不自由毋宁死-翻译
翻译整理
唱了一两首歌，演了三四场戏，露了五六次脸……再出一次场，就要人上门请了；再演一出戏，就开始讨价还价了；再遇到一件什么不满意的事，就可以张口骂人了。
The person, who has sung one or two songs, performed three or four plays, appeared five or six times…we have to invite him formally if we want him to come out, and he will bargain if we want him to perform a new play, then he will break out in curse if he is not satisfied with something.名气越来越大，名声越来越响……到哪儿都有人前呼后拥；出场费不给个二、三十万就不去；开车撞到人就可以说：“要多少钱给你就是了。
”Someone who becomes more and more well-known…He is attended by fans and assistan ts wherever he go. And he will not come out if he is not given 200,000 or 300,000 RMB. Even he runs his car into a person, battening on his money, he will indifferently says: “how much do you want? I will pay you.”官越做越大了，权越来越大了……脾气也越来越大了，口气也越来越大了，大事小事都由个人说了算了，“什么民主不民主，这事就这么定了。
”The person who gets a higher position and more power, his temper also becomes worse and worse, taking decision by himself and ignoring the democracy.人到这个时候，就开始走下坡路了……The person in this situation also means he is on the do wn grade…很多观众激动得叫起来。
高中文言文固定短语和句式64例(精品、经典)
如……何？
奈……何？
拿……怎么样呢？
例:尔能奈我何？
翻译：你能拿我怎么样？
32.是故
所以，因此。
例:是故无贵无贱，无长无少，道之所存，师之所存也。——《师说》翻译：因此，不论地位高还是低，不论年龄大还是小，道理存在的地方，就是老师所在的地方。
33.是以
因此，因而。
例:余是以记之，盖叹郦元之简，而笑李渤之陋也。——《石钟山记》翻译：我因此记下这件事，为的是叹惜郦道元（记事）的简略，也嘲笑李渤见识浅陋啊。
40.往往
处处，到处；
常常。
内外多置小门，墙往往而是。——《项脊轩志》翻译：（庭院）内外开了许多小门，隔墙到处都是。
41.
唯…是……
倒装结构
例:“惟（唯）命是从”
42.
为…所……
被。
例:不者，若属皆且为所虏！——《鸿门宴》翻译：否则，你们这些人都将被（刘邦）俘虏！例:问所与饮食者，尽富贵也，而未尝有显者来。——《齐人有一妻一妾》
翻译：等到已经到了这步田地，（还）说自己没有受辱，是人们说的厚脸皮罢了。
39.所以
a.表凭借（手段、工具、条件、方式、动作行为的状态）
师者，所以传道、受业、解惑也。——《师说》翻译：老师，靠他传授道理、教授学业、解答疑难问题的人。
b.表因果:
所以不报谢者，以为小礼无所用。——《信陵君窃符救赵》翻译：我之所以不回拜答谢，（是因为我）认为小礼节没什么用处。
7.而况
何况，况且。
例:臣虽下愚，知其不可，而况于明哲乎？——《谏太宗十思疏》
翻译：臣虽然十分愚笨，（也）知道那是不可能的，更何况明智的人呢？
8.而已
罢了。
例:闻道有先后，术业有专攻，如是而已。——《师说》翻译：懂得道理有先有后，技能业务各有钻研与擅长，不过如此罢了。
关于自的成语及解释
关于自的成语及解释关于自的成语及解释以“自”字开头的成语及解释如下：[自作自受] 自己做了蠢事坏事，自己倒霉。
[自作主张] 指没有经过上级或有关方面同意，就擅自处置。
[自作门户] 指自己创立派别或结成宗派。
同“自立门户”。
[自作解人] 指不明真意而乱发议论的人。
[自作聪明] 自以为聪明而乱作主张。
指过高地估计自己，主观地办事。
[自知之明] 自知：自己了解自己；明：看清事物的能力。
指了解自己的情况，对自己有正确的估计。
[自怨自艾] 怨：怨恨，悔恨；艾：割草，比喻改正错误。
原意是悔恨自己的错误，自己改正。
现在只指悔恨自己的错误。
[自圆其说] 圆：圆满，周全。
指说话的人能使自己的论点或谎话没有漏洞。
[自有公论] 指事情的是非曲直公众自然会有评论。
[自由自在] 形容没有约束，十分安闲随意。
[自由放任] 不加约束，任它自由发展。
[自由泛滥] 指某种错误的思想言行没有约束，到处扩散。
[自用则小] 自用：只凭自己的主观意图行事，不虚心向人求教。
主观武断，就办不成大事。
[自以为是] 是：对。
总以为自己是对的。
形容主观，不虚心。
[自以为得计] 得计：计谋得逞。
自以为计谋很对很好了（含贬义）。
[自贻伊戚] 贻：遗留；伊：此；戚：忧愁，悲哀。
比喻自寻烦恼，自招忧患。
[自贻伊咎] 指自己招来过错。
[自诒伊戚] 自寻烦恼；自招灾殃。
[自业自得] 业：造作；得：获得，取得。
佛家语，指自作自受。
[自言自语] 自己一个人低声嘀咕。
[自崖而反] 崖：崖岸；反：通“返”，回。
旧时送行辞。
[自寻烦恼] 自找的烦闷苦恼。
意思是，本来不该有烦闷苦恼。
[自寻短见] 短见：本指见识短浅，引申为自杀。
自己认为无法活下去而寻死。
[自行其是] 自己认为对的就做，不考虑别人的意见。
[自信不疑] 相信自己，绝不怀疑。
[自新之路] 罪犯自己改正错误，重新做人的出路。
[自相鱼肉] 鱼肉：当作鱼肉一般任意宰割。
比喻内部自相残杀。
[自相水火] 自己人互相像水火那样不能相容。
鲍勃.迪伦的歌词《答案在风中飘荡》赏析
鲍勃.迪伦的歌词《答案在风中飘荡》赏析第一篇：鲍勃.迪伦的歌词《答案在风中飘荡》赏析鲍勃．迪伦的歌词《答案在风中飘荡》赏析黄运炎一个男人要走过多少条路才能被称为一个男人一只白鸽子要越过多少海水才能在沙滩上长眠炮弹在天上要飞多少次才能被永远禁止答案，我的朋友，在风中飘荡答案在风中飘荡是啊一座山要存在多少年才能被冲向大海是啊一些人要生存多少年才能够获得自由是啊一个人能转头多少次假装他只是没看见答案，我的朋友，在风中飘荡答案在风中飘荡是啊一个人要抬头多少次才能够看见天空是啊一个人要有多少耳朵才能听见人们哭泣是啊到底要花费多少生命他才能知道太多人死亡答案，我的朋友，在风中飘荡答案在风中飘荡一个有生命的人，不可能没有思考；一个有思考的人，会获得更广阔的生命。
一个能把生命的感悟付诸笔端的人，更是能获得生命延长的人。
鲍勃．迪伦就是这样的人！作者在歌词中所表现出的对这个人类、社会、人生的深层的忧患与痛苦刺痛着我的心。
“一个人要抬头多少次，才能看见天空”，不是每一次抬头你都会看见巍峨的峰巅；不是每一次的抬头，你都会和她相遇；不是每一次抬头，你都会有视野的开阔与游目骋怀。
所以抬头不一定看见，但无数的抬头，无数次辛劳，终会有命运的交错、相识与相逢、相知与相亲。
要想有人生的成功，无数次的抬头与低头都是必须的哦。
人类前行的历史正如煤的形成，多少万年才是这么的一小块。
一点一滴的知识的积累,使人拥有渊博的学识。
试想,如果没有那一步步的积累,怎会有千里之行?如果没有那一条条小溪的积累,怎会有海的波谰壮阔?如过没有那一本本书里知识的积累又怎会有渊博的学识呢?积累是垒起通向成功之门的阶梯的砖石!所以“人生的路这么多，为什么要老斤斤计较着一个可能性?生命是一种长期而持续的累积过程，绝不会因为单一的事件而毁了一个人的一生，也不会因为单一的事件而救了一个人的一生。
属于我们该得的，迟早会得到；属于我们不该得的，即使侥幸巧取也不可能长久保有。
中英对照阅读《不自由，毋宁死---GiveMeLibertyOrGiveMeDeath》
中英对照阅读《不自由，毋宁死---GiveMeLibertyOrGiveMeDeath》中英对照阅读《不自由，毋宁死---Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death》Give Me Liberty Or Give Me DeathPatrick Henry, March 23, 1775.No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, throughfear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace andreconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Ourchains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!--------------Give Me Liberty Or Give Me DeathPatrick Henry, March 23, 1775.No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism爱国心, 爱国精神, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it willnot be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony典礼, 仪式, 礼节, 报幕员. The questing before the House is one of awful 可怕的, 威严的moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty犯罪的, 有罪的, 心虚的of treason叛逆, 通敌, 背信, 叛国罪 towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty不忠实, 不信, 不义, 背信弃义 toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere尊敬, 敬畏, 崇敬 above all earthly现世的, 可能的, 地球的, 俗世的 kings.Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge 沉湎于in the illusions 幻想of hope. We are apt to倾向于 shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren【希神】海上女妖莎琳[塞壬](半人半鸟的海妖, 常用歌声诱惑过路的航海者而使航船触礁毁灭) till she transforms us into beasts兽, 畜牲. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous费劲的, 辛勤的, 险峻的 struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to 使倾向于, 使有意于(to sth., to do) be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concerntheir temporal salvation拯救, 救助? For my part, whatever anguish 痛苦, 苦恼 of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace安慰themselves and the House. Is it that insidious阴险的 smile with which our petition请愿, 情愿书, 诉状, 陈情书has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare圈套, 罗网, 陷阱to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious亲切的, 高尚的reception of our petition comports with一致, 适合those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation和解, 调和, 顺从? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back 恢复, 夺得 our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation镇压, 平息, 征服; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial战争的, 军事的, 尚武的, 威武的 array排列, 编队, 军队, 衣服, 大批, if its purpose be not to force us to submission屈服, 降服, 服从, 谦恭, 投降? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.They are sent over to bind and rivet铆钉upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging锻炼, 伪造. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain徒劳的; 无效益的. Shall we resort to entreaty恳求, 乞求and humble卑下的, 微贱的, 谦逊的, 粗陋的 supplication恳求, 祈愿, 哀求? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?Let us not, I beseech恳求, 哀求 you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert转移the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated抗议; we have supplicated; we have prostrated使衰竭, 使累透; 使沮丧; 使忧郁ourselves before the throne王座, 君主, and have implored恳求, 哀求 its interposition插入 to arrest the tyrannical专制的：暴君或暴政的，和暴君或暴政有关的hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted轻微的, 微小的; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult侮辱, 凌辱; our supplications have been disregarded漠视, 忽视; and we have been spurned弃绝, with contempt轻视, 轻蔑, 耻辱, 不尊敬, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond ]喜爱的, 多情的, 喜欢的, 宠爱的, 温柔的hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate未亵渎的, 无污点的, 未受侵犯的those inestimable无价的, 无法估计的 privileges for which we have been so long contending斗争, 竞争, 主张--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged保证, 使发誓, 抵押, 典当, 举杯祝...健康ourselves never to abandon until the glorious光荣的, 显赫的object of our contest 论争, 竞赛shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable强大的, 令人敬畏的, 可怕的, 艰难的an adversary敌手, 对手. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution不决断, 优柔寡断, 犹豫不定 and inaction无行动, 不活动, 无为, 怠惰, 迟钝? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely掌心向上地, 仰卧地on our backs and hugging拥抱 the delusive欺骗的, 迷惑的, 虚妄的, 令人错解的 phantom幻影of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy神圣的, 圣洁的cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible不能征服的, 无敌的by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over负责, 主持the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant警惕着的, 警醒的, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election选举, 当选, 选择权. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission屈服, 降服, 服从, 谦恭, 投降and slavery! Our chains are forged铸造, 伪造! Their clanking叮当声may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.It is in vain徒然, sir, to extenuate掩饰, 减轻, 使人原谅, 低估 the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale大风that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding共鸣的; 反响的; 响[宏]亮的; 强烈的; 有利的arms! Our brethren弟兄们, 同胞 are already in the field! Why stand we here idle空闲的, 懒惰的, 停顿的, 无用的, 无价值的? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear昂贵的, 亲爱的, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it禁止, 不许, Almighty全能的 God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!不自由，毋宁死派确克.亨利 1775年3月23日没有人比我更相信刚才在议会发言的尊敬的先生们所怀有的爱国心和能力。
2017-2018学年高中语文苏教版四教学案：第四专题第15课 不自由毋宁死 奥林匹克精神含答案
错误!第15课不自由，毋宁死__奥林匹克精神(一)作者简介生平经历帕特里克·亨利(1736—1799），生于弗吉尼亚州，做过店主和农民，为养家糊口，发愤研读法律，24岁正式开业当律师.1763年，他被选入弗吉尼亚议会，直言不讳地鼓吹殖民地的权利。
在日益发展的独立运动中,亨利发挥了突出的作用。
他是第一届弗吉尼亚通讯委员会的成员，也是1774年至1776年大陆会议代表。
亨利是弗吉尼亚第一任州长,深受爱戴，被誉为“弗吉尼亚之父”。
他在州里和国家里还担任许多其他的公共职务.著名的《独立宣言》他也是主要执笔者之一.晚年因与华盛顿总统政见不合，拒绝在新政府中供职，1799年在演说中呼吁民族团结，同年去世.主要作品《不自由,毋宁死》.评价美国的开创者之一，美国独立战争时期杰出的演说家和政治家。
生平经历顾拜旦(1863—1937)，1863年元旦出生于巴黎的一个贵族家庭。
从1896年至1925年，他一直担任国际奥林匹克委员会主席，负责该组织的领导工作，并设计了奥运会会徽、奥运会会旗。
在他任职期间，国际奥委会成员由20多个国家发展到40多个.同时，在他的支持下,先后成立了20多个国际专项运动联合会。
1924年，他因年龄关系，主动辞去国际奥委会主席职务,被聘为终生名誉主席.主要作品散文诗《体育颂》，论著《运动心理学试验》和《竞技运动教育学》。
评价法国教育家，近代奥林匹克运动的创始人，被国际上誉为“奥林匹克之父”。
(二）人物轶事转向——明智的选择帕特里克·亨利15岁时，对做生意产生了兴趣，就到哥哥开的一家杂货店去当学徒，做一些简单账目的计算、搬运货物之类的杂事。
三年后,亨利和一位名叫萨拉·谢尔顿的姑娘结了婚，就在自家的小农场里务农,耕耘树艺。
可是安稳的日子还没过几年，他们家就在一场火灾中被烧成了灰烬，无奈之下他只得卖掉了农场。
随后他来到镇上开了一家小酒铺，做起了小生意。
结果不出几年,生意又亏了本。
原文和译文
"不自由，毋宁死“中文版朗读 by lancyran十分经典的一场演讲!美国独立战争之前为鼓励人民争取自由而发表的让人沸腾的激情演讲！帕特里克·亨利议长先生：我比任何人更钦佩刚刚在议会上发言的先生们的爱国精神和才能。
但是，对同一事物的看法往往因人而异。
因此，尽管我的观点与他们截然不同，我还是要毫无保留地、自由地予以阐述，并且希望不要因此而被视作对先生们的不敬；现在不是讲客气的时候。
摆在议会代表们面前的问题关系到国家的存亡。
我认为，这是关系到享受自由还是蒙受奴役的大问题，而且正由于它事关重大，我们的辩论就必须做到各抒已见。
只有这样，我们才有可能弄清事实真相，才能不辜负上帝和祖国赋予我们的重任。
在这种时刻，如果怕冒犯别人而闲口不言，我认为就是叛国，就是对比世间所有国君更为神圣的上帝的不忠。
议长先生，对希望抱有幻觉是人的天性。
我们易于闭起眼睛不愿正视痛苦的现实，并倾听海妖惑人的歌声，让她把我们化作禽兽。
在为自由而进行艰苦卓绝的斗争中，这难道是有理智的人的作为吗？难道我们愿意成为对获得自由这样休戚相关的事视而不见，充耳不闻的人吗？就我来说，无论在精神上有多么痛苦，我仍然愿意了解全部事实真相和最坏的事态，并为之做好充分准备。
我只有一盏指路明灯，那就是经验之灯。
除了过去的经验，我没有什么别的方法可以判断未来。
而依据过去的经验，我倒希望知道，10年来英国政府的所作所为，凭什么足以使各位先生有理由满怀希望，并欣然用来安慰自己和议会？难道就是最近接受我们请愿时的那种狡诈的微笑吗？不要相信这种微笑，先生，事实已经证明它是你们脚边的陷阱。
不要被人家的亲吻出卖吧！请你们自问，接受我们请愿时的和气亲善和遍布我们海陆疆域的大规模备战如何能够相称？难道出于对我们的爱护与和解，有必要动用战舰和军队吗？难道我们流露过决不和解的愿望，以至为了赢回我们的爱，而必须诉诸武力吗？我们不要再欺骗自己了，先生。
这些都是战争和征服的工具，是国王采取的最后论辩手殷。
东北师范俄语经贸翻译(1)16秋在线作业2
俄语经贸翻译（1）16秋在线作业2一、单选题（共 10 道试题，共 30 分。
）1. 为了培养专门的翻译人才，明朝政府专门设置了（）。
. 四夷馆. 四方馆. 同文馆. 翻译馆正确答案：2. 在中国，对“译”最早的记载见于（）. 周朝. 商朝. 夏朝. 秦朝正确答案：3. 俄语中还有一类词叫做（），虽然书写相同，但重音不同，词义也不同。
. 同写词. 同义词. 同音词正确答案：4. Оннебылобделѐнумом．. 他天赋不高。
. 他天赋不低。
正确答案：5. Сначаланиктонеобратилвнимание, какимобразомлодкашлапротивтечениябезпарусовимотора, нокогданародспустилсякреке, всеахнули: лодкутащилисобаки, бегущиеберегом．. ……原来岸上跑着的狗是拖着船的。
. ……原来是拉着船的狗在岸上跑。
. ……原来是在岸上跑着的狗拉着船。
. ……原来是狗在岸上拉着船跑。
正确答案：6. Лозунггеройскогопетербургскогопролетариата ?смертьилисвобода? эхомперекатываетсятеперьповсейРоссии．. “不自由就死”. “死亡或者自由”. “不自由毋宁死”. “要不就死，要不就自由”正确答案：7. （）翻译小说始于1897年，与精通法文的王寿昌合译了法国作家小仲马的《巴黎茶花女遗事》。
这是中国翻译的第一部西方小说。
. 林则徐. 林纾. 严复. 鲁迅正确答案：8. 在（）结束之后，口译的地位得到了最终确立。
. 一战. 二战.正确答案：9. 到了东汉，由于传播（）的需要，在翻译佛经过程中，“翻译”这一概念便固定了下来。
. 佛教. 天主教. 伊斯兰教. 东正教正确答案：10. 1963年9月，（）通过了《翻译工作者宪章》，其中规定：“任何译文都应忠实于原意，准确表达原文的思想和形式……”. 联合国. 教科文组织. 国际笔会. 国际译联正确答案：俄语经贸翻译（1）16秋在线作业2二、多选题（共 10 道试题，共 30 分。
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不自由，毋宁死
帕特里克·亨利于1775年3月23日
刚向众议院致辞的诸位尊贵的先生，你们忠诚爱国、才能出众，我对诸位之推崇敬重，非他人所能比拟。
但是，不同的人对同一事物的见解却常大异其趣。
因此，倘若我的想法有异于诸位先生，希望你们不至于觉得遭到冒犯。
我将直抒己见，毫无保留。
此时此刻，绝不可讲究虚文浮礼。
众议院所面对的是本国的非常时刻。
我个人觉得这无疑是非自由即奴役的问题。
此事攸关重要，因此，理应有同等程度的自由来辩论。
唯有如此，我们才能寻得真理，才能对上帝，对吾国有所交待。
倘若我惟恐得罪诸位先生，而在此关键时刻欲言犹止，那我就是背叛国家，背弃上帝。
可我崇敬上苍吾主胜于俗世的任何君主呀！
议长先生，沉湎于希望之虚幻乃人之天性。
痛苦之现实，我们常爱视而不见，并倾听那妖妇的说唱，直到被她变成野兽为止。
为自由而壮烈、艰苦奋斗的聪明睿智之士，是否应该扮演这类角色呢？对有助于我们在尘世间获得解救之事，我们是否要视若无睹、充耳不闻呢？就吾而言，无论代价何等痛苦，我都要了解真相，明了最糟的情况并为之做好准备。
我只有一盏指路明灯；那就是人生阅历。
倘若没有过去的种种经历，我不知道我还能依靠什么来解读未来。
诸位先生满怀希望，并要众议院也怀着同样的美梦，可我敢问诸位先生，就过去的经验而言，英国内阁十年来的所做所为，有什么足以让您诸位相信美梦可以成真的呢？是他们不久前收到我们的请愿书时所发出的阵阵奸笑吗？诸位先生，千万别轻信他们，那只不过是个陷阱。
可别让别人的一番佯作亲昵给蒙骗了。
试想想，倘若真心大方地接受我们的请愿书，又何必进行类似备战的活动？他们的军舰遍布我国水域，他们的军队使我们的山河变色。
友爱、和解需要舰队、军队来传达吗？我们是否表现得极端不愿意和解，致使他们非得动武逼我们回心转意不可？诸位先生，请莫再自欺欺人。
这是开战、镇压的工具，是帝王的最后手段。
敢问诸位先生，倘若这诸般军事姿态，为的不是要我们屈服于武力之下，那所为何来？有哪位先生能够指出其他的动机吗？大不列颠帝国在地球的这个角落可有敌人，使其不得不派遣海、陆军到此？没有，诸位先生，完全没有。
他们正是冲着我们而来的。
大不列颠帝国打造铁链枷锁为时已久，他们派遣大军压境，为的就是将这些铁链枷锁强加于我们身上。
那么，我们以什么与之对抗呢？可否与对方理论呢？诸位先生，这十年来，我们不断地和对方理论。
时至今日，我们可还有什么未说的吗？绝对没有。
能说的，我们都说了。
但是，我们的一番努力都付诸东流。
我们应该恳求抑或哀求呢？还有什么我们未曾一让再让的呢？我恳求诸位先生，大家就别再欺骗自己了吧。
诸位先生，为了避开这场逼在眉睫的风暴，我们曾竭尽所能－我们请愿过，我们抗议过，我们恳求过，我们甚至屈服拜倒于英王宝座之前，苦求英王插手，制止其内阁及国会伸张其魔掌。
结果呢？我们的请愿遭对方轻蔑，我们的抗议招引对方更粗暴的对待，更不堪的侮辱，我们苦苦哀求而对方不屑一顾。
在英王宝
座之下，我们遭一脚踢开，蒙受耻辱！经历这种种事件后，即使我们仍一味寻求和平与和解，也将无济于事。
我们已经没有余地一厢情愿地希冀和解了。
假如我们希冀自由—假如我们誓死保护我们长期争取的无价权利—假如我们不至于卑贱到要放弃多年来的伟大奋斗，不至于要放弃我们誓言不达到崇高目的决不罢休的斗争，那么我们只有战斗！诸位先生，我重申，我们得在战场上决一胜负。
除了诉诸武力，寻求上苍的护佑之外，我们别无选择。
诸位先生，他们说我们脆弱不堪，不是强敌的对手。
但是，我们何时方能强大起来？下周？来年？还是等到我们完全被解除武装，等到家家户户都驻有英军才能强大起来？我们能否靠优柔寡断，无所作为而强大起来呢？我们是不是要懒散地躺着，苟且偷生，直到敌人将我们手足缚之时，方能建立起有效的防御力量呢？先生，如果我们能够善用自然之神赐予我们的力量，那么，我们将丝毫不弱于他人。
我们有百万之众，国家幅员辽阔，如果人人奋起为神圣不可侵犯的自由而战，无论敌人派遣什么军队都不足为惧。
何况我们并非孤军作战。
公正无私的上帝主宰着各国的命运，且将招来友军与我们并肩作战。
诸位先生，行军打仗不保强者必胜，如能步步为营、积极进取并勇猛无惧，任何军队都能获胜。
况且，我们已经别无选择。
即使我们怯懦得要临阵逃脱，也已经太迟了。
再后退就是投降，再后退就沦为奴隶！禁锢我们的枷锁已经铸成，在波示顿铿锵作响。
战争已经避无可避，就让战争来吧！诸位先生，容我重申，就让战争来吧！
诸位先生，大事化小的作法将于事无补。
您大可疾呼“和平万岁”，可何处觅得和平？战火其实早已点燃！北方刮起的下一阵狂风将传来阵阵隆隆的炮火声！弟兄们已经前赴战场了，为何我们还在此无所事事？诸位先生有何所求？有何所愿？生命是否如斯珍贵，和平是否如斯美好，竟值得我们以枷锁，以奴役来换取？苍天不容！我不晓得他人如何抉择，至于我，那是不自由，毋宁死！。