多米尼加共和国
dominican republic是哪个国家
dominican republic是哪个国家
多米尼加共和国（英语：The Dominican Republic 西班牙语：República Dominicana），简称多米尼加，国名意为“星期天、休息日”，据说源自哥伦布于15世纪末的一个星期日到此。
位于加勒比海伊斯帕尼奥拉岛东部，西接海地，南临加勒比海，北濒大西洋，东隔莫纳海峡同波多黎各相望。
总面积48734平方公里。
首都圣多明各，国土面积48734平方公里，人口1095.4万（2021年），黑白混血种人和印欧混血种人占73％，白人占16％，黑人占11％，全国划分为31个省和1个首都大区（即首都）。
多米尼加原为印第安人居住地，1492年被西班牙占领，1496年由西班牙人建立的圣多明各为欧洲人在美洲的第一个永久性居民点。
1795—1809年一度归属法国，1821年11月独立，次年2月被海地占领，1844年2月27日再次宣告独立，成立共和国，1861—1865年再度被西班牙占领，1916—1924年被美国统治，1930—1960由特鲁希略家族统治。
2018年5月1日与中国建立大使级外交关系，与台湾断绝所谓的"外交关系"。
多米尼加是加勒比地区经济体量最大的国家，也是近年拉美地区经济增速最快的国家之一，加勒比地区外国投资第一目的地和外国游客第一目的地，旅游业、出口加工业和侨
汇是多经济的主要支柱。
2021年多米尼加国内生产总值885.3亿美元，国内生产总值增长率12.3%。
La República Dominicana 多米尼加共和国
（二）La era de Trujillo 独裁统治者特鲁希略
Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina asciende el poder el 16 de agosto de 1930. Trujillo utilizó el ejército para ahogar las voces contrarias al gobierno. Al mismo tiempo,hubo un crecimiento económico considerable durante el largo régimen de Trujillo, aunque una gran parte de la riqueza fue tomada por el dictador para sus necesidades personales. Se avanzó en la atención sanitaria, educación y transporte, con la construcció n de hospitales y clí nicas, escuelas, caminos y puertos. Trujillo también llevó a cabo un programa de construcció n de viviendas e inició un importante plan de pensiones. Por último, puso fin al que habí a con los EE.UU.en 1906. de administración de la aduana en 1941. Hizo que el paí s quedara libre de deudas en 1947. Por las malas relaciones con EE.UU.,Fue asesinado el 30 de mayo de 1961
多米尼加共和国属于哪个大洲
多米尼加共和国属于哪个大洲
多米尼加共和国属于北美洲。
多米尼加共和国，简称多米尼加。
国名意为“星期天、休息日”。
据说源自哥伦布于15世纪末的一个星期日到此。
多米尼亚共和国位于加勒比海伊斯帕尼奥拉岛东部，西接海地，南临加勒比海，北濒大西洋，东隔莫纳海峡同波多黎各相望，总面积48734平方公里，首都圣多明各。
扩展资料：
风俗
多米尼加共和国的城市建筑和欧洲国家相似，首都圣多明各的新建筑大都是高层楼房。
农村的建筑也是这样的规划，不同的是房屋都是平房，没有楼房。
居民喜欢跳舞，梅林盖是多米尼加共和国的国舞，这种舞节奏欢快，在有的舞会上，一边跳舞，一边作诗。
城市居民在正式场合穿西装，平时着装比较简单。
一般是上身穿衬衫，下身长裤，妇女一般穿白色衬衫，下身穿红色或白色的裙子。
居民的饮食是大米、鸡和豆类。
人们还喜欢吃用已蒸熟的大米饭加鸡肉、沙丁鱼、干鱼、盐等炒成的一种饭。
居民的食物还有对虾、海蟹、牛肉、辣椒、蔬菜和龙酒等。
饮料有奈森诺尔牌啤酒，还喜欢喝一种用菠萝、柠檬做的叫“马比”的饮料。
多米尼加共和国的文化记忆和非物质文化遗产
Karoline Bahrs, University of Pittsburgh: Cultural Memory and Intangible Heritage in the Dominican RepublicSEM Conference, Mexico City, 2009Paper Presentation PANEL: UNESCO, Intangible Cultural Heritage,and the Redefinition of HeritageAbstract: Cultural Memory and Intangible Heritage in the Dominican RepublicIn 2001 and 2005, UNESCO nominated two “cultural traditions” of the Dominican Republic as Intangible World Heritage, the Cofradía del Espíritu Santo and the Cocolo dance theater traditions.Not surprisingly, the two “traditions” are highly different in their historical contexts, performance practices, and accompanying forms, but they are strikingly similar as formerly marginalized traditions within mainstream Dominican society due to perceived African derivation. Despite their differences, UNESCO and the Dominican nation-state collaboratively organized joint stage performances of these groups or of one of them with other artists. Both, the choice of the two cultures as well as their appropriation as Dominican heritage shed light on social ambiguities in the national discourse: As African-derived expressions are widely negatively associated with threatening Haitian immigration and savage religiosity, the masterpieces’ emergence in the environment of sugar plantations shared with Haitian working migrants, for instance, is left out. The two nominated “traditions” have symbolic power for social reconciliation and cultural memory in the Dominican Republic. Examining UNESCO video clips this paper asks what kind of information is represented by UNESCO and Dominican state and what is thereby constantly omitted.------------------------------------------------------In 2001, the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) started to proclaim immaterial forms of expression as masterpiecesof oral and intangible heritage of humanity. Social practices, rituals, festive events and cultural spaces were thus declared to be of universal value, as resources which have to be preserved for later generations. In this context, two separate traditions were honored as masterpieces in the Dominican RepublicThe first was the cultural space of the Cofradía del Espíritu Santo (Brotherhoodof the Holy Spirit), a brotherhood which was founded in the 16th century by fled slaves and people of the region, declared in 2001. The second masterpiece refers to cocolo danced theater performances by immigrants of the Anglophone Caribbean Leeward Islands which came in the 19th and 20th century - declaredin 2005.Doing fieldwork in the Dominican Republic, I attended the honoring event of the cocolo proclamation in December 2005 and was surprised about the practice of joint performances of the two masterpieces. Although the two groups have a very different background, religious calendars and expressive forms, and their legacy in the country is of extremely different duration (more than 300 vs. ca. 100 years) the representations of the two masterpieces during this performative event clearly resembled each other. Parallels were particularly given within the focus on a leading voice of the eldest representatives (both already deceased), the separate demonstration of younger generations and the differences in attire of musicians and dancers. As clothing and accessories did not change throughout the short performances, each of the traditions appeared to be visually homogeneous. The entertaining nature of the event was illustrated by the fact that the seated audience applauded between the singular dances. Further, both masterpieces integrated features linking to the audience and location of the performance. For example, the singer of the congos replaced in his verse his rural origin Villa Mella with the capital Santo Domingo and greeted the city of San Pedro de Macoris - whose representatives are the cocolos and where the ceremony was held.Finally, close collaboration between Dominican cultural politicians and Dominican anthropologists became obvious, as they jointly represented the Dominican government on the stage.This paper examines representations of the immaterial heritage forms which appear on UNESCO´s sites on the internet, based on the idea that masterpieces´ representations are generally organized in collaboration by UNESCO and the state. The UNESCO masterpiece program is based on the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage from 2003 which defines “representativity” as the fundamental selective criteria for a masterpiece. Representativity explained as “relevance for identity and continuity of the particular groups and minorities, has multiple validities on both local and global levels: On one hand it represents the “universal creativity of humanity”,2and on the other the “cultural heritage of communities – and if appropriate – states” (UNESCO 2006: 4).Representation of the nation-state is thus implied in the basic constitution of the masterpiece-program and interests of the state party are granted already in proposing the masterpieces. Overall, UNESCO and the Dominican state preempt rights of masterpieces representations in globalized and national contexts. Next to representativity a second criteria of masterpieces is the basic assumption of their marginalization. Regardless of all problematic UNESCO, state and anthropologists agree upon measures to guarantee transmission, one of them education. A central interest of safeguarding is the increase of understanding of the culture. With regard to the first masterpiece in the Dominican Republic the UNESCO – sites for example state “The permanence of the Brotherhood has been threatened by the lack of interest shown by the elite in cultures of African and mixed origin. Today, the acceleration of urban growth, migration, unemployment and the standardization of values is reinforcing prejudices and the lack of understanding of the Brotherhood” (, accessed 11/01/2009).What kind of information on the two Dominican masterpieces is distributed by UNESCO and - and also for - the Dominican state on the internet and what is thereby constantly omitted? Can short videos´ contents actually serve for an understanding of the reasons of marginalization of the cultural tradition, both in and outside the respective country? How do interests of the Dominican state and anthropologists meet in the proclamation and representation of the forms?Representations of Dominican Masterpieces on UNESCO-WebsitesOfficial videos published on the UNESCO websites include textual information on the masterpieces read by an English speaker (with sometimes bad pronunciation). First, we will discuss excerpts of the video of the Cultural Space of the Brotherhood of the Congos of Villa Mella and then compare its content to video excerpts of the second masterpiece, the Cocolo Dance Drama Tradition.31. UNESCO-representations of the Brotherhood of the Holy Spirit of the Congos of Villa MellaText read in English in the video:“The Brotherhood of the Holy Spirit of the Congos of Villa Mella are specialists in music, dance and popular festivities. They perform at religious festivals and at the funerals of members of the community. The Brotherhood, which is nowadays open to both men and women regardless of origin, was founded by African slaves and people of mixed race in the sixteenth century. For historical reasons, the Brotherhood is an important element in the cultural identity of this community and of the whole region.At the Festival of the Holy Spirit, celebrated at Pentecost there are prayers, dances and singing, accompanied by the music of the congos and a procession carrying the dove representing the Holy Spirit. The brotherhood also celebrates funeral rites with the congos. This occurs at the wake, during the procession to the cemetery and on the ninth morning when prayers are said in front of the three-tiered catafalque […] Banko ceremony. On this occasion, all the guests dance to the music of the congos.The brotherhood is essentially composed of musicians who play percussion instruments called congos, especially at festivals. The origin of these congos is in fact attributed to the holy spirit.” (, accessed 11/01/2009). The first part of the clip names a particular group, Enerolisa – Grupo de Salve de Mata los Indios or Salve Group of Mata los Indios which belongs to the community but does not represent the core group of the brotherhood. Further the genre salve is not particular to the cultural space in the Dominican Republic. The eldest and core members of the brotherhood, who also performed at the described Proclamation ceremony at the beginning of this paper, just appear at the end of the video along with a brief explanation of their instruments. This could leave the impression that the highly religious music and the small core group are not of the same importance as popular and communitarian religious festivities. This detail clearly shows inner conflicts which harm this community since the proclamation.4The textual representation of the clip distinguishes the brotherhood as “cultural specialists” and highlights their importance in the community. The second part of the UNESCO text which was left out here describes a particular mourning, the banko ceremony, which is considered unique to the brotherhood. All together, the video represents a wide range of diverse musical styles and settings which effectively illustrate the specialist nature of the brotherhood and the particularity of the space. However, the historical reasons which make the brotherhood significant on the national level are not elaborated. The reasons for historical significance can thus be only understood in relation to the universal history of slavery.The first part of the textual representation in the clip uses the denomination of “mixed race” for the brotherhood´s founders which vaguely refers to the unknown roots of people of slave ancestry but also conceals the deal of Haitians involved in the brotherhood from its foundation onwards. Slaves who had fled the French part (later Haiti) of the island founded a neighboring village – San Lorenzo de los Minas - in 1678, a fact which is due to impunity laws on the Spanish-governed part of the island. Between San Lorenzo and the village Mata los Indios where the brotherhood was founded developed strong cultural interrelations and both locations are part of the cultural space today. The given share of Haitians and Dominican-Haitians in the cultural space hints at the fact that the brotherhood could also be a multinational masterpiece. This is underscored by the fact that the region of distribution of the Congo brotherhood, in the north of the capital Santo Domingo, is to today characterized by Haitian immigration and the widely practiced Dominican and Haitian-Dominican santería(popular syncretic religion which is celebrated in fiestas de palo (musical gathering with palo drums).However, Haitian influence in Dominican congo traditions is rarely discussed in the Dominican Republic. Anthropologists Edis Sánchez and Carlos Hernandez Soto who are both involved in the proclamation and transmission of the two masterpieces wrote in 2004 that Haitian influence is perceivable in the random substitution of Spanish exclamations in the lyrics. They also discuss parallels to5voodoo, but see congo drums clearly distinguishable from Haitian voodoo drums, arguing against assumptions of shared origins of the two religious expressions. What the authors in contrast see is a Circum-Caribbean context of the congo traditions, inscribing their study in the historical context of African slavery in Brazil, Cuba, Panamá and Trinidad (1997: 297).2. UNESCO-representations of the Cocolos Dance Drama TraditionThe following paragraphs discuss UNESCO´s video excerpts of the performance practice of the cocolo dance theater, proclaimed as masterpiece in 2005.“The Cocolo dance drama tradition developed among descendants of British Caribbean slaves who had come to the Dominican Republic in the mid-nineteenth century to work in the sugar fields. Originally pejorative, the term “Cocolo”, which refers to the migrants working on the British sugar plantations of the island, is now used proudly. This linguistically and culturally distinct community set up their own churches, schools, benevolent societies and mutual assistance lodges. Their most distinctive expressions, however, were annual dance drama performances.This fusion of African and British cultural themes, and their adaptation to a Spanish Catholic milieu, is a salient expression of creativity.Various Cocolo drama troupes used to perform at Christmas, on St Peter’s day and at carnival festivities. In their performances, themes from various worlds are creatively united. Music and dance genres of African origin blend with dramatic plots, legends and figures derived from biblical and medieval European literature. These include Christmas carolling, performances of string and plugged instrument, the so-called Niega business, involving masquerades and the staging of theatrical scenes such as ’David and Goliath’, ’Moko-Yombi’ and ’Cowboys and Indians’. Only one ageing troupe now remains” (, accessed 11/01/2009).The textual representation underscores linguistic diversity as well as institutional and creative accomplishments in the Dominican Catholic milieu. It does however not go into detail about the cocolos´ religious background (which might have been highly influenced by missionaries). The cultural meaning of cocolos´ organizations of mutual support is thus not understandable. Also, the textual representation by the UNESCO video generally conceals cultural parallels tothe Leeward Islands St. Kitts, Nevis and Antigua, where related theatrical forms6can be found. However, this is discussed among Dominican anthropologists (see Inoa 2005: 77-78).With regard to the national context, the textual introduction also lacks the history of popularity of the cocolo-traditions in the Dominican Republic. The integration of cocolo danced theater into Dominican popular culture increased already in the 1950s, which is when cocolos changed their textual repertoire more and more into Spanish (Inoa 2005: 84). Another aspect which is missing is an association with resistance during the longstanding violent dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo (1930 to 1961) in the Dominican Republic which led to prohibition in 1958 (Corniel, 2004). This symbolic meaning is indicated by the fact that the cocolo dancers in national discourses are mostly called guloyas, which refers to one of their dances based on the saga of David and Goliath forbidden by Trujillo. Guloya thus primarily memorializes resistance of the past and symbolizes sympathy and identification on side of the Dominican society. Cocolo, in contrast, is still negatively associated with the history of Haitian workers on the sugar plantations. The aspect of shared history with Haitians is as in the case of the congos excluded from the description.Finally, the cocolo masterpiece proclamation is result of a longstanding process of negotiation. Already in the aftermath of the Trujillo dictatorship, in the 1970s, Dominican intellectuals fostered cocolo´s recognition. Cultural representatives and politicians started discussions about the possibility of declaring the neighborhood Miramar as site for cocolo remembrance. Central interests were the economic support for the region as well as official recognition of the cocolos in the urban environment (Mota Acosta 1977: 136).Particularly the last part of the video focuses on festivities and rites, showing creativity and diversity of the cocolo community. The latter is particularly emphasized by a long sequence of English singing during a performance of the David and Goliath piece. This is contradicted by the reasons of safeguarding which the UNESCO – sites refer to: “But although older members of the Cocolo community still speak Caribbean English at home, most have lost their ancientmother tongue and are monolingual in Spanish. Today, the Cocolo community7is scattered in different regions of the Dominican Republic, and most have assimilated into broader Dominican society. This development has made it more difficult for the older Cocolos to transmit their knowledge to younger generations, to retain their specific institutions and to keep the dancing drama tradition alive” (, accessed 11/01/2009).The contradictory emphasis on the English language of the cocolos in the video serves as symbol of continuous diversity and an identity-building migratory experience. A particular aspect of the cocolo community however, is thereby not mentioned, and this refers to the fact that particular dances are related to particular persons, which means that they tend to disappear when this leader dies.SummaryCertainly, the different observations and following conclusions cannot serve as definite answers to symbolic meanings of the Dominican masterpieces. Nevertheless, regardless of specific musical and ritual contents I argue that there is a general pattern of selective representation of the Dominican masterpieces which relates to emphasis on universal aspects as diversity and general marginalization, both understandable from an outsider perspective.The given selective information serve a general understanding: Although the two masterpiece traditions are different in their historical contexts, performance practices, rituals and localizations, they are also very similar as being expressions of formerly marginalized communities within mainstream Dominican society. Both masterpiece titles honor small communities which founded religious organizations of mutual support in order to survive labor conditions in slavery and sugar industry. Both textual and visual representations of the Dominican masterpieces emphasize their universal cultural value and the need for sustainability and thus facilitate also joint representations. However, UNESCO´s representations omit details which are of fundamental importance for understanding symbolic meaning in the national context of the DominicanRepublic. Thus, they do not include conflicting national historical contexts or8transnational capital investments which resulted in migration or indications of negotiation processes about identity, cultural or human rights and thus refer historical significance to a universal perspective (slavery and Diaspora / migration). The consequences of this omission of historical complexity leads to misunderstanding of the cultural forms, of the reasons for marginalization and the power negotiations and thus inhibits appropriate measures of protection and promotion – as impossible as this goal might be to reach. The central interest of safeguarding, an increase of the understanding of the culture is contradicted. Lastly, elusive representations limit the credibility of the masterpiece project and UNESCO´s reputation.This paper demonstrated through a case study the ideological interests in UNESCO´s policy of Intangible Heritage. George Yúdice has written on the expediency of culture with regard to political objectives, particularly its common use in the function of a peace bringer ( 2003: 1-13). I argue that in the given context the nominations of these masterpieces serves UNESCO´s interests in preservation of threatened cultural capacities on the global level, but on the other hand serves aims for social reconciliation and reflects renovation within Dominican national discourse. Dominican president Leonel Fernández who governs the country since 1996 has become known for his emphasis on the Dominican Republic as Caribbean country on one hand and for intense relations with the United States on the other. Both masterpieces symbolize general Caribbean historical patterns of African slavery and migration. In addition, however, president Fernández himself represents as immigrant returned from the United States growing Dominican “bi-nationality” (0.5 mio. Dominicans live in the United States in 2000, see Maingot 2004: 340) and this tendency might be effectively symbolized by an English-speaking tradition. However, the situation of the Dominican Republic could be more appropriately termed as of three nationalities considering the Haitian and Dominican Haitian populations of estimated 10 percent of the population. Today´s Dominican society is also characterized by a conflictive transformation due to synchronous Haitian immigration and Dominican emigration. In sugar industry and9construction work one unofficially depends on Haitian work force but immigration is officially rejected and legalization policies, even for Haitian-Dominicans, have recently been reinforced (Newman, 2008). In this context, the preservation of two African-derived masterpieces might indicate an attempt to construct an explicitly non-Haitian but afro-Dominican identity.Despite their differences, the two masterpieces are continuously jointly appropriated by the Dominican state. Principal goal of the Dominican Cultural Ministry is “to develop, promote and distribute the different manifestations of cultural and artistic expression” (Secretaria de Cultura, 2006). The Dominican State Party aims for transitions from individual/communitarian to collective-social memory by policies of instruction. The strategy of combining the two masterpieces is illustrated by joint educational projects of cocolo and congo culture held in schools of Villa Mella (Campos, 2009). Threatening growth of standardization and routinization is thereby given as both core groups do not integrate new forms. As congo traditions are not tied to single persons they might be more easily preserved. Nevertheless, their transmission and existence as living heritage will be never guaranteed and neither are peaceful results of safeguarding projects.SourcesCampos, Jaclin (2009). »Cultura. La Dirección De Escuelas Libres Creó Espacios Dedicados A La Enseñanza De Expresiones Culturales«. Listín Diario, August 16.Castro, Aquiles (2008): »Prohibiciones y persecuciones de creencias y prácticas populares en República Dominicana. Alerta Guloyas y Gaga!«. /aquilescastrogaga.htm (accessed 04/21/2008). Corniel, Zaida (2004) »El rescate de los guloyas a través de voces y imágenes«. Diario Libre, January 20.Hernández Soto, Carlos/Sánchez, Edis (1997): »Los Congos de Villa Mella, República Dominicana«. Latin American Music Review 18 (2): 297-316.Hernández Soto, Carlos (2004): ¡Kalunga eh! Los Congos de Villa Mella. Santo Domingo: Editorial Letra Gráfica.10Karoline Bahrs, University of Pittsburgh: Cultural Memory and Intangible Heritage in the Dominican RepublicInoa, Orlando (2005): Los Cocolos en la sociedad dominicana. Santo Domingo: Helvetas – Asociación suiza para la cooperación internacional.Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara (1991): »Objects of Ethnography«. In: Ivan Karp/Steven D. Lavine (Hg.), Exhibiting Cultures. The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington/London: Smithsonian Institution Press: 386-443.Maingot, Anthony P. (2004). »Political Processes in the Caribbean 1970s to 2000«. UNESCO: General History of the Caribbean, Vol. V.Matsuura, Koïchiro (ed.) (2006): »Preface«. In: UNESCO, Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Proclamations 2001, 2003 and 2005, Paris: UNESCO: 2-3.Mau, Steffen/Mewes, Jan/Zimmermann, Ann (2008): »Cosmopolitan Attitudes through Transnational Social Practices?«. Global Networks. A Journal of Transnational Affairs 8 (1): 1-24.Mota Acosta, Julio César (1997): Los Cocolos en Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo: Edición La Gaviota.Newman, Lucia. (2008). »Race and Racism in the Dominican Republic. Latin America: The Caribbean«. Al Jazeera (/2009/08/race-racism-dominican-republic/, accessed 11/1/2009).Secretaría de Estado de Cultura (2006): .do/quienes somos.htm, (accessed 04/22/2008).UNESCO (2006): Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Proclamations 2001, 2003 and 2005. Paris: UNESCO.Yúdice, George (2003): The Expediency of Culture: Uses of Culture in the Global Era. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.11。
多米尼加是一个什么样的国家？
多米尼加是一个什么样的国家？去了一次多米尼加后，我就爱上了这里。
这里的景色非常迷人，这里的小姐姐颜值很高，这里的物价也能接受，多米尼加真的是一个适合养老度假的好地方。
以前我也不知道，世界上还有一个叫做多米尼加的国家，后来一次偶然的机会才知道这是一个加勒比海地区的小岛国。
这里的景色非常迷人，特别适合旅游放松心情。
来了多米尼加真的没有让你失望，这里的人过着一种几乎躺平的生活。
他们对于金钱和物质的要求不太高，他们对于美食颇有研究，对于吃饭这件事比较挑剔。
走在多米尼加的大街上，你总是能够看到身材超级棒的小姐姐，下面我就给大家分享一下我在多米尼加的见闻。
多米尼加国家简介多米尼加是加勒比海地区的一个小岛国，要说加勒比海地区最有名的国家，那就非古巴莫属了，其次是盛产短跑名将的牙买加，海地的名气也不差，多米尼加总的知名度不太高，但多米尼加的景色是最好的。
多米尼加西接海地，南临加勒比海，北濒大西洋，海岸线长1350公里，国土面积约为4.89万平方公里，人口总量为1,050万人，首都为圣多明各。
多米尼加地处热带，是典型的热带草原气候，一年分为雨旱两季，年平均气温为，26度境内的水势湍急，河流短小。
多米尼加的自然资源较为丰富，主要有金、银、铜和铝土矿以及森林资源和水利资源等。
多米尼加这个国家的经济发展水平还是很不错的，在中美洲加勒比海地区处于中上水平。
多米尼加的经济水平多米尼加的经济发展效果很不错。
以农业、出口加工业和旅游业为主，2021年的国内生产总值为942亿美元，人均GDP为8700美元。
多米尼加的农业生产能够自给自足，半数以上的人口从事农业生产活动，主要的经济作物有甘蔗，烟草，咖啡和水稻小麦等。
多米尼加很少将这些产品直接出口，而是将蔗糖，水稻和烟草等农副产品进行再加工，然后再进行出口，利润会翻好几番。
旅游业是多米尼加的第一大经济支柱。
多米尼加是一个小岛国，岛上风光秀美，每年到这里旅游的人络绎不绝，占到了整个加勒比海地区旅游客的一半左右。
多米尼加国家概况
多米尼加国家概况（最近更新时间：2011年10月28日）国名多米尼加共和国（The Dominican Republic, la República Dominicana）。
面积48734平方公里。
人口990万（2010年）。
黑白混血种人和印欧混血种人占73％，白人占16％，黑人占11％。
官方语言为西班牙语。
90％以上居民信奉天主教，少数人信奉基督教新教和犹太教。
首都圣多明各（Santo Domingo），人口329.4万。
年平均温度为25℃。
国家元首总统莱昂内尔·费尔南德斯(Leonel Fernández)，2008年8月16日就职。
任期4年。
曾于1996-2000年,2004-2008年两次任多总统。
重要节日国庆日:2月27日。
简况位于加勒比海大安的列斯群岛中的伊斯帕尼奥拉岛东部。
东隔莫纳海峡与波多黎各相望，西接海地，南临加勒比海，北濒大西洋。
北部、东部属热带雨林气候，西南部属热带草原气候，平均气温25℃。
原为美洲印第安人居住地。
1496年西班牙人在岛上建立圣多明各城，成为欧洲殖民者在美洲的第一个永久性居民点。
1795年归属法国。
1809年复归西班牙。
1844年2月27日东部人民宣告独立，成立多米尼加共和国。
1930年特鲁希略发动军事政变上台，实行长达30年的独裁统治。
1965年美国出兵占领多米尼加。
1966-1978年多改革党人巴拉格尔执政。
1978-1986年革命党人古斯曼、布兰科先后执政。
1986-1996年巴拉格尔再次连续执政。
1996-2000年解放党人费尔南德斯执政。
2000-2004年革命党人梅希亚执政。
2004-2008年，解放党人费尔南德斯再度执政，并于2008年5月再次当选总统。
政治2008年5月，费尔南德斯总统在大选中以53.83%的得票率成功连任，并于8月16日就职，任期至2012年。
目前，多政局稳定。
【宪法】根据1966年11月颁布的宪法，多为总统制国家，设总统和副总统。
多米尼加冷知识
多米尼加冷知识多米尼加共和国是一个位于加勒比海的国家，拥有丰富的自然资源和多样化的文化。
它的气候温暖，阳光明媚，是一个理想的旅游胜地。
让我们来了解一些关于多米尼加的冷知识。
多米尼加共和国是加勒比地区最大的国家，面积约为 4.8万平方公里。
它的首都是圣多明各，也是加勒比地区最大的城市之一。
多米尼加共和国的国土主要由高山、平原和海岸线组成。
这里有着美丽的沙滩、壮观的瀑布和宜人的山谷，以及丰富的动植物资源。
多米尼加共和国是一个人口多样性极高的国家，居住着来自非洲、欧洲和美洲等多个地区的人。
这种多元文化的影响使得多米尼加的音乐、舞蹈和美食都非常丰富多样。
梅雷格、巴查塔和雷吉顿是多米尼加最受欢迎的音乐风格，而莫吉托、葡萄柚酒和多米尼加咖啡则是当地最受欢迎的饮品。
多米尼加共和国还以其丰富的自然资源而闻名。
这里有着壮丽的罗马尼托山脉，是加勒比地区最高的山脉之一。
这里还有着独特的巴约巴斯岛，被誉为加勒比海的明珠。
这个小岛上有着如画般的风景和丰富的海洋生物。
多米尼加共和国的经济主要依靠旅游业、农业和制造业。
旅游业是该国的支柱产业，每年吸引着大量的游客。
多米尼加的沙滩、海岛、水上运动和文化景点都是游客们喜欢的目的地。
此外，该国还以种植咖啡、可可、香蕉和糖等农产品而闻名。
多米尼加共和国还是一个充满活力的体育国家。
棒球是该国最受欢迎的运动，许多多米尼加人在美国职棒大联盟中取得了巨大的成功。
此外，该国还热衷于篮球、足球和拳击等运动。
总的来说，多米尼加共和国是一个充满活力和多样性的国家。
它的美丽自然风景、多元文化和丰富的体育传统使其成为一个令人向往的目的地。
无论你是寻找冒险还是放松，多米尼加都能满足你的需求。
希望你有机会亲自来到这个美丽的国家，亲身体验它的魅力。
多米尼加简介
多米尼加简介
多米尼加位于加勒比海北部，全称为多米尼加共和国。
面积4.87万平方千米。
人口823万。
黑白混血种人和印欧混血种人占73％，其余为白人和黑人。
居民多信奉天主教。
官方语言为西班牙语。
货币为比索。
首都圣多明各(Santo Domingo)。
多米尼加简介 2
国旗由红、白、蓝三色组成。
国徽画在白色十字上。
红色象征开国元勋们为自由而艰苦奋斗的火与血，白色十字架象征宗教信仰和人民的奋斗与牺牲，蓝色象征自由。
历史沿革
最初由美洲印第安人居住。
1496年，西班牙人在伊斯帕尼奥拉岛上建立了圣多明各，成为欧洲殖民者在美洲的第一个永久定居点。
它在1795年属于法国。
它于1809年回归西班牙。
1844年2月27日，东方宣布独立，建立多米尼加共和国。
经济文化民俗
多米尼克是一个农业国。
旅游业、出口加工业和汇款是多米尼加经济的三大支柱。
蔗糖生产在经济中起着重要的作用。
畜牧业和渔业比较发达。
矿产资源丰富，主要有金、银、铜、铁、镍、铝矾土等。
恩里基略湖
咸水湖，位于多米尼加西南部，世界著名的鳄鱼保护区。
湖面低于海平面约40米，湖水含盐度比加勒比海的海水高50％。
湖中栖息有大量鳄鱼。
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弗朗西斯科·罗萨里奥·桑切斯：（1817弗朗西斯科·罗萨里奥·桑切斯：（18171861）1844年的多米尼加独立战争桑切 1861）1844年的多米尼加独立战争桑切 斯为主要统帅，战争结束后亦被桑坦纳 逐出多国，后来返国参予复国战争，不 幸被桑坦纳率领的西班牙军队俘虏而处 死。
格雷戈里奥·卢柏龙：（1839-1897）出 格雷戈里奥·卢柏龙：（1839-1897）出 身于银港，领导多米尼加在多米尼加 复国战争击退西班牙。目前银港市郊 外的格雷戈里奥· 外的格雷戈里奥·卢柏龙国际机场还有 纽约曼哈顿的卢伯龙高中皆以他命名。
马蒂亚斯·雷蒙·梅亚：（1816-1864） 马蒂亚斯·雷蒙·梅亚：（1816-1864） 梅 亚参与1844年的多米尼加独立战争，与 亚参与1844年的多米尼加独立战争，与 桑切斯联手驱逐海地侵占元帅波也，最 后与桑切斯共同光复首都圣多明各而完 成大业，复国战争时成为多米尼加复国 战争副总统直到他去世为止。。
多米尼加饮食受到数世纪来传统塔诺族，西班牙和非 受到数世纪来传统塔诺族，西班牙和非 洲人口混合的结果，多米尼加饮食虽然和拉丁美洲其 洲人口混合的结果，多米尼加饮食虽然和拉丁美洲其 他国家非常类似，但是口味和菜肴名称稍微有不一样 的地方。多米尼加传统的早餐包含了煎蛋和水煮过的 泥状大蕉（香蕉的一种），另加煎烤过的火腿片。中 餐是最重要的一餐，主要有饭配肉类，豆子和沙拉。 豆子饭（La Bandera）也是多米尼加人常吃的中餐。 豆子饭（La Bandera）也是多米尼加人常吃的中餐。 近年来比萨、意大利面、炸鸡、薯条也是受欢迎的食 物，各镇上多有中国人开的Pica Pollo炸鸡店，中国 物，各镇上多有中国人开的Pica Pollo炸鸡店，中国 简餐店也很受欢迎。 由于多米尼加盛产甘蔗，当地由 甘蔗加工出来的兰姆酒也非常有名。多米尼加独特的 Mama Juana是当地家庭自己调配的药酒，主要是把兰 Juana是当地家庭自己调配的药酒，主要是把兰 姆酒、蜂蜜、红酒混合后，并在酒瓶里加入树皮或是 树根和草药。Mabi为树薯制的饮料，Malta为大麦饮料， 树根和草药。Mabi为树薯制的饮料，Malta为大麦饮料， 各种兰姆水果酒都是在多米尼加常见的饮料。多米尼 加的咖啡和雪茄也是世界有名。 加的咖啡和雪茄也是世界有名。
哥伦布和西班牙传教士 的影响甚深，圣经在学 校属于必修课程，多米 尼加人百分之95人口奉 尼加人百分之95人口奉 信天主教，其中88.6% 信天主教，其中88.6% 主要为罗马天主教，另 外由于靠近海地，在多 国的海地人有自己独特 的巫毒宗教。多米尼加 教堂大多缺乏经费，多 国人民虽然
没有很积极地上教堂，但
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Eso es todo
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胡安·巴勃罗·杜阿尔德：（1813-1876） 胡安·巴勃罗·杜阿尔德：（1813-1876） 尊称为多米尼加的国父，领导多米尼加 于1844年独立，脱离海地统治，最后被 1844年独立，脱离海地统治，最后被 当时的桑坦纳总统逐出多国，流亡委内 瑞拉。国内最高峰杜阿尔德峰以他命名. 瑞拉。国内最高峰杜阿尔德峰以他命名.
拉斐尔·特鲁希略：（1891-1961）特鲁希 拉斐尔·特鲁希略：（1891-1961）特鲁希 略在位总统时期为20年，另外十年则为他 略在位总统时期为20年，另外十年则为他 所控制的魁儡政府所把持，特鲁希略在位 期间让多米尼加经济发展提升，另一方面 却大量谋杀抑制反对政府人士，让他成为 20世纪有名的独裁者之一，其功过到现今 20世纪有名的独裁者之一，其功过到现今 长1350公里。面积 海岸线全长1350公里。面积 48442平方公里，占伊斯帕尼 48442平方公里，占伊斯帕尼 奥拉岛面积64%。人口641.6万 奥拉岛面积64%。人口641.6万 (1985)。全国分为26个省, (1985)。全国分为26个省,首 都圣多明各。多米尼加外海有 数个小岛和沙洲，其中最大的 两个小岛为东南边外海的度假 胜地Saona (沙翁纳岛) 胜地Saona (沙翁纳岛)和西南 边的Beata（贝亚他岛）。 边的Beata（贝亚他岛）。 多米尼加位居北回归线以南， 属于热带气候国家，每年五月 到十一月为雨季，六月到十一 月为飓风季节 多国三面环海， 缺乏天然屏障，再加上国内基 础设施不够完善，遇到飓风登 陆或是大量雨水往往会在各地 造成水灾和土石流。
多米尼加共和国
República Dominicana
制作人：刘静德 王爽爽 余李婷
多米尼加意为“星期天、休息日”旧说哥伦布于15世 多米尼加意为“星期天、休息日”旧说哥伦布于15世 纪末的一个星期日到此，故名多米尼加 dominican republic 国家格言：Dios,Patria,Libertad（西班牙语，上帝， 国家格言：Dios,Patria,Libertad（西班牙语，上帝， 祖国，自由）
多米尼加共和国（ Republic） 多米尼加共和国（Dominican Republic）首都 圣多明各（ Domingo） 圣多明各（Santo Domingo）旅游推广办公室在 上个月发布了全新的旅游标志。 上个月发布了全新的旅游标志。圣多明各的旅 游标志除了用充满童趣的手写字体书写这座城 市的名称“ Domingo” 市的名称“Santo Domingo”外，还利用两组单 词最后的“ go” 词最后的“to go”来提示前往圣多明各作为旅 游目的地。
杜桑·卢维杜尔：（1743-1803）出生于 杜桑·卢维杜尔：（1743-1803）出生于 海地北边圣多明的奴隶家庭，自修完成 教育，于1797年领导其他黑奴击退法国 教育，于1797年领导其他黑奴击退法国 驻军成立海地共和国，解除了奴隶制度。 于1801年带领部队占领圣多明各并完成 1801年带领部队占领圣多明各并完成 统一西班牙岛。
以旅游业为主，旅客量占全加勒比海地区（除墨西
哥）的47%，此外全国半数人口从事农业。以种甘蔗 哥）的47%，此外全国半数人口从事农业。以种甘蔗 为主，还产咖啡、可可、稻米、香蕉、烟草和牲畜等。 工业以制糖、卷烟为主，并有采矿（镍、铝土、金、 银）、水泥、纺织等。 交通运输以公路为主，公路总长1.2万多公里,其中 通运输以公路为主，公路总长1.2万多公里, 2/3为铺面公路。铁路总长1242公里，主要运送甘蔗 2/3为铺面公路。铁路总长1242公里，主要运送甘蔗 和粗糖。主要港口为圣多明各。多米尼加的主要国际 机场有首都郊区的美洲国际机场（SDQ）、圣地牙哥 机场有首都郊区的美洲国际机场（SDQ）、圣地牙哥 郊区的Cibao国际机场（STI）、银港的Gregorio 郊区的Cibao国际机场（STI）、银港的Gregorio Luperón国际机场（POP）。 Luperón国际机场（POP）。 政府长久以来忽视电力基础建设，影响到人民的日 常生活和商业的发展。这几年政府开始从各方面改善， 目前电力方面比往年正常，但是偶尔还是会有断电情 况，多数家庭和公司行号均会备有自用发电机使用。
• 多米尼加临近美国，且三面环海，海岸线长，具广大环礁内海且无污 染，岛上风光明媚，全国有百分之25的国土为国家公园和生态保护区， 加上全国上百个度假区，为欧美人士喜爱之加勒比海度假圣地，2010 年到多米尼加的观光客达到四百万人之多，每年带给多国十亿美金以 上的外汇。多国是哥伦布1492年著名航海之旅的登陆地点，也是西班 牙开启殖民史的首站，首都圣多明各城仍保留有许多百年建筑以及文 物，人文的观光资源亦十分充沛。 • 观光业是近年来多米尼加主要经济发展的项目，目前估计14.4%的工 作机会（55万人）跟观光业有关，估计到了2018年14.1%的工作机会 （74万三千人）将会是观光服务业。多米尼加政府目前正努力开发首 都圣多明各（多京）古城旅游发展，东北部Samana（山美纳）半岛的 国家公园和赏鲸休闲活动（每年一月到三月)，南边和东边海岸线度 假观光，内地山谷区的农业还有西南边正待开发的野生旅游区。 • 目前国外人士只要能合法进入美国，加拿大及英国（例如拥有美签） 之任何国家国民都可以入境多米尼加，不用签证。
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哥伦布于1492年踏上西班牙岛后，多米尼加被西班 牙统治了三百多年，现时官方语言为西班牙语。 1821年11月30日，多米尼加脱离西班牙统治，宣 年 月 日，多米尼加脱离西班牙统治，宣 布独立；才过了9星期，于1822年2月却被岛上西 布独立；才过了 星期，于 年 月却被岛上西 部的海地吞并。多米尼加于1844年脱离海地管治， 再度宣布独立。1865年，击退西班牙入侵。现任 总统是莱昂内尔·费尔南德斯。
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2月份La Vega的嘉年华（鬼 节）会在多国最受到瞩目， 二月和三月份的周末在全国 各地大城市都会有类似的节 日 多米尼加各大城镇都设有斗 鸡场，每周三和周末都有斗 鸡比赛，赌博合法且金额颇 大，斗鸡场旁边还设有跳舞 吧台，算是当地人民的传统 休闲活动
多米尼加以两种音乐风格闻名，一个是默朗格舞曲 （Merengue），另一个则是巴恰塔舞曲（Bachata）。 Merengue），另一个则是巴恰塔舞曲（Bachata）。 这两个音乐风格各不相同，但是都风靡了整个加勒比海 地区（特别是邻近的波多黎各）和拉丁美洲。在多米尼 加人从小受到音乐的影响，大街小巷里随时随地都可以 听到音乐传遍。 默朗格舞曲（Merengue）据说是非洲和西班牙歌曲混合 默朗格舞曲（Merengue）据说是非洲和西班牙歌曲混合 延伸而来，传说有可能是早期黑奴多遭到地主压榨劳力， 延伸而来，传说有可能是早期黑奴多遭到地主压榨劳力， 为了防止奴隶逃走，。1980年代和1990年 为了防止奴隶逃走，。1980年代和1990年代，外流的多 米尼加移民把 默朗格舞曲传到国外，而逐渐的流行到 默朗格舞曲传到国外，而逐渐的流行到 美国东岸各大城市间。 巴恰塔舞曲（Bachata）是于1960年代兴起于多国北方 巴恰塔舞曲（Bachata）是于1960年代兴起于多国北方 的乡村地区，其歌曲比较偏好叙述爱情方面，尤其是描 述分手和悲伤的情感，歌曲的步调比默朗格舞曲慢了许 多。
是人民生活和口语对话中 常可以感觉到宗教的影响 甚深。1930年代和1940年 甚深。1930年代和1940年 代大约有800位犹太人为 代大约有800位犹太人为 了躲避纳粹独裁定居在多 米尼加北部的Sosua地区， 米尼加北部的Sosua地区， 目前为多米尼加主要犹太 教的区域，回教佛教一贯 道在多米尼加也有少许人 信仰. 信仰.