艾森豪威尔告别演说
艾森豪威尔就职演说
美国历届总统就职演说（Dwight D. Eisenhower 1953）First Inaugural Address of Dwight D. EisenhowerTUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1953My friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deem appropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege of uttering a little private prayer of my own. And I ask that you bow your heads:Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates in the executive branch o f government join me in beseeching that Thou will make full and complete our dedication to t he service of the people in this throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere.Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, and allow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the laws of this land. Especially we pray that our c oncern shall be for all the people regardless of station, race, or calling.May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our C onstitution, hold to differing political faiths; so that all may work for the good of our be loved country and Thy glory. Amen.My fellow citizens:The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rar ely before in history.This fact defines the meaning of this day. We are summoned by this honored and historic cere mony to witness more than the act of one citizen swearing his oath of service, in the presen ce of God. We are called as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to our fait h that the future shall belong to the free.Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest has seemed to come upon the continents of the earth. Masses of Asia have awakened to strike off shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe have fought their bloodiest wars. Thrones have toppled and their vast empires have d isappeared. New nations have been born.For our own country, it has been a time of recurring trial. We have grown in power and in re sponsibility. We have passed through the anxieties of depression and of war to a summit unma tched in man's history. Seeking to secure peace in the world, we have had to fight through t he forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo Jima, and to the cold mountains of Korea.In the swift rush of great events, we find ourselves groping to know the full sense and mean ing of these times in which we live. In our quest of understanding, we beseech God's guidance. We summon all our knowledge of the past and we scan all signs of the future. We bring all our wit and all our will to meet the question:How far have we come in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward light? Are we nearing the light--a day of freedom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the shadows of another night c losing in upon us?Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at home, concerned as we are with matters that deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision of the future, each of these domestic prob lems is dwarfed by, and often even created by, this question that involves all humankind.This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses t he brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages. We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to the plains. Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease diminishes and life lengthens.Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible. Nati ons amass wealth. Labor sweats to create--and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to eras e human life from this planet.At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the a biding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by et ernal moral and natural laws.This faith defines our full view of life. It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people--love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country--all are treasures equally precious in the live s of the most humble and of the most exalted. The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and ba lance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn--all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legisla tors who enact laws.This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the r eward of our own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world. And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betra ys the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the political changes accomplishe d this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval or disorder. Rather this change expresses a pur pose of strengthening our dedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents,a conscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of a Divine Providence.The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth.Here, then, is joined no argument between slightly differing philosophies. This conflict str ikes directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives of our sons. No principle or treasur e that we hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free schools and churches to the creativ e magic of free labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the reach of this struggle.Freedom is pitted against slavery; lightness against the dark.The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free of all the world. This common bond binds the grower of rice in Burma and the planter of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in souther n Italy and the mountaineer in the Andes. It confers a common dignity upon the French soldie r who dies in Indo-China, the British soldier killed in Malaya, the American life given in K orea.We know, beyond this, that we are linked to all free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic solitude. For all our own material might, even we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these same farms and factori es vital materials and products of distant lands. This basic law of interdependence, so mani fest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand-fold intensity in the event of war.So we are persuaded by necessity and by belief that the strength of all free peoples lies in unity; their danger, in discord.To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of our time, destiny has laid upon our country the responsibility of the free world's leadership.So it is proper that we assure our friends once again that, in the discharge of this respons ibility, we Americans know and we observe the difference between world leadership and imperi alism; between firmness and truculence; between a thoughtfully calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the stimulus of emergencies.We wish our friends the world over to know this above all: we face the threat--not with drea d and confusion--but with confidence and conviction.We feel this moral strength because we know that we are not helpless prisoners of history. W e are free men. We shall remain free, never to be proven guilty of the one capital offense a gainst freedom, a lack of stanch faith.In pleading our just cause before the bar of history and in pressing our labor for world pea ce, we shall be guided by certain fixed principles.These principles are:(1) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the purposes of those who threaten us, we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to develop the strength that will deter the forces of aggression and promote the conditions of peace. For, as it must be the supreme purpose of al l free men, so it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save humanity from preying upo n itself.In the light of this principle, we stand ready to engage with any and all others in joint ef fort to remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust among nations, so as to make possible drastic reduction of armaments. The sole requisites for undertaking such effort are that--in their purpose--they be aimed logically and honestly toward secure peace for all; and that--in their result-- they provide methods by which every participating nation will prove good f aith in carrying out its pledge.(2) Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement, we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security. Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldier's pack is not so heavy a burden as a prisoner's chains.(3) Knowing that only a United States that is strong and immensely productive can help defend freedom in our world, we view our Nation's strength and security as a trust upon which res ts the hope of free men everywhere. It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and of every free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country before the comfort, the conv enience of himself.(4) Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in the world, we shall nev er use our strength to try to impress upon another people our own cherished political and ec onomic institutions.(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive to help them to achieve their own security and well-being. Likewise, we shall count u pon them to assume, within the limits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the common defense of freedom.(6) Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of military strength and the free world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies tha t encourage productivity and profitable trade. For the impoverishment of any single people i n the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples.(7) Appreciating that economic need, military security and political wisdom combine to sugge st regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, within the framework of the United Nations,to help strengthen such special bonds the world over. The nature of these ties must vary wit h the different problems of different areas.In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all our neighbors in the work of pe rfecting a community of fraternal trust and common purpose.In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Western nations strive with r enewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality. Only as free Europe unitedly mars hals its strength can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultur al heritage.(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be one and indivisible, we ho ld all continents and peoples in equal regard and honor. We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.(9) Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of all people's hope for peace, we shal l strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force. And in our quest f or an honorable peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples.By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but a fact.This hope--this supreme aspiration--must rule the way we live.We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose.We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be requi red of us. A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. T hey are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotis m means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more p roductivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every res ource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our s oil to the genius of our scientists.And so each citizen plays an indispensable role. The productivity of our heads, our hands, a nd our hearts is the source of all the strength we can command, for both the enrichment of o ur lives and the winning of the peace.No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call. We are summoned to ac t in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry, to teach with persuasion, to preach wi th conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion. For this truth must beclear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pa ss in the heart of America.The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice and fulfillment of our whole fait h among ourselves and in our dealings with others. This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war. More than escape from death, it is a way of life. More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave.This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial. This is the work that awai ts us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.。
艾森豪威尔离职演讲
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
英语演讲稿-Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔
英语演讲稿Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔美国名人100大演讲Madam President and* Members of the General Assembly: When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point outto this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force,and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons,and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way oflife.So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience.I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peacefulrelations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored-- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts ofpeace.The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now.I therefore make the following proposals:The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and otherdetails would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy tothe needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth,open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously.Thank you.delivered 8 December 1953, United Nations General Assembly。
艾森豪威尔离职演讲
美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
在丘吉尔葬礼上的演说
在丘吉尔葬礼上的演说
德怀特·或维·艾森豪威尔
【期刊名称】《中文自修：中学版》
【年(卷),期】2015(000)013
【摘要】奔流不息的泰晤士河犹如一条历史大道，温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士的遗骸此刻正在这条大道上前往最终的安息之所。
他是历史伟大的创造者，他的工作完成了，关于他的记载到此为止，我们几乎能听到他这位诗说：
【总页数】2页(P125-126)
【作者】德怀特·或维·艾森豪威尔
【作者单位】
【正文语种】中文
【中图分类】G633.51
【相关文献】
1.智慧而多情的演说家r——关于《在莫泊桑葬礼上的演说》的一点思考
2.文本解读之误读与偏读——以《在莫泊桑葬礼上的演说》为例
3.文本解读之误读与偏读——以《在莫泊桑葬礼上的演说》为例
4.本世纪最著名的悼词——《在卡洛琳·巴尔大妈葬礼上的演说》赏析
5.在卡洛琳·巴尔大妈葬礼上的演说
因版权原因，仅展示原文概要，查看原文内容请购买。
道威斯计划名词解释
道威斯计划名词解释道威斯计划（Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address）是美国第34任总统德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔在1961年1月17日发表的告别演说。
这个演讲被认为是对美国政治和国家安全的一种警示，同时也强调了美国在国际事务中应采取的态度和政策。
道威斯计划主要内容包括以下几个方面的解释：1.军事工业复杂结构（Military-Industrial Complex）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中警告了军事工业复杂结构对美国国家安全和自由的潜在威胁。
他指出，军事工业复杂结构是指军队和军事产业之间的紧密联系，它使军工企业过度依赖军事开支和军火贸易，从而可能导致国家在和平时期也不断提高军费，并影响政治家和经济领导人的决策。
2.冷战（Cold War）：艾森豪威尔在演讲中批评了冷战态势，并呼吁寻求外交、政治和经济解决冲突的方法。
他警告称，美国应该避免盲目地投入战争，并认识到军事力量的限制性。
他还指出，冷战竞赛可能导致国家资源的过度消耗，忽视社会和经济建设，甚至可能危及民主制度。
3.在国际事务中的充分参与（Active Participation in International Affairs）：艾森豪威尔强调美国与其他国家合作的重要性，包括遵循联合国的原则和使用外交手段解决争端。
他表示，美国应该通过外交政策和经济援助来帮助其他国家，并与他们建立稳固的伙伴关系，以维护全球和平和稳定。
4.公民责任（Citizen Responsibility）：艾森豪威尔强调每个公民对国家的责任，包括参与选举过程和支持自己的政府。
他鼓励美国人民保持警惕，不断关注政府的决策和行动，并积极参与社会事务，以确保国家的民主和自由得以持续。
道威斯计划的核心理念是克制和审慎，它提醒了美国军事力量和国际政治的互动中存在的风险和挑战，并呼吁美国在外交、政治和经济层面上更加开放和合作。
艾森豪威尔的告别演说
艾森豪威尔的告别演说今晚，我向你们请假和告别，和你们分享离任前的一些最后想法，我的同胞们。
和每位其他公民一样，我祝新总统和他的班子成功。
我祈祷来年和平繁荣。
我们现在已经走过本世纪中点十年了，在这个世纪我们目睹了四场伟大国家之间的大规模战争。
其中有三场我们国家也卷入了。
尽管经历了这些浩劫，美国仍是今天世界上最强大、最有影响力和最创造财富的国家。
我们为我们的杰出而自豪，然而我们也认识到美国的领导地位和威望不仅取决于我们无以伦比的物质加工能力、财富和军事实力，还取决于我们如何为人类的进步和世界的和平而使用这种力量。
向着这些崇高目标的进程一直受到席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
它主宰我们的全部注意，蚕食我们的存在。
我们面对以全球为范围的、以无神论为特征的、以凶残为目的的和以阴险为手段的敌对意识形态。
不幸的是它带来的威胁恐怕要无限延续。
为了成功地应对它，要求不能是太过冲冠一怒的牺牲，而是那些使我们坚定、稳步前行和为了自由的缘故无怨无悔地承担旷日持久的错综复杂的斗争的负担的东西。
只有这些才是我们要坚持的，不管在我们走向永久和平和人类进步的既定路线上遇到什么挑衅。
一个维护和平的性命攸关的要素就是我们的军事编制。
我们的武力必须强大，时刻能战，这样才能使潜在的侵略者不敢玩火自焚。
我们今天的军事组织已经今非昔比，是我的和平时期的各位前任，或者，说实话，包括二战和韩战的参与者都无法想象的。
直到我们的最后一次国际冲突，我国还没有军火工业。
美国的民品制造商们也可以，随时间推移，按需要生产军火。
但我们不能再拿国防冒险，临阵磨枪。
我们被迫创建了大批永久的军火工业。
此外，还有三百五十万优秀儿女直接投身于国防力量。
仅我们每年对军事安全的投入就超过了美国所有大公司的净收入。
现在庞大的军事力量于巨大的军火工业的结合在美国是史无前例的。
其总影响――经济的、政治的，甚至精神的――可以在每个城市，州政府和联邦政府感觉到。
我们认识到了发展的需要的急迫。
著名英语演讲
目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：2004民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：2004大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会。
- 1、下载文档前请自行甄别文档内容的完整性，平台不提供额外的编辑、内容补充、找答案等附加服务。
- 2、"仅部分预览"的文档,不可在线预览部分如存在完整性等问题,可反馈申请退款(可完整预览的文档不适用该条件!)。
- 3、如文档侵犯您的权益，请联系客服反馈,我们会尽快为您处理(人工客服工作时间：9:00-18:30)。
艾森豪威尔告别演说
再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
……
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
直至最近的一次世界性冲突之前、美国仍没有军事工业。
美国的犁铧制造商们在必要时也能制造剑。
但是现在我们不能再以临阵磨枪的方式承担国防上的风险；我们已被迫创建一个规模宏大的永久性军事工业。
此外，350万男人和妇女直接服务于国防机构。
我们每年在军事安全上的开支超过了美国所有的公司的纯收入。
一支庞大的军队和一个大规模军事工业相结合，在美国是史无前例的。
它的全部影响──经济的、政治的，甚至精神的──在每个城市、每座州议会大楼、每一联邦政府机构内都能感觉到。
我们承认这种发展绝对必要，但我们不应忽视其重大的影响。
它涉及我们的人力、资源、生活，乃至我们社会的结构。
在政府各部门，我们必须警惕军事─工业联合体取得无法证明是正当的影响力，不论它这样追求与否。
极不适当的权力恶性增长的可能性目前已经存在并将继续存在。
我们决不能让这一联合体的势力危害我们的自由或民主进程。
我们不应心存侥幸。
只有警觉而明智的美国公民才能强迫庞大的工业和军事的国防机构与我们和平的手段和目标恰当配合，以使安全和自由并驾齐驱，同获成功。
近几十年的技术革命与我们的工业─军事状况的巨大变化有相似之处，而且对这种巨大变化起了很大作用。
在这场技术革命中，研究工作已趋于集中；它也变得更正规，更复杂，更昂
贵。
爲联邦政府而实施，由联邦政府实施，或在联邦政府指导下实施的研究工作份额正逐步增加。
由联邦政府雇用而形成支配全国学者的局面，以及统一分配项目，统一控制财力，这种前景一直存在，而且应当引起严重关注。
我们应该尊重科学研究和探索，但与此同时我们必须对这一同样严重的负面危险保持警惕，即政府政策本身可能沦爲一个科学──技术精英阶层的俘虏。
治国之才的任务，是在我们民主制度的原则范畴内，塑造、平衡和融合这些和其它新旧力量──始终以实现我们自由社会的最高目标爲目的。
另一个保持平衡的因素涉及时间这一要素。
当我们展望社会的未来时，我们──你、我和我国政府──必须避免一种只顾今日生活的冲动，不应爲了我们自己的舒适和便利巧取豪夺明天的宝贵资源。
我们不可能以孙儿辈的物质财富作抵押，而又不冒使他们丧失政治和精神遗産的风险。
我们要让民主代代相传，它不该成爲明天无力还债的鬼魂。
展望有待书写的未来历史长卷，美国深知我们这个越来越小的世界决不应变成一个充满恐惧和仇恨的可怕的群体，相反，它应成爲一个相互信任、相互尊重的光辉的联盟。
这样一个联盟必定是平等国家间的联盟。
最弱小的国家一定以与我们相同的自信心来到会议桌旁，和我们一样受到我们的道德、经济和军事力量的保护。
那会议桌虽然留下历史坎坷的累累伤痕，但我们不能将它抛弃以换来战场的惨剧。
以相互尊敬和信任实行裁军仍是一项迫切任务。
我们必须一起学习怎样不用武力，而是以理智和公正的意图去解决纷争。
因爲裁军的紧迫性如此明显突出，我承认我是怀着某种失望的心情卸下我的总统职责的。
作爲一个目睹过战争的恐怖及其难以愈合的创伤的人──深知另一场战争会彻底毁掉历经数千年缓慢而又艰苦地建成的人类文明──我但愿自己今晚能说：持久和平已遥遥在望。
幸好我可以说，已经避免发生战争了。
朝我们的终极目标已迈开坚实的步伐。
但是任重而道远。
作爲一个普通公民，我将始终不渝地爲推动世界沿着这条道路前进贡献一份绵薄。
……。