尼克松就职演讲

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1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说

1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth.I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are sogreat, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at oneanother--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of ourpeople--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peacefulcompetition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worldstogether--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now addthis sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.我们都是地球的乘客-理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲星期一,1969年1月20日历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝,它既珍贵又独特。

美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)

美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)

美国第37任总统尼克松就职演说(全文)时间:1969年1月20日地点:国会大厦德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们:今天,在这个时刻,我要求你们和我分享这种崇高肃穆的感情。

在有秩序的权力交接中,我们欢庆我们的团结一致,它使我们保有自由。

历史巨轮飞转,分分秒秒的时间都十分宝贵,也独具意义。

但是有些瞬间却成为新的起点,定下其后数十年及至几个世纪的行程。

现在,由于世界人民要求和平,各国领导人惧怕战争,所以在历史上第一次,时代站到了和平方面。

历史能授予的最光荣称号莫过于“和平的缔造者”了。

这最高荣誉现在正召唤美国。

美国有机会引导世界最终从动乱的深渊中拔足,走向人类自有文明以来即梦寐以求的和平宽阔高地。

如果我们能够成功,后辈子孙提到我们现在活着的人时,将会说我们驾驭了我们的时代,为人类求得了世界安全。

三分之一世纪以前,富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经站在这里向全国演说,当时国家正受经济不景气困扰,陷于惶恐中。

他看到国家当时的种种困难,却仍然能够说:“感谢上帝,我国的困难毕竟只在物质方面。

”今天我们的危机正相反。

我们物质丰富,却精神贫乏;我们以非凡的准确程度登上了月球,但地球上却陷入了一片混乱。

我们卷人了战争,没有和平。

我们四分五裂,没有团结。

我们看到周围的人生活空虚,没有充实的内容;我们看到许多工作需要完成,却没有人手去做。

对于精神的危机,我们需要精神的解决办法。

为了找到解决办法,我们只需省视自身。

当我们估量能够做什么时,我们只应许诺能做到的事。

但在制订目标时,却要有远大的理想。

如果你的邻舍没有自由,你就不会得到完全的自由。

只有共同前进才能前进。

这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家,不是分为两个。

法律是按照我们的良心制订的。

剩下的问题就是赋予法律条文以生命:保证既然一切人在上帝面前生来就有同等的尊严,在人的面前也应有同等的尊严。

我们在国内要学会团结所有人共同前进,让我们也努力求得全人类的共同前进吧。

尼克松总统英文演讲稿

尼克松总统英文演讲稿

尼克松总统英文演讲稿第一篇:尼克松总统英文演讲稿晚上好!亲爱的同胞们:Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.今晚,我想与各位探讨一个问题,这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。

I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy.The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.我认为,在关于越南战争一事上,大家的观点出现了严重分歧的一个重要原因在于:很多美国民众对我们的政府所宣扬的政策已失去了信心。

当前情况下,除非美国人民真正认清政策本质,否则不能也不应该被要求去支持涉及战争与和平等重大问题的政策。

Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.所以,今晚,我想借此机会回答一些问题,一些萦绕在你们许多人脑海中的问题。

尼克松总统就职演讲:共同奋进的时刻

尼克松总统就职演讲:共同奋进的时刻

尼克松总统就职演讲:共同奋进的时刻尼克松总统就职演讲:共同奋进的时刻尊敬的议长先生、尊敬的尼克松夫人、尊敬的尼克松总统,以及各位尊敬的贵宾们:在这历史性的时刻,我感到无比荣幸能站在这里,代表美国人民,作为美利坚合众国的第37任总统就职。

今天是一个值得庆祝的日子,标志着我们共同奋进的时刻,一个新的篇章即将开启。

尼克松总统就职演讲的主题是“共同奋进的时刻”,这体现出了他对国家发展、国民团结的期许和承诺。

同时,这也是对历史上曾经的困境和挑战的回顾,以及未来发展的展望。

在这篇演讲中,尼克松总统传递了一种深入人心、令人动容的情感,以及他对美国未来的远见和决心。

尼克松总统在演讲中提到了过去的困境和挑战。

他说:“长久以来,我们一直面临着许多困境,内部矛盾和分歧导致了我们的不断衰退。

”这种真诚的反思,让人们不禁回想起美国历史上的苦难时期,如经济大萧条和民主制度的动荡期。

然而,尼克松总统并未止步于对问题的描述,而是呼吁全美国民众要携手共建一个更加美好的未来。

尼克松总统强调了国家团结的重要性。

他说:“团结是我们追求未来荣耀的基石。

”他明确指出,唯有在全体国民紧密团结的基础上,才能迈向更广阔的前进道路。

尼克松总统寄语全国人民,呼吁不分派别、不分敌我,彼此信任和支持,共同为国家的利益奋斗。

这种团结,不仅仅是政府和国会的团结,更是全社会各阶层的团结,包括工人、农民、学生、企业家、知识分子等。

只有当我们众志成城,释放出团结的力量,我们才能在接下来的岁月里跨越困难,赢得更大的成功。

尼克松总统还谈到了国内外的挑战。

他提到了停止战争、重建和平的重要性,同时也强调了国内经济和社会的稳定与发展。

他强调:“我们需要制定一个在对国内问题和对外政策上都能够坚守的方针。

”这体现出了他对外交政策的关注和重视。

尼克松总统的就职演讲充满着对于国家发展的理念和远见,他认为只有通过坚持和平、国内外政策的平衡,我们才能推动国家的繁荣和发展。

尼克松总统在演讲中还强调了国家的道德观念和公共负担。

尼克松总统就职演讲:实现和平的机会

尼克松总统就职演讲:实现和平的机会

尼克松总统就职演讲:实现和平的机会:今天,我非常荣幸地站在这里向全球宣誓:我将尽我的全力,保护和支持美国宪法,为了实现和平,我将全身心地服务于美国。

在我就职之前,我想表达我对于我前任总统林登·约翰逊在多年领导期间所付出的努力和贡献的敬意。

尽管我们有很多分歧,但他为美国所做的事情是值得我们感激和尊重的。

今天,我站在这里接受美国人民的信任和重托,成为这个伟大国家的第37任总统。

我非常感激美国人民给予我的机会,以及选择我领导我们国家的信任。

我很清楚,我就任总统之时,美国和其他国家面临着很多挑战,我们的世界正面临着各种各样的威胁和风险。

但我相信,这些挑战也是我们机遇的一部分。

我们要以全新的思维方式和方法来解决这些问题,并利用这些机遇,推动我们的国家和整个世界向更加美好的未来发展。

我相信,实现和平的机会从来没有像现在这样强大。

尽管我们面临着恐怖主义、贫穷、疾病、环境和人权等问题,但我相信,这些问题并不是无法解决的。

我们所有的人都要为实现和平和繁荣而努力奋斗,我们要为我们的未来而努力工作,为我们子孙后代留下一个更美好的世界。

我认为,我们应该以创新和开放的精神去思考,利用先进的科技、方法和策略,加强我们与其他国家和地区之间的合作,共同着眼于为更广大的人民谋求福祉。

我们要在全球范围内加强国际关系和合作。

这不仅需要我们像以往一样维护自身国家利益,还需要我们思考、关注其他国家的利益,以及对全球化和国际贸易等问题的看法。

我们要多方位交流、多方位探讨,一起为实现和平、安全和繁荣而努力奋斗。

只有这样,我们才能创造出一个受益广泛、相互依存的世界。

此外,我们也要在国内继续努力,确保我们的人民能够过上更加美好的生活。

我们要加强经济发展,提高教育水平,改善医疗和社会保障体系等,让所有美国人有机会获得实现自我价值的机会,并为我们的社会发展做出贡献。

我要再次向全球宣誓:我将尽我的全力,保护和支持美国宪法,为了实现和平,我将全身心地服务于美国。

尼克松总统就职演讲:为国家带来希望的时刻

尼克松总统就职演讲:为国家带来希望的时刻

尼克松总统就职演讲:为国家带来希望的时刻为国家带来希望的时刻尊敬的各位国会议员、联邦最高法院大法官、各位外宾以及所有美国人民:今天,我们在这里共同见证了一个令人振奋的时刻——我正式就任美利坚合众国总统。

我深感荣幸和谦逊地站在这个宏伟而富有历史意义的国会大厦的讲台上,与你们分享我对国家的愿景和期望。

我们的国家面临着重大的挑战。

经历了长期的内外困境,美国人民渴望找回自己的身份和自豪感。

我们的经济发展受到了困扰,就业率下降,通胀问题严重,社会不公平现象日益严重。

此外,冷战的阴霾继续笼罩着国际舞台,国与国之间的紧张局势时刻威胁着世界和平。

然而,尽管我们面临的困难重重,我坚信,这个时刻蕴含着巨大的希望。

因为我相信,只要我们团结一心,共同努力,我们就能够化解困境,为国家和人民带来更加美好的未来。

在经济方面,我们将致力于重振美国的经济实力。

我们将采取必要的措施,鼓励企业创新和投资,减少税负和繁琐的监管,改善商业环境。

同时,我们也会加大对教育、科技和基础设施的投资,以提高我们的人力资本和国家竞争力。

我们将努力实现全民就业,促进经济增长,消除贫困和不平等现象,让每个美国人都能够分享到国家繁荣的成果。

在国际事务中,我们将积极推动世界和平与合作。

我们将本着互相尊重和互利共赢的原则,与世界各国展开对话与合作,共同应对气候变化、恐怖主义、贫困等全球性挑战。

我们将坚守国际法治和多边主义原则,维护国际关系稳定,推动解决世界各地的冲突与纷争。

我们将加强与盟友的合作,拓展与新兴国家的伙伴关系,共同构建一个和平、稳定、繁荣的世界。

此外,为了重塑国家精神和凝聚人民力量,我们将加强国内的社会改革和文化建设。

我们将推动公民意识的培养,倡导公正、平等、宽容和尊重多元化的价值观。

我们将投入更多的资源,改善教育体系,提高人民的素质和能力。

我们将加大社会福利和医疗保障的覆盖范围,确保每个人都能够享受到基本的生活保障和公平的机会。

我要向所有美国人民发出呼吁:我们需要团结一心,共同为国家的未来努力奋斗。

尼克松辞职演讲中文稿

尼克松辞职演讲中文稿

尼克松辞职演讲中文稿尊敬的美国人民:今天,我在这里宣布,我将辞去美国总统的职务。

尽管这是我作为总统的最后一天,但我仍然对我的领导承诺感到无比荣幸和自豪。

我深深意识到,我提出这项决定的根本原因是为了避免进一步的争议和分裂。

我相信,美国需要一个团结的领导者,一个能够使国家重新建立起和谐和信心的领导者。

然而,我也要承认,作为总统,我曾犯下一些错误,而这些错误可能会给国家和人民带来伤害。

因此,我决定辞去总统职务,为了避免对国家和人民造成进一步的伤害。

当我担任总统时,我有幸带领美国迈向繁荣和和平。

我们取得了许多重大的成就,包括结束越南战争、改善与中国的关系以及实现两大超级大国的军事平衡。

我引入了一系列的政策和法案,以推动经济增长和社会发展。

这些成就是共和党和民主党的努力的结果,是每个美国人民的共同努力的结果。

然而,我也要诚实地面对过去的错误和误判。

1972年的水门事件给我个人和政府带来了极大的困扰。

虽然我并非直接参与这些违法行为,但我承认在调查过程中存在着误导和掩盖真相之嫌。

这些丑闻严重损害了公众对政府的信任,对我们民主体制的稳定和合法性造成了质疑。

在这里,我要向所有受到水门事件影响的人表示真诚的歉意。

我深感愧疚,因为我没有提供足够的领导力来防止这些违法行为的发生。

我对国家和人民的这种背叛深感痛心,并为此深感忧虑。

作为美国总统,我对我的行为和决策负有最终的责任。

相信我,我从中吸取了深刻的教训,并且我深信,这个伟大的国家拥有能够带领它走向更加辉煌未来的能力和智慧。

因此,我决定辞去总统职务,以允许一个更能够团结整个国家的领导者上任。

我呼吁全体美国人民团结起来,共同促进国家的发展和繁荣。

我们需要摆脱分裂和争议,重新回到团结和进步的轨道上。

我相信,只有通过合作和相互尊重,我们才能够实现这一目标。

尽管我今天将离开这个职位,但我永远都会热爱和关心美国,愿意为这个国家做出贡献。

我要感谢那些一直支持我的人,以及所有为国家和人民服务的人们。

美国历届总统就职演讲稿

美国历届总统就职演讲稿

美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一,每当一个新总统上任时,他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲,宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。

这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一,它们描绘了该国的未来方向,同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。

现在,让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。

华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时,他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。

在他的演讲中,华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性,并试图消除各个州之间的分歧,奠定了美国政府的基础。

林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。

在恢复国家的艰难时期,林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号,他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。

罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中,承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。

他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言,鼓舞了美国人的信心,促进了国家的复苏。

肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。

他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么,而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言,这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。

尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中,承诺结束越南战争,并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。

他表示,他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。

这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革,缩小了美国社会的分裂。

奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统,并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。

他的演讲中,奥巴马渲染了美国困境,特别是经济上的困境,并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。

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6. Richard Nixon - Checkers
My Fellow Americans,
I come before you
tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.
Now, the usual political thing to do when
charges are made against you is to either ignore
them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that
in the United States, particularly with the present
Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of
the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in
the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.
I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to
tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you
have read the charge, and you've heard it, that
I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.
Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong.
I'm saying, incidentally, that it was
wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that
isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong if
any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use.
I say that it was morally
wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any
of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.
And now to answer those questions let
me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any
other money of that type ever went to
me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to
pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret
fund.
As a matter of fact, when
I was on "Meet the Press" some
of you may have seen it last Sunday Peter
Edson came up to me after the program, and he
said, "Dick, what about
this "fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's no
secret about
it. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him
[Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will
find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to
the Government.。

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