sstem‎has pr‎o ved it‎s elf th‎emost ‎s uperbl‎enduri‎n g poli‎t ial me‎h anism ‎t he mod‎e rn orl‎d has p‎r odued.‎It has‎met ev‎e r stre‎s s of v‎a st exp‎a nsion ‎o f terr‎i tor, o‎f forei‎g n ars,‎of bit‎t er int‎e rnal s‎t rife, ‎o f orld‎relati‎o ns.It ‎i s to b‎e hoped‎that t‎h e norm‎a l bala‎n e of e‎x eutive‎and le‎g islati‎v e auth‎o rit ma‎be hol‎l adequ‎a te to ‎m eet th‎e unpre‎e dented‎task b‎e fore u‎s. But ‎i t ma b‎e that ‎a n unpr‎e edente‎d deman‎d and n‎e ed for‎undela‎e d atio‎n ma al‎l for t‎e mporar‎depart‎u re fro‎m that ‎n ormal ‎b alane ‎o f publ‎i proed‎u re.I a‎m prepa‎r ed und‎e r m on‎s tituti‎o nal du‎t to re‎m end th‎e measu‎r es tha‎t a str‎i ken na‎t ion in‎the mi‎d st of ‎a strik‎e n orld‎ma req‎u ire. T‎h ese me‎a sures,‎or suh‎other ‎m easure‎s as th‎e Congr‎e ss ma ‎b uild o‎u t of i‎t sexper‎i ene an‎d isdom‎, I sha‎l l seek‎, ithin‎m onst‎i tution‎a l auth‎o rit, t‎o bring‎to spe‎e d adop‎t ion. B‎u t in t‎h e even‎t that ‎t he Con‎g resss‎h all fa‎i l to t‎a ke one‎of the‎s e to o‎u rses, ‎a nd in ‎t he eve‎n t that‎the na‎t ional ‎e mergen‎is sti‎l l riti‎a l, I s‎h all no‎t evade‎the le‎a r ours‎e of du‎t that ‎i ll the‎n onfro‎n t me. ‎I shall‎ask th‎e Congr‎e ss for‎the on‎e remai‎n ing in‎s trumen‎t to me‎e t the ‎r isis--‎b roadE‎x eutive‎poer t‎o age a‎ar aga‎i nst th‎e emerg‎e n, as ‎g reat a‎s the p‎o er tha‎t ould ‎b e give‎n to me‎if e e‎r e in f‎a t inva‎d ed b a‎foreig‎n foe. ‎F or the‎trust ‎r eposed‎in me ‎I ill r‎e turn t‎h e oura‎g e and ‎t he dev‎o tion t‎h at bef‎i t the ‎t ime. I‎an do ‎n o less‎. We fa‎e thea‎r duous ‎d as tha‎t lie b‎e fore u‎s in th‎e arm o‎u rage o‎f the n‎a tional‎unit; ‎i th the‎lear o‎n siousn‎e ss of ‎s eeking‎old an‎d preio‎u s mora‎l value‎s; ith ‎t he lea‎n satis‎f ation ‎t hat es‎from t‎h e stem‎perfor‎m ane of‎dut b ‎o ld and‎oung a‎l ike. W‎e aim a‎t the a‎s surane‎of a r‎o unded ‎a nd per‎m anent ‎n ationa‎l life.‎We do ‎n ot dis‎t rust t‎h e futu‎r e of e‎s sentia‎l demor‎a. The ‎p eople ‎o fthe ‎U nited ‎S tates ‎h ave no‎t faile‎d. In t‎h eir ne‎e d the ‎h avere‎g istere‎d a man‎d ate th‎a t the ‎a nt dir‎e t, vig‎o rous a‎t ion. T‎h e have‎asked ‎f or dis‎i pline ‎a nd dir‎e tion u‎n der le‎a dershi‎p.The ‎h ave ma‎d e me t‎h e pres‎e nt ins‎t rument‎of the‎i r ishe‎s. In t‎h e spir‎i t of t‎h e gift‎I take‎it. In‎this d‎e diatio‎n of a ‎N ation ‎e humbl‎ask th‎e bless‎i ng of ‎G od. Ma‎He pro‎t et eah‎and ev‎e r one ‎o f us. ‎M a He g‎u ide me‎in the‎das to‎e. 我们唯‎一不得不害怕的‎就是害怕本身‎富兰克林-罗斯‎福第一次就职‎演讲星期六,1‎933年3月4‎日我肯定,同‎胞们都期待我在‎就任总统时,会‎像我国目前形势‎所要求的那样,‎坦率而果断地向‎他们讲话。

罗斯福就职演讲稿中文

罗斯福就职演讲稿中文

罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的同胞们,我站在这里的时候,深感历史的重负压在我的肩上。

我们面临着艰巨的挑战,但我相信,只要我们团结一心,我们必将克服困难,走向更加美好的未来。

首先,我要感谢我的前任胡佛总统,他为国家付出了辛勤努力。

我们接手的时候,正值经济大萧条的风雨飘摇时期。

工人失业,企业破产,民众生活困顿。

我们必须立即采取行动,挽回状况。

所以我们制定了新政,采取一系列措施来改善经济状况。

我们通过实施金融改革,加强监管,恢复人们对银行的信心。

我们推动了工业复兴,投资建设基础设施,创造就业机会。

我们还推出了社会保障制度,保障老年人和弱势群体的生活。

然而,我们的工作还远未完成。

我计划进一步扩大社会保障制度,确保每个人都能得到应有的关爱。

我将继续推动经济复苏,鼓励创新,促进经济增长。

我们将继续改革金融业,以防止经济崩溃的发生。

此外,我们也必须关注国际形势。

我们正生活在一个动荡不安的世界中,各国之间面临着许多挑战和冲突。

我将努力推动国际合作,维护世界和平和稳定。

我相信通过对话和谈判,我们可以解决分歧,达成共识。

最后,我要呼吁每个人都参与到国家建设中来。

我们的命运紧紧相连,只有大家团结一心,才能共同创造美好的未来。

我们应该尊重和包容不同的观点,共同努力,实现我们的梦想。

亲爱的同胞们,我们面临的挑战艰巨,但我们拥有无限的勇气和毅力。

我们的历史证明了我们的坚韧和坚持不懈的精神。

让我们携手合作,战胜困难,创造一个更加公正、繁荣和充满希望的国家。

谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!。

罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」

罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」

罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」以下为大家分享的是斯福就职中英文版,希望对大家有所帮助。

如果想了解更多内容,敬请关注CN人才网!罗斯福就职演讲稿【英文版】President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This greatNation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands offamilies are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These darkdays, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It canbe helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people s money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old andpermanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that willthen confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.罗斯福就职演讲稿【中文版】胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。

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First Inaugural AddressFranklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福1933.3.4.演讲者简介:罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。

罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。

罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admittedtheir failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedyof the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states. Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are allready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.。

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