高英inaugural address翻译和课文单词
高级英语课件InauguralAddress
18. invoke: v. to ask solemnly for; beg
for; implore
---I invoked their forgiveness.
It is a persuasive speech with the clear
purpose: to explain, convince and
persuade the people that what he is
saying and what he is planning to do
best represent their interests so they
of; mean
---Recent changes in climate may signify that global warming is starting to have an effect.
4. almighty: a. having unlimited
power; all-powerful
25
15. shield: n. any person or thing that
guards, protect or defends
16. unleash: v. to release or let go
from or as from a leash
leash: n. (lead esp. AmE)
8. discipline: v. to subject to discipline;
train; control
---Students must learn to discipline
themselves.
CHENLI
22
9. oppose: v. to resist; withstand;
英语演讲：InauguralAddress
英语演讲：InauguralAddressLadies and gentlemen, esteemed guests, and fellow citizens,Today marks a momentous occasion as we gather here to witness the inaugurationof a new era. Just like the changing of seasons brings freshness and renewal, this inauguration symbolizes a new beginning, a new chapter for our great nation.I stand here humbled and honored to have been chosen as your leader, entrusted with the responsibility to lead and serve. It is a privilege that I do not take lightly and I promise to uphold the values and principles that have made our country strong.As I reflect upon the journey that has brought us to this day, I am reminded of the countless struggles and sacrifices that have been made throughout our history. From the battles fought for freedom, to the leaders who have inspired change, we stand on the shoulders of giants who have paved the way for progress.But today, I want to focus not only on our past, but our future. I want to speak to each and every citizen of this great nation and remind you that the power to create change lies within each and every one of us. It is not only within the realm of leaders, but in the hands of every individual in this room and beyond.Together, we can build a future that is rooted in equality, justice, and opportunity for all. We can overcome the divisions that threaten to tear us apart and find common ground that unites us. It is through our collective efforts that we can create a society that lifts up the weak, empowers the vulnerable, and ensures that every person has a fair shot at success.This vision requires us to come together, to listen to one another, and to embrace dialogue. We must be willing to set aside our differences and work towards a shared goal – the betterment of our nation and the world we live in.I acknowledge that this task will not be easy. There will be obstacles along the way, but we must not give in to despair. Our history has shown that when faced with adversity, we have always risen to the challenge. The strength and resilience of our people have carried us through the darkest of times, and I am confident that it will do so once again.So, let us embark on this journey together. Let us unite as one nation, indivisible, and create a future that our children and grandchildren can be proud of. Let us be guided by the values of compassion, empathy, and integrity, and let us never forget that we are the architects of our own destiny.Thank you, and may God bless our nation.。
高级英语二册inauguraladdress2教案ppt课件
Kennedy’s major contributions
• 1960’s was a time when racism, national safety and beginning of Vietnam crisis were getting tense.
• His Inaugural Address offered the memorable injunction: "Ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country." As President, he set out to redeem his campaign pledge to get America moving again. His economic programs launched the country on its longest sustained expansion since World War II; before his death, he laid plans for a massive assault on persisting pockets of privation and poverty.
•
Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia
• Marriage: Jacqueline Lee Bouvier (1929-1994), on September 12, 1953
• Religion: Roman Catholቤተ መጻሕፍቲ ባይዱc
• Education: Graduated from Harvard College (1940), entered the Navy
英语演讲稿-InauguralAddress
英语演讲稿-InauguralAddress第一篇：英语演讲稿-Inaugural AddressVice president Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, president Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, president Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there islittle we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.T o those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to thosenations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”?And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.Allthis will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,”? a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrificewhich we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.第二篇：InauguralAddressInauguralAddressJohn F.KennedyWe observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty and god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of human come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwell to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins weshare, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.T o these new state whom we welcome to the ranks of the tree, we pledge our world that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them support our view.But we shall always to find them strongly supporting their ownfreedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbor know that we shall join them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support: to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the newand the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would take themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not temped them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarm by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin anew, r emembering on both sides that civility is not a sign ofweakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate diseases, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed all corners of the earth the command of I saiah to “undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free”And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor,not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hangs, my fellow citizens, more than nine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again—nit as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are;but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out,” rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation” a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and globe alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join the history effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility;I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of the man.Finally,whether you are the citizens of America or the citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must be our own.第三篇：InauguralAddress英文加上翻译InauguralAddressPresident Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itselfa recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbour.If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must moveas a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon ourcommon problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent nationallife.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.我们今天举行的不是一个政党的祝捷大会，而是一次自由的庆典。
inaugural address课文总结
inaugural address课文总结美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说辞沿袭古希腊，罗马的修辞及文风精心选用语言句式，注意音韵效果,字字句句经过刻意雕琢。
一、Aliteration是一种常见的反复类音韵修辞格，恰当使用Alliteration 能赋予语言以音韵美和节奏美，起到演染气氛烘托感情加强语言表现力等效果，如:Let the word go forth.... .that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans." In order to assure the surival and the success of liberty.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.... both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom二、UnderstatementUnderstatement的修辞功能在肯尼迪这篇演说辞中"首先体现在它是一种政界辞令"整篇文章'没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析"更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例"一切都隐晦委婉模糊不清"例如1.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. (我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们因为只有当我们无疑问地拥有足够的军事装备时我们才能真正有把握地确信永远不会使用武力)一场规模空前的军备竞赛的动因被说成了We dare not tempt them with weakness. Understatement的运用变主动为被动变张牙舞爪为委曲求全2. United there is ltte we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is ltte we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. para6(团结，将使我们在许多合作事业中无往而不胜,分裂，我们将一事无成)三、parllelism(平行结构)parllelism是将结构相同或相似，意义并重语气-致的语言成分、短语、句子乃至语段等并行排列的一种修辞手法，这种辞格可以使语言简洁明了，结构精致对称，声调铿锵有力、叙事生动逼真语意鲜明突出。
高级英语Inaugural Addressppt课件
.
Teaching Methods
1. Teacher-oriented teaching method 2. Student-oriented teaching method 3. The elicited method
To acquaint the students with some famous English speeches
To take this speech as a good example
to learn some techniques in writing a
speech
.
Teaching Focus
of; mean ---Recent changes in climate may
signify that global warming is starting to have an effect.
4. almighty: a. having unlimited
power; all-powerful ---Almighty God ./ Father
1. The difference between a speech and an argument
2. Political background 3. Biblical and ancient Roman style
writings and allusions 4. A round-about way in vague terms to
.
Ⅲ. Learning Focus
1. To understand the political background 2. To appreciate the biblical and ancient
高级英语第4课 Inaugural Address
John Fitzgerald Kennedy
Kennedy family --- fully engaged in politics
Joseph Patrick Kennedy -- father (18881969)
US ambassador to Britain born in Boston graduated from Harvard
Lincoln and Kennedy
Andrew Johnson, who succeeded Lincoln, was born in 1808. Lyndon Johnson, who succeeded Kennedy, was born in 1908. John Wilkes Booth, accused of assassinating Lincoln, was born in 1839. Lee Harvey Oswald, accused of assassinating Kennedy, was born in 1939.
Johnห้องสมุดไป่ตู้Fitzgerald Kennedy
1. 35th President of the U.S.(1961-1963) 2. a democrat, an eloquent speaker 3. the youngest man ever elected to the
presidency 4. born in Massachusetts, inherited a
Kennedy’s address 4. To be acquainted with some English
speeches
Teaching Contents
1. J.F. Kennedy 2. The characteristics of a political speech 3. Detailed study of the text 4. Organizational pattern 5. Language features 6. Exercises 7. English speech
肯尼迪就职演说InauguralAddress
肯尼迪就职演说InauguralAddress第一篇：肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural AddressJohn F.KennedyInaugural Addressdelivered 20 January 1961Vice president Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, president Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, president Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assurethe survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.T o those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge ofsupport--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”¹And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungleof suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,”² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.第二篇：肯尼迪就职演说Inaugural Address(January 20,1961)By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success ofliberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.T o our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学李品伟选评美国总统就职演说词独具一格，而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作，字字句句经过刻意雕琢，有许多值得品味推敲之处。
高英2 期末考试英语翻译文章
翻译Lesson 7 The Libido for the UglyParagraph 1On a winter day some years ago, coming out of Pittsburgh on one of the expresses of the Pennsylvania Railroad, I rolled eastward for an hour through the coal and steel towns of Westmoreland country.It was familiar ground; boy and man, I had been through it often before. But somehow I had never quite sensed its appalling desolation.Here was the very heart of industrial Ameria, the center of its most lucrative and characteristic activity, the boast and pride of the richest and grandest nation ever seen on earth---and here was a scene so dreadfully hideous, so intolerably bleak and forlorn that it reduced the whole aspiration of man to a macabre and depressing joke.Here was wealth beyond computation, almost beyond imagination---and here were human habitations so abominable that they would have disgraced a race of alley cats.Paragraph 2I am not speaking of mere filth. One expects steel towns to be dirty. What I allude to is the unbroken and agonizing ugliness, the sheer revolting monstrousness, of every house in sight.From East Liberty to Greensburg, a distance of 25 miles, there was not one in sight from the train that did not insult and lacerate the eye.Some were so bad, and they were among the most pretentious --churches, stores, warehouses, and the like--that they were downright startling; one blinked before them as one blinks before a man with his face shot away.A few linger in memory, horrible even there: a crazy little church just west of Jeannette, set like a dormer window on the side of a bare leprous hill; the headquarters of the Veterans of Foreign Wars at another forlorn town, a steel stadium like a huge rat--trap somewhere further down the line.But most of all I recall the general effect--of hideousness without a break. There was not a single decent house within eyerange from the Pittsburgh to the Greensburg yards.There was not one that was not misshapen, and there was not one that was not shabby.Lesson 6 Disappearing through the SkylightParagraph 13The playfulness of the modern aesthetic is, finally, its most striking---and also its most serious and, by corollary, its most disturbing ---feature.The playfulness imitates the playfulness of science that produces game theory and virtual particles and black holes and that, by introducing human growth genes into cows, forces students of ethics to reexamine the definition of cannibalism.The importance of play in the modern aesthetic should not come as a surprise. It is announced in every city in the developed world by the fantastic and playful buildings of postmodernism and neomodernism and by the fantastic juxtapositions of architectural styles that typify collage city and urban adhocism. Paragraph 14Today modern culture includes the geometries of the International Style, the fantasies of facadism, and the gamesmanship of theme parks and museum villages.It pretends at times to be static but it is really dynamic. Its buildings move and sway and reflect dreamy visions of everything that is going on around them.It surrounds its citizens with the linear sculpture of pipelines and interstate highways and high--tension lines and the delicate virtuosities of the surfaces of the Chrysler Airflow and the Boeing 747 and the lacy weavings of circuits etched on silicon, as well as with the brutal assertiveness of oil tanker and bulldozers and the Tinkertoy complications of trusses and geodesic domes and lunar landers.It abounds in images and sounds and values utterly different from those of the world of natural things seen from a middle distance.Lesson 5 Love Is a FallacyParagrath 145-154I dashed perspiration from my brow. “Polly,” I croaked, “you mustn’t take all these things so literally. I mean this is just classroom stuff. You know that the things you learn in school don’t have anything to do with life.”“Dicto Simpliciter, ” she said, wagging her finer at me playfully.That did it. I leaped to my feet, bellowing like a bull. “Will you or will you not go steady with me?”“I will not,” she replied.“Why not?” I demanded.“Because this afternoon I promised Petey that I would go steady with him.”I reeled back, overcome with the infamy of it. After he promised, after he made a deal, after he shook my hand! “The rat!” I shrieked, kicking up great chunks of turf. “You can’t go with him, Polly. He is a liar. He is a cheat. He is a rat.”“ Poisoning the well,” said Polly, “and stopping shouting. I think shouting must be a fallacy too.”With an immense efforts of will, I modulated my voice. “All right,” I said. “You are a logician. Let us look at this thing logically. How could you choose Petey over me? Look at me--a brilliant student, a tremendous intellectual, a man with an assured future. Look at Petey---a knothead, a jitterbug, a guy who will never know where his next meal is coming from. Can you give me one logical reason why you should go stead with him?”“I certainly can,” declared Polly, “He’s got a raccoon coat.”Lesson 4 Inaugural AddressParagraph 23Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in the historic effort?Paragraph 24In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility; I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.Paragraph 25And so, my fellow Americans ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country.Paragraph 26My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Lessen 3 Pub Talk and the King’s EnglishParagraph 9Someone took one of the best-known of examples, which is still always worth the reconsidering. When we talk of meat on our tables we use French words; when we speak of the animals from which the meat comes we use Anglo-Saxon words. It is a pig in its sty; it is pork (porc) on the table. They are cattle in the fields, but we sit down to beef (boeuf). Chickens become poultry (poulet), and a calf becomes veal (veau). Even if our menus were not written in French out of snobbery, the English we used in them would still be Norman English. What all this tells us is of a deep class rift in the culture of England after the Norman conquest.Paragraph 10The Saxon peasants who tilled the land and reared the animals could not afford the meat, which went to Norman tables. The peasants were allowed to eat the rabbits that scampered over their fields and, since that meat was cheap, the Norman lords of course turned up their up noses at it. So rabbit is still rabbit on our tables, and not changed into some rendering of lapin.Paragraph 11As we listen today to the arguments about bilingual education, we ought to think ourselves back intothe shoes of the Saxon peasant. The new ruling class had built a cultural barrier against him by building their French against his own language. There must have been a great deal oaf cultural humiliation felt by the English when they revolted under Saxon leaders like Hereward the Wake. “The King’s English”--if the term had existed then--had become French. And here in America now, 900 years later, we are still the heirs to it.Lessen 2 MarrakechParagraph20But what is strange about these people is their invisibility. For several weeks, always at about the same time of day, the file of old women had hobbled past the house with their firewood, and though they had registered themselves on my eyeballs I cannot truly say that I had seen them. Firewood was passing--that was how I saw it. It was only that one day I happened to be walking behind them, and the curious up-and-down motion of a load of wood drew my attention to the human being beneath it. Then for the first time I noticed the poor old earth--coloured bodies, bodies reduced to bones and leathery skin, bent double under the crushing weight. Yet I suppose I had not been five minutes on Moroccan soil before I noticed the overloading of the donkeys and was infuriated by it. There is no question that the donkeys are damnably treated. The Moroccan donkey is hardly bigger than a St.Bernard dog, it carries a load which in the British Army would be considered too much for a 15-hands mule, and very often its packsaddle is not taken off its back for weeks together. But what is peculiarly pitiful is that it is the most willing creature on earth, it follows its master like a dog and does not need either bridle or halter. After a dozen years of devoted work it suddenly drops dead, whereupon its master tips it into the ditch and the village dogs have torn its guts out before it is cold.Paragraph 21This kind of thing makes one’s blood boil, whereas--on the whole--the plight of the human beings does not. I am not commenting, merely pointing to a fact. People with brown skins are next door to invisible. Anyone can be sorry for the donkey with its galled back, but it is generally owing to some kind of accident if one even notices the old woman under her load of sticks.Lesson 1 Face to Face with Hurricane CamilleParagraph 21Seconds after the roof blew off the Koshak house, John yelled, “Up the stairs--into our bedroom! Count the kids.”The children huddled in the slashing rain within the circle of adults. Grandmother Koshak implored, “Children, let’s sing!”The children were too frightened to respond. She carried on alone for a few bars; then her voice trailed away.Paragraph 22Debris flew as the living-room fireplace and its chimney collapsed. With two walls in their bedroom sanctuary beginning to disintegrate, John ordered, “Into the television room!” This was the room farthest from the direction of the storm.Paragraph 23For an instant, John put his arm around his wife, Janis understood. Shivering from the wind and rain and fear, clutching 2 children to her, she thought. Dear Lord, give me the strength to endure what I have to. She felt anger against the hurricane. We won’t let it win.Paragraph 24Pop Koshak raged silently, frustrated at not being able to do anything to fight Camaille. Without reason, he dragged a cedar chest and a double mattress from a bedroom into the TV room. At that moment, the wind tore out one wall and extinguished the lantern. A second wall moved, waved, Charlie Hill tried to support it, but it toppled on him, injuring his back. The house, shuddering and rocking, had moved 25 feet from its foundations. The world seemed to be breaking apart.Paragraph 25“let’s get that mattress up!” John shouted to his father. “Make it a lean-to against the wind. Get the kids under it. We can prop it up with our heads and shoulders!”Paragraph 26The larger children sprawled on the floor, with the smaller ones in a layer on top of them, and the adults bent over all nine. The floor tilted. The box containing the litter of kittens slid off a shelf and vanished in the wind. Spooky flew off the top of a sliding bookcase and also disappeared. The dog cowered with eyes closed. A third wall gave way. Water lapped across the slanting floor. John grabbed a door which was still hinged to one closet wall. “If the floor goes,” he yelled at his father, “ Let’s go the kids on this.”Paragraph 27In that moment, the wind slightly diminished, and the water stopped rising. Then the water began receding. The main thrust of Camille had passed. The Koshaks and their friends had survived.。
肯尼迪就职演说 高级英语第一册课件
新一届美国副总统Biblioteka 登宣誓就职。四、President’s Swearing-In Ceremony
• There have been 54 formal Presidential Inaugural ceremonies, held at over 10 different locations.
五、Inaugural Address
American presidential election system
The general election , held on the second Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each election year. Following the November general election，the President elected will happily prepare his inaugural address for the inauguration ceremony taking place before the U.S. Capitol Building on January 20.
肯尼迪就职演说高级英语第一册课件
Inaugural Address of the US Presidents
by
1
American presidential election system
natural-born American citizen of and over 35 years of age the candidates nominated by the two major parties, the republican and the Democratic. each party holds its national convention every four years, in the summer before the general election. The convention is an assembly of party bosses and activists.
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词汇(Vocabulary) inaugural (adj.) : of an inauguration就职(典礼)的 signify (v.) : be a sign or indication of；mean表明；意味 almighty (adj.) : having unlimited power；all—powerful有无限权力的；全能的 forebear (n.) : an ancester 祖先，祖宗 prescribe (v.) : set down as a rule or direction；order；ordain；direct命令；指示；规定，订立 generosity (n.) : the quality of being generous慷慨；宽宏大量 heir (n.) : person who appears to get some trait from a predecessor or seems to carry on in his tradition继承者；后嗣 foe (n.) : enemy；opponent敌人 undoing (n.) : the act of bringing to ruin，disgrace，or destruction毁灭；破坏 at odds : in disagreement；quarreling意见不一致；有争执 asunder (adv.) : into parts or pieces分成碎片；分散 prey (n.) : a person or thing that falls victim to someone or something牺牲品；掠夺品subversion (n.) : a subverting or being subverted．ruin 颠覆(活动)；破坏 sovereign (adj.) : independent of all others独立自主的 outpace (v.) : surpass；exceed在速度上超过；胜过 invective (n.) : a violent verbal attack．strong criticism，insults, curses, etc.; vituperation 抨击；辱骂，谩骂 shield (n.) : any person or thing that guards，protects，or defends; protection保护人；防护物；保护 writ (n.) : a formal legal document ordering or prohibiting some action命令；律令；文书；传票 adversary (n.) : a person who opposes or fights against another; opponent；enemy对手，反对者；敌手，敌方 anew (adv.) : again重新，再 unleash:release from or as from a leash(解开皮带以)释放 engulf (v.) : swallow up；overwhelm 吞没，淹没，压倒 civility (n.) : politeness．esp. in a merely formal way 礼貌，客气 belabor (v.) : talk about at unnecessary length唠唠叨叨地反复讲 formulate (v.) : put together and express (a theory．plan ,etc.)a systematic way系统地阐述(或提出)(理论、计划等) tap (v.) : draw upon；make use of开发、发掘 heed (v.) : pay close attention to；take careful notice of注意, 留神，留心 beachhead (n.) : a position established by invading troops on an enemy shore；a position gained as a secare starting point for any action；foothold滩头堡，登陆场；立足点 endeavor (n.) : an earnest attempt or effort努力，尽力 testimony (n.) : any form of evidence，indication. etc.；proof证明，证据 embattle (v.) : [常用于被动语态]prepare，array，or set in line for battle使准备战斗，使严阵以待 tribulation (n.) : great misery or distress, as from oppression；deep sorrow苦难；困苦；忧伤 forge (v.) : move forward steadily，as if against difficulties; form；produce(似乎迎着困难)稳步前进；形成；结成 alliance (n.) : a close association for a common objective as of nations，political parties，etc．联盟，联合，同盟 短语 at issue : in dispute；to be decided；at variance；in disagreement意见不一致 例： What is at issue is the extent to which exam results reflect a student’s ability.意见的分歧之处在于考试对于学生能力的影响程度。 at odds : in disagreement；quarrelling，antagonistic意见不一致，有争执 例： IHe was at odds with his colleagues．他与同事意见不合。 east off : to discard；abandon；disown丢弃，摆脱 例： A haven of tranquility where you can cast off the strains and stress of life．一个可以摆脱生活重负的宁静港湾 beyond doubt : certainly毫无疑问 例： She was beyond doubt one of the finest swimmers in the school．毫无疑问，她在学校里游泳游得最棒。 课文翻译 我们今天举行的不是一个政党的祝捷大会，而是一次自由的庆典。这是一个承先启后、继往开来的大事件。因为刚才我已依照我们的先辈在将近一又四分之三个世纪以前拟好的誓言在诸位和全能的上帝面前庄严宣誓。 当今的世界已与往昔大不相同了。人类手中已掌握的力量，既足以消除一切形式的人类贫困，也足以结束一切形式的人类生活。然而，我们的先辈曾为之奋斗的革命信念至今仍未能为举世所公认。这信念就是认定人权出自上帝所赐而非得自政府的恩典。 我们今天仍未敢忘记我们是第一次革命战争的接班人。此时此地我谨向我们的朋友，同时也向我们的敌人宣告：火炬已传到我们新一代美国人手中。这一代人在本世纪成长起来，经受过战火的锻炼，经历过冷峻的和平的考验，以珍视古老的传统而自豪，又决不愿坐视或容许人权逐渐遭到践踏。美国对这些人权一向负有责任，今天我们也正在本国及全世界范围内为之奋斗。 必须让每一个友邦和敌国都知道：为维护自由，使其长存不灭，我们将会不惜付出任何代价，肩负任何重担，迎战一切困难，援助一切朋友，反击一切敌人。 以上这些是我们保证要做到的——但我们保证要做到的还不止这些。 对于那些与我们有着共同的文化和精神渊源的传统盟邦，我们保证将报之以真诚不渝的友谊。只要我们团结起来，我们在许多合作性事业中就会无往而不胜；而一旦彼此分裂，我们就会无所作为。因为我们之间若起争端，彼此离异，便难以与我们面临的强大对手抗衡。 对于那些我们欢迎其加入自由国家行列的各新兴国家，浅们发誓，一种形式的殖民统治的结束绝不应仅是为了被另一种远为残酷的暴政所取代。我们并不期望这些国家总是支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们始终能够坚决地卫护自己的自由，并时刻牢记，过去那些企图骑上虎背为自己壮声势的愚人结果都没能逃脱葬身虎腹的命运。 对于那些居住在遍布半个地球的茅舍荒村中，正奋力冲破集体贫困的桎梏的各民族，我们保证将尽最大努力帮助他们脱贫自救，不管这样做需要多长时间。这样做并不是因为怕共产党会抢先这样做，也不是因为我们想获得那些国家的赞成票，而是因为这样做是正确的。一个自由社会如若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数的富人。 对于我国边界以南的各姊妹国家，我们要作一项特别的保证：把我们美妙的言辞付诸行动，为谋求进步而进行新的合作。帮助自由的人民和自由的国家政府挣脱贫困的锁链。但我们绝不能让这个充满希望的和平革命成为敌对国家的牺牲品。要让所有的邻邦都知道，我们将和他们一起反对外国在美洲任何地区进行的侵略或颠覆。也要让所有别的国家知道，我们这个半球仍得由自己当家做主。 在一个战争因素远远超过和平因素的时代，对于我们唯一的最好的希望赖以寄托的世界主权国家的联盟组织一一联合国，我们重申对它给予支持的保证：阻止其成为一个仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对新兴国家及弱小国家的保护作用，并扩大其职能范围。 最后，对于那些不惜与我们为敌的国家，我们要提出的不是保证而是呼吁：希望双方重新开始努力寻求和平，不要等到科学所释放出来的可怕的破坏力将整个人类推向有计划的或偶然发生的自我毁灭之时。 我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们有了无可置疑的足够的武力时，我们才能有无可置疑的把握避免使用武力。 然而，目前的局势使两大国家集团都感到不安——双方都因现代军备的庞大开支而感到不堪重负，双方都为极端危险的原子武器的不断扩散而理所当然地感到惊慌不安，但双方又都在竞相谋求改变那种使双方都不敢轻易发动导致全人类毁灭的最后决战的小稳定的恐怖均势。 因此，让我们重新开始，双方都记住：礼让并不表示软弱，而诚意则永远需要验证。我们决不能因为惧怕而谈判，但我们也决不要惧怕谈判。 让双方寻求彼此的共同利益所在，而不要在引起分歧的问题上徒费精力。 让双方进行首次谈判，对监督和控制军备制订出严格可行的计划?并且把足以毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于世界各国的绝对管制之下。 让双方致力于揭开科学的奥秘，而不是科学的恐怖。让我们共同努力去探测星空，征服沙漠，消除疾病，开发洋底，并促进艺术和贸易的发展。 让双方一起在世界各个角落听取以赛亚的指示，去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者获得自由”。 如果初次的合作能够减少彼此之间的疑虑的话，那就让我们双方进而开始新的合作吧，不是寻求新的力量均衡，而是建立一个有法制的新世界，使强者公正，弱者安全，和平得以维持。 所有这一切不会在第一个一百天内完成，也不会在第一个一千天内完成，不会在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不会在我们这一辈子完成。但我们要让它从我们手上开始。 同胞们，我们事业的成败关键不仅仅是握在我的手中，更大一部分是握在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾应召验证自己对祖国的忠诚。应召服役的美国青年的坟墓已遍布全球。 如今那号角又在召唤我们了。它不是在号召我们扛起武器一一尽管我们也需要武器，不是在号召我们去参战——尽管我们也准备应战，而是在号召我们肩负起一场长期的艰苦斗争的重任，年复一年，“忍受困苦，向往未来”，为反对人类共同的敌人——暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身——而斗争。 我们能否建立一个把东西南北联在一起的伟大的全球联盟来对付这些敌人，以确保人类享有更为富有成效的生活呢?你是否愿意参加这一具有历史意义的行动呢? 在世界漫长的历史上，只有少数几代人能在自由面临极大危险的时刻被赋予保卫自由的任务。在这一重任面前，我不退缩，我欢迎这一重任。我认为我们中间不会有人愿意与别人或另一代人调换位置。我们从事这一事业的那种精力、信念和献身精神将照耀我们的国家和一切为此出力的人们。这一火焰所发出的光芒将真正照亮这个世界。 因此，美国同胞们，你们应该问的不是你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而是你们自己能为你们的国家做些什么。 和我处在同样地位的世界各国的公民们，你们应该问的不是美国会为你们做些什么，而是我们一起能为人类自由做些什么。 最后，无论你们是美国公民还是世界各国的公民，请以我们在此要求于你们的那种力量和牺牲的高标准反过来要求我们。良心是我们唯一可靠的报酬，历史是我们所作所为的最后裁